Cities 143 (2023) 104578

Contents lists available at ScienceDirect

Cities
journal homepage: www.elsevier.com/locate/cities

Expanding the Playful City: Planning for older adult play

A R T I C L E I N F O A B S T R A C T

Keywords: In city planning, as in society, play is considered to be an activity only for children. But why? Play has incredible
Older adults physical and mental benefits for people of all ages. In the public realm, play can cultivate, connect, and support
Aging relationships and community cohesion. I argue that play is particularly well suited to combat the challenges
Play
associated with aging and should be considered a key planning consideration of age-friendly communities.
Age-friendly cities
Investigating the relationship between play, public space, and older adult wellbeing offers an opportunity for
planning academics and practitioners to initiate and lead a new trajectory of age-friendly research and practice.

1. Introduction % of Americans aged 60 and older were lonely (Perissinotto et al., 2012).
And as the size of the older adult population grows, loneliness is set to
Society is aging and there is increasing recognition of the important become a widespread public health crisis (Holt-Lunstad, 2017; Killeen,
role that urban planning will play in creating communities that support 1998). Loneliness is extremely detrimental to the mental and physical
and connect older adults (Hartt et al., 2021). The emergence of the older health of people of all ages; however older adults are particularly sus­
adult focused planning discourse is in part a result of the huge policy ceptible (Kobayashi et al., 2009). Older adults who are chronically
push for age-friendly cities in the last two decades led by the World lonely are 30 % more likely to die within the next seven years (Holt-
Health Organization (Buffel et al., 2012). Age-friendly policy develop­ Lunstad et al., 2015). Loneliness has also been found to increase levels of
ment, implementation, and academic research have informed and depression, and diminish cardiovascular health and cognitive functions
guided the conceptualization and creation of enabling social and phys­ (Courtin & Knapp, 2017; Menec et al., 2019). Clinical psychologist Dr.
ical environments for older adults. But could age-friendliness go further? Ami Rokach (1990, p. 41) describes acute loneliness as “a terrorizing
There is an opportunity to expand our conceptualization of aging and pain, an agonizing and frightening experience that leaves a person
age-friendly communities to embrace spontaneity and creativity – to vulnerable, shaken, and often wounded.”
embrace opportunities to plan for play. Play has incredible physical, Social isolation and loneliness are enmeshed with city planning and
mental, and social benefits for people of all ages (Spencer & Mahjoubi, design as they are a product of shrinking social, physical, and cognitive
2015; Stevens, 2007; Sutton-Smith, 2001) yet is considered only an life spaces (Hartt et al., 2023a). As people age, their social network can
activity of children (Woodyer, 2012). However, the benefits of play are shrink as they transition from work to retirement and friends and family
actually very well suited to combat the challenges associated with aging. pass away (Greenfield et al., 2012; Van Dijk et al., 2015). Simulta­
Cities can be designed to help facilitate opportunities for older adult neously, their physical and cognitive world can shrink as they become
play. But first planners, policymakers, and the public at large must increasingly likely to experience impairment (physical, sensory, or
eschew traditional social constructions of older adults and of play in cognitive) or reduced mobility (Myers et al., 2005). Despite technolog­
order to rethink how we can transform our cities, public spaces, and ical advances in video conferencing facilitating long distance relation­
communities to be more than age-friendly, to support older adults to age ships (Golant, 2019), a smaller conceptual world is still often bounded
playfully. by spatial constraints. Therefore, as we age, our local environment and
community become increasingly important (Hartt & Biglieri, 2018). The
2. Aging, loneliness, and the local environment academic and public health literature typically equates the reduction in
older adult mobility and ability with heightened risks and barriers in the
One of the primary preventable challenges emerging with the aging local environment (Lawton, 1982; Lui et al., 2009). The local environ­
of the population is loneliness. Even before the COVID-19 pandemic, 43 ment is framed as a critical space for intervention to minimize the risks

E-mail address: [email protected].

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cities.2023.104578
Received 21 November 2022; Received in revised form 23 July 2023; Accepted 21 September 2023
0264-2751/© 2023 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.
M. Hartt Cities 143 (2023) 104578

associated with aging (Channer et al., 2020; O'Brien, 2014). There is an maturation of social skills (Vandenberg, 2018). Although some see the
extensive, international, multidisciplinary literature on the built envi­ non-instrumental aspects of play as antithetical to utilitarian play
ronment risks for older adults, including research on uneven pavement (Sicart, 2017), others highlight potential congruence between the two
(Brookfield et al., 2017), curb design (Li et al., 2006), and poor lighting conceptualizations (Vandenberg, 2018; Woodyer, 2012). The imagina­
(Shumway-cook et al., 2002), as well as need for interventions to tive facets of play allows for an emancipation from the preconceptions of
address the risks, such as benches (Ottoni et al., 2016), tactile paving everyday social existence (Stevens, 2016). Play provides an opportunity
(Thies et al., 2011), and longer, timed pedestrian signals at intersections to reimagine, critique, and even transform everyday life (Lefebvre,
(Mitra et al., 2015). There is also a large body of research examining the 1991). For older adults, play may be a way to escape ageism, process
social and mental dimensions of the relationship between older adults loss, and in doing so improve mental and physical health.
and space (Guo et al., 2021; Liu et al., 2023; Lu et al., 2022). Together The notion that play improves our mental and physical health is not
with the influential publications from the World Health Organization's new. However, play has only recently been recognized as an urban
(2007, 2018, 2023) age-friendly programs that outline steps on how to design consideration capable of shaping and improving our daily in­
create enabling social and physical environments for older adults, it has teractions and experiences. Within the urban planning and design
been well established that age-friendly design not only limits physical context, play infrastructure can be thought of as additions to the urban
risk for older adults, urban design can also combat social isolation and form that provide an alternative to conventional use by inspiring
loneliness by lowering barriers to participation (Wood et al., 2008; Yung happiness and playful interaction (Donoff & Bridgman, 2017). Public,
et al., 2016). But could the conceptualizations and practical realities of playful space is “a product of human intent and invention” and a vital
age-friendly planning and design go further in including proactively component in the theatre of play (Donoff & Bridgman, 2017, p. 295).
positive measures? Could the WHO's guidelines go beyond functional Well-designed public space has the power to completely change the
ability (2018) and creating enabling spaces (2007, 2023) to encourage experience of an encounter or action by changing the affective condi­
fun? The United Nation's (1989) Convