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Discovering Diverse Content Through
Random Scribd Documents
length for sodeyne land waters, putting the residue of the mony to
making of the castel of Hanley . . .
“King John gave to the mayntenance of this bridge the hole tolle
of the Wensday and Saturday markets in the towne, the which they
yet possesse, turnyng it rather holely to their owne profit then
reparation of the bridge.”67
The maintenance of the roads much resembled that of the
bridges; that is to say, it greatly depended upon chance, opportunity,
or the goodwill or piety of those to whom the adjoining land
belonged. In the case of roads, as of bridges, petitions were sent to
Parliament asking that a tax be levied for the repair of the road upon
those who used it: an early attempt at the establishment of that toll
system which survived in England until the highways were
“disturnpiked” in the second half of the nineteenth century. “Walter
Godelak of Walingford, prays for the establishment of a custom to be
{80} collected from every cart of merchandise using the road between

Jowermersh and Newenham, on account of the depth and for the

repair of the said way. Reply: The King will do nothing therein.”68
Again, a lady arrogates to herself the right to levy a tax on all
comers: “To our lord the King show the commonalty of the people of
Nottinghamshire passing between Kelm and Newur, that whereas the
King’s highway between the said two towns has been wont to be for
all persons freely to pass, on horseback, in carts, and on foot from
time immemorial, the Lady of Egrum has got hold to herself of the
said road in severalty, taking from those passing along there
grievous ransoms and exactions, in disheritance of the King and his
crown and to the great hurt of the people.” The king orders an
inquest.69
 Even a bishop would occasionally set a bad example, though
bound more than any to set a good one. The inhabitants of
Huntingdonshire and “the Island of Ely” remonstrate in 1314–15,
because the men of those parts, either on foot or on horseback,
have always used the Horketh causeway, “which causway the bishop
of Ely is bound to repair and maintain, they say, for certain rents
which he gets; and the causway is broken by the fault of the bishop,
and the same bishop does not allow ships to pass there under the
bridge without levying a heavy water tax (“theolonium”), which tax
ought to be applied to the reparation and maintenance of the same
bridge and causway, and they crave remedy.” An inquest is
ordered.70
Sometimes the sheriffs in their turns ordered the levy of taxes on
those who did not repair the roads; the law, as we have seen,
allowed it; but those who were fined protested before Parliament
under the pretext that the {81} roads and the bridges were “sufficient
enough”:—“Item, humbly pray the Commons of your realm, as well
spiritual as temporal, complaining that several sheriffs of your
kingdom feign and procure presentments in their turns that divers
roads, bridges, and causways are defective from non-reparation,
with purpose and intent to amerce abbots, priors, and seculars,
sometimes up to ten pounds, sometimes more, sometimes less, and
levy the said amercements by their officers called out-riders, without
delay or any reply of the parties, in places where the said roads,
bridges, and causeys are sufficient enough, or perhaps are not in
charge of the said amerced men.” Reply: “Let the common law be
kept, and the amercements reasonable in this case.”71
 Where negligence began, the ruts, or rather the quags, began.
Those numerous little subterranean arches, which the foot-
passenger now does not even notice, made to carry off rivulets dry
during a part of the year, did not exist then, and the rivulet flowed
through the road. In the East at the present day, the caravaneers
talk in the bazaars of the town about the roads and pathways; we
speak of them ourselves on returning home, as books of travel
show. There, however, a road is often nothing else than a place
along which men are accustomed to pass; it little resembles the
dignified highways the idea of which the word road evokes in
European minds. During the rainy season pools of water cut off the
ordinary track of the horsemen and camels; they increase little by
little, and at {82} length overflow and form temporary rivers. At
evening the sun sets in the heavens and also in the empurpled road;
the innumerable puddles along the way, dotting the ground, reflect
the red flaming clouds; the wet horses and splashed riders shiver in
the midst of all these glimmerings, while overhead and underfoot
the two suns approach one another to meet on the horizon. The
roads of the Middle Ages sometimes were like those of the modern
East; the sunsets were magnificent after showers, but to face long
journeys one had to be a robust horseman, inured to fatigue, with
unshakable health. The usual education and training prepared
people, it is true, for all these trials.
The roads in England would have been entirely impassable, and
religious zeal would, no more than the indulgences of the Bishop of
Durham and his peers, have been sufficient to keep them in
condition, if the nobility and the clergy, that is to say, the mass of
the landed proprietors, had not had an immediate and daily interest
in maintaining possible roads. The English kings had had the
prudence not to form great compact fiefs like those which they
themselves owned in France, and which made of them such
dangerous vassals. Their own example had taught them, and, from
the beginning, they are found distributing to the shareholders in that
great undertaking, the Conquest, domains scattered in every part of
the island. This kind of chequered proprietorship, still subsisting in
the fourteenth century, was noticed by Froissart: “And several
times,” he says, giving an account of a talk with his friend and
patron, Edward le Despenser,72 “it happened that when I rode about
the country with him, for the lands and revenues of the English
barons are here and there and much scattered, he called me and
said: ‘Froissart, do you see that great town with the high steeple?’
{83}

“ ‘Yes, my lord,’ I answered, ‘Why do you say so?’

“ ‘I say so because it should be mine, but there was a bad queen
in this country who took all from us.’
“And thus, on one occasion or another, did he show me, here and
there in England, more than forty such places.”73
The tragic fated Despensers were not alone in having the lands
which they owed to the prince’s favour sown haphazard in every
county; all the great of their rank were in the same case. The king
himself, with all his court, as well as the landed nobility, ceaselessly
went from one country place to another,74 partly from choice and
partly because they could not do otherwise. In times of peace it was
a semblance of activity that was not displeasing, but especially it
was an economical necessity. All, however rich, were obliged, like
landowners of every age, to live upon the produce of their domains,
first of one, then of the other, and as they went from place to place,
it was very important for them to have passable roads, where their
horses would not stumble and where their baggage wagons, which
served for veritable removals, might have a chance of not being
overturned.
Military necessity, Scottish wars, French wars, Welsh or Irish wars
had a similar effect, and so had, to a degree, nowadays incredible,
the kings’ passion for hawking. They did not want to be stopped
when following their birds by a broken bridge, and they would order
the commonalty, whether or not it was bound to do so, to make
prompt repairs in view of their coming. Hence Article 23 in the Great
Charter, meant to check this {84} propensity: “Let no community or
man be constrained to make bridges on rivers except those who
were legally bound from old to do so.” As late, however, as October
6, 1373, we find that Edward III commanded “the sheriff of
Oxfordshire to declare that all bridges should be repaired and all
fords marked out with stakes for the crossing of the King ‘with his
falcons’ during the approaching winter season.”75
In the same way the monks, those vast-landed husbandmen,
were much interested in the proper maintenance of the roads. Their
agricultural undertakings were of considerable extent; an abbey such
as that of Meaux, near Beverley, had in the middle of the fourteenth
century, 2,638 sheep, 515 oxen, and 98 horses, with land in
proportion.76 Besides, as we have seen, the care of watching over
the good condition of the roads was more incumbent on the clergy
than on any other class, because it was a pious and meritorious
work.
 All these motives combined were enough to provide roads
sufficient for the usual needs, but in those days people were content
with little. Carts and even carriages were heavy, lumbering, solid
machines, which stood the hardest jolts. People of any worth
journeyed on horseback, the use of a carriage being exceptional. As
to those who travelled on foot, they were used to all sorts of misery.
Little then sufficed; and if other proofs were wanting of the state
into which the roads were liable to fall, even in the most frequented
places, we should find them in a patent of Edward III of November
20, 1353, which orders the paving of the highroad, alta via, running
from Temple Bar to Westminster. This road, being almost a street,
had been paved, but, the king explains, it is “so full of holes and
bogs . . . and the pavement is so damaged {85} and broken,” that the
traffic has become very dangerous for men and carts. He orders, in
consequence, each landowner on both sides of the road to remake,
at his own expense, a footway of seven feet up to the ditch, usque
canellum. The middle of the road—inter canellos—the width of which
is unfortunately not given, is to be paved, and the expense covered
by means of a tax laid on all the merchandise going to the staple at
Westminster.77
Three years later a general tax was laid by the City of London on
all carts and horses bringing merchandise or materials of any kind to
the town. The regulation which imposed it, of the thirtieth year of
Edward III, first states that all the roads in the immediate environs
of London are in such bad condition that the carriers, merchants,
etc., “are oftentimes in peril of losing what they bring.” Henceforth,
to help the reparations, a due will be levied on all vehicles and all
laden beasts coming to or going from the city; a penny per cart and
a farthing per horse each way; reductions were granted in case of
constant traffic: a cart bringing sand, gravel, or clay, paid only
threepence a week. By an article the unfairness of which had
nothing exceptional, the richer were made to pay less than the
poorer: “But for the carts and horses of great people and other folks
that bring their own victuals and other goods for the use and
consumption of their own hostels, nothing shall be taken.”78
The environs of Paris about the same time presented roads and
bridges quite as badly kept as those in the neighbourhood of
London. Charles VI, in one of his ordinances, states that the hedges
and brambles have greatly encroached on the roads, and that there
are even some in the midst of which trees have shot up: {86}
“Outside the said town of Paris, in several parts of the suburbs,
prévosté and vicomté of the same, there are many notable and
ancient highways, bridges, lanes, and roads, which are much
injured, damaged, or decayed and otherwise hindered, by ravines of
water and great stones, by hedges, brambles, and many other trees
which have grown there, and by many other supervening
hindrances, because they have not been maintained and provided
for in time past; and they are in such a bad state that they cannot
be securely used on foot or horseback, nor by vehicles, without
great perils and inconveniences; and some of them are entirely
abandoned because men cannot resort there.” The Provost of Paris
is ordered to cause the repairs to be made by all to whom it
pertained; and, if necessary, to compel by force “all” the inhabitants
of the towns in the neighbourhood of the bridges and highways to
help in the work.79
 15. THE PARLIAMENT SITTING AT WESTMINSTER, OCT., 1399.
(From the Harl. MS. 1319, painted circa A.D. 1400.)

But what makes us understand better than ordinances the

difficulty of journeys in bad weather, and enables us to picture to
ourselves flooded roads resembling those of the East in the rainy
season, is the impossibility sometimes acknowledged in official
documents of responding to the most important royal summons,
owing to the inclemency of the elements. Thus, for example, it
might happen that the bulk of the members called to Parliament
from all parts of England would fail at the appointed day, for no
other reason than bad weather having, as the event showed, caused
the roads to be impassable. The record of the sittings of the second
Parliament of the thirteenth year of Edward III (1339) show that it
was necessary to declare to the few representatives of the Commons
and of the nobility who had been able to reach Westminster, “that
because the prelates, earls, barons, and {89} other lords and knights
of the shires, citizens and burgesses of cities and boroughs were so
troubled by the bad weather that they could not arrive that day, it
would be proper to await their coming.”80
Yet these members were not poor folks, they had good horses,
good coats, thick cloaks covering their necks up to their hats, with
large hanging sleeves falling over their knees;81 no matter: the snow
or the rain, the floods or the frost, had been the stronger. Battling
against the weather that hampered their journey, prelates, barons,
or knights, halted their steeds at some roadside inn, and as they
listened to the tap of the sleet on the wooden panels closing the
window, with their feet at the fire in the smoky room while awaiting
the subsidence of the waters, they must have thought on the royal
displeasure which soon, no doubt, would show itself in the “painted
chamber” at Westminster. In short, though there were roads, though
land was burdened with service for their support, though laws from
time to time recalled their obligations to the owners of the soil,
though the private interest of lords and of monks, in addition to the
interest of the public, gave occasion to reparation now and then, the
fate of the traveller in a snowfall or in a thaw was very precarious.
Well might the Church have pity on him, and include him, together
with the sick and the captive, among the unfortunates whom she
recommended to the daily prayers of pious souls.82 {90}
 16. A COMMON CART.
(From the MS. 10 E. IV. in the British Museum. English; Fourteenth Century.)

CHAPTER II
THE ORDINARY TRAVELLER AND THE CASUAL
PASSER-BY
I
Thus kept up, the roads stretched away from the towns and plunged
into the country, interrupted by rivulets in winter and dotted with
holes; the heavy carts slowly followed their devious course, and the
sound of creaking wood accompanied the vehicle. These carts were
numerous and in very common use. Some were square-shaped
timbrels, simple massive boxes made of planks borne on two
wheels; others, somewhat lighter, were formed of slatts latticed with
a willow trellis. To add to their solidity, the wheels were studded with
big-headed nails.83 Both sorts were used for labour in the {91}
country; they were to be found everywhere, and as they abounded
their hire was not expensive. Twopence for carrying a ton weight a
distance of one mile was the average price; for carrying corn, it was
about a penny a mile per ton.84 All this does not prove that the
roads were excellent, but that these carts, indispensable to
agriculture, were numerous. They did not cost much to the villagers,
who usually were the makers thereof; they were built solid and
massive because they were easier to set up thus and resisted better
the jolts of the roads; a modest remuneration would suffice for their
owners. The king always employed a number; when he moved from
one manor to another, the brilliant cortège of the lords was followed
by an army of loud-creaking borrowed carts.
The official purveyors found the carts wherever they went and
freely appropriated them; they exercised their requisitions ten
leagues on either side of the road followed by the royal convoy. They
even took without scruple the carts of travellers who had come
perhaps thirty or forty leagues distance, and whose journey was
thus abruptly interrupted. There were indeed statutes against forced
loans, which specifically provided that suitable payment should be
made, that is to say, “ten pence a day for a cart with two horses,
and fourteen pence for a cart with three horses.” But often no
payment came. The “poor Commons” renewed their protests, the
parliament their statutes, and the purveyors their exactions.
Besides the carts they required corn, hay, oats, beer, meat; it was
a little army that had to be fed, and the requisitions caused the
villagers painful apprehension. People did what they could to be
exempted; the simplest way was to bribe the purveyor, but the poor
could not. Yet numberless regulations had successively promised {92}
that there should never be any further abuse. The king was
powerless; under an imperfect government, laws created to last for
ever rapidly lose their vitality, and those made at that time died in a
day.
Purveyors swarmed; impostors gave themselves out as king’s
officers who were not, and did not prove the least greedy. All bought
at inadequate prices and limited themselves to fair promises of
payment. The statute of 1330 shows how these payments never
came; how also when twenty-five quarters of corn were taken only
twenty were reckoned because they were measured by “the heaped
bushel.”85 In the same way, for hay, straw, etc., the purveyors found
means to reckon at a halfpenny what was worth two or three pence;
they ordered that supplies of wine should be held in readiness for
them, kept the best for themselves in order to sell it again to their
own profit, and exacted payment for returning a part to the original
owners, which was a strange reversal of things. The king
acknowledged all these evils and decreed reforms accordingly. A
little later he did so again, with no more result. In 1362 he declared
that henceforth the purveyors should pay ready money at the
current market price; and he gravely added, as an important
guarantee, that the purveyors should lose their detested name and
should be called buyers: “that the heinous name of purveyor be
changed, and named achatour.”86 A word reform, if any.87
 17. A REAPER’S CART GOING UP-HILL.
(From the Louterell Psalter; Fourteenth Century; “Vetusta Monumenta,” vol. vi.)

The same abuses existed in France, and numerous ordinances

may be read in the pages of Isambert, conceived in exactly the same
spirit and corresponding to {95} the same complaints; ordinances of
Philip the Fair in 1308, of Louis X in 1342, of Philip VI, who willed
that the “preneurs pour nous” (takers for us), should not take unless
they had “new letters from us,” which shows the existence of false
purveyors as in England. John of France renews all the restrictions of
his predecessors, December 25, 1355, and so on.
The king and his lords journeyed on horseback for the most part,
but they had carriages too. Nothing gives a better idea of the
awkward, cumbersome luxury which gave its splendour to civil life
during this century, than the structure of these heavy machines. The
best had four wheels, and were drawn by three or four horses, one
behind the other, one of them mounted by a postilion provided with
a short-handled whip of many thongs; solid beams rested on the
axles, and above this framework rose an archway rounded like a
tunnel;88 an ungainly whole. But the details were extremely elegant,
the wheels were carved and their spokes expanded near the hoop
into ribs forming pointed arches; the beams were painted and
gilded, the inside was hung with those dazzling tapestries, the glory
of the age; the seats were furnished with embroidered cushions; a
lady might stretch out there, half sitting, half lying; pillows were
placed in the corners as if to invite sleep or meditation, square
windows opened on the sides and were hung with silk curtains.89 {96}
Thus travelled the noble lady, slim in form, tightly clad in a dress
which outlined every curve of the body, her long slender hands
caressing the favourite dog or bird. The knight, equally tight in his
cote-hardie, looked at her with a complacent eye, and, if he knew
good manners, opened his heart to his nonchalant companion in
long phrases imitated from romances, themselves supposed to
imitate the language of his peers. The broad forehead of the lady,
who has perhaps coquettishly plucked out some of her hair as well
as her eyebrows, a process about which satirists were bitter,90
brightens up occasionally, and her smile is like a ray of sunshine.
Meanwhile the axles groan, the horse-shoes crunch the ground, the
machine advances by fits and starts, descends into the hollows,
bounds all of a piece at the ditches, and comes down with a heavy
thud. The knight must speak pretty loud to make his dainty
discourse, Round Table flavoured, heard by his companion. So trivial
a necessity ever sufficed to break the charm of the most delicate
thought; too many shocks shake the flower, and when the knight
presents it, it has lost its perfumed pollen.
 18. AN ENGLISH CARRIAGE OF THE FOURTEENTH CENTURY.
(From the Louterell Psalter.)

The possession of such a carriage was a princely luxury. They

were bequeathed by will from one to another, and the heirloom was
valuable. On September 25, 1355, Elizabeth de Burgh, Lady Clare,
wrote her last will and endowed her eldest daughter with “her great
carriage {99} with the covertures, carpets, and cushions.” In the
twentieth year of Richard II Roger Rouland received £400 sterling
“for making the Queen’s chariot”; and John le Charer, in the sixth of
Edward III, received £1,000 for the carriage of the Lady Eleanor.91
These were enormous sums. In the fourteenth century the average
price of an ox was thirteen shillings, one penny farthing; of a sheep,
one shilling and five pence; of a cow, nine shillings and five pence;
and a penny for a fowl.92 Lady Eleanor’s carriage thus represented
the value of a herd of sixteen hundred oxen.
Scarcely less ornamented were the horse-litters sometimes used
by people of rank, especially by ladies. They were of the same shape
as the carriages, being covered with a sort of rounded vault, in
which were cut more or less large openings. Two horses carried
them, one before, the other behind, each being placed between the
shafts with which the contrivance was provided at both ends.93
 Between these luxurious carriages and the peasants’ carts there
was nothing analogous to the multitude of middle-class conveyances
to which we are now accustomed; the middle class itself being as
yet but imperfectly developed. True, there were some not so
expensive as {100} those belonging to the princesses of Edward’s
Court, but not many. Every one at this time knew how to ride on
horseback, and it was much more practical to use one’s mount than
the heavy vehicles of the period. One went much faster, and was
more certain to arrive. “The Paston Letters” show that matters had
changed little in the fifteenth century. John Paston being ill in
London, his wife wrote asking him to return as soon as he could
bear the horse-ride; the idea of returning in a carriage did not even
occur to them. Yet it was a serious case, “a grete dysese.”
 19. A YOUNG SQUIRE (CHAUCER’S SQUIRE) TRAVELLING ON HORSEBACK.
(From the Ellesmere MS.)

Margaret Paston writes on September 28, 1443, “If I might have

had my will, I should have seen you ere this time; I would ye were
at home, if it were your ease, and your sore might be as well looked
to here as it is where {103} ye be, now liefer than a gown though it
were of scarlet. I pray you if your sore be whole, and so that ye may
endure to ride, when my father comes to London, that ye will ask
leave, and come home, when the horse shall be sent home again,
for I hope ye should be kept as tenderly here as ye be at London.”94
 20. TRAVELLING IN A HORSE LITTER.
(From the MS. 118 Français, in the Bibliothèque Nationale, late Fourteenth Century.)

Women were accustomed to riding almost as much as men, and

when they had to travel they usually did it on horseback. A
peculiarity of their horsemanship, which we have seen of late
becoming again the fashion after a lapse of five centuries, was that
they habitually rode astride. The custom of riding sideways did not
spread in England before the latter part of the fourteenth century,
and even then it was not general. In the invaluable manuscript of
the Decretals in the British Museum,95 ladies on horseback are
constantly represented, always riding astride. At one place96 horses
are shown being brought for a knight and a lady; both saddles are
exactly the same; each have tall backs, so as to form a sort of
comfortable chair. The numerous ivories of the fourteenth century in
the Victoria and Albert Museum and in the British Museum often
represent a lady and her lover, both on horseback, and hawking. In
almost all cases the lady unmistakably rides astride. Both ways of
riding are shown in the fifteenth-century illuminations in the
Ellesmere manuscript of Chaucer’s “Canterbury Tales.” The wife of
Bath rides astride, with large spurs; the prioress sits sideways.
 II
There were few places in England where the sight of the royal
train was not familiar. For the motives {104} mentioned above, the
Court’s journeys were incessant. The royal itineraries that have come
down to us throw a flood of light on this continual need of
movement. The itinerary of King John shows that he rarely passed a
month in the same place, most frequently he did not even remain
there a week. Within a fortnight he is often found at five or six
different towns or castles.97 The same with Edward I, who, as we
have seen, would change his abode three times every fortnight.98
And when the king moved, not only was he preceded by twenty-
four archers in his pay, receiving threepence a day,99 but he was
accompanied by all those officers whom the author of “Fleta”
enumerates with so much complacency. The sovereign took with him
his two marshals, his outer marshal (forinsecus) who in time of war
disposed the armies for battle, selected the halting-places on his
journeys, and at all times arrested malefactors found in the virgata
regia, that is to say, within twelve leagues around his dwelling;100
and his inner marshal (intrinsecus), who guarded the palace and
castles, and cleared them as much as possible of courtesans. He
collected from every common harlot (meretrice communi) four pence
by way of fine the first time that he arrested her; if she returned she
was brought before the steward, who solemnly forbid her ever to
present herself at the dwelling of the king, queen, or their children;
the third time she was imprisoned and the tresses of her hair were
shorn off; {107} the fourth time one of those hideous punishments
was resorted to which the Middle Ages in their brutality tolerated;
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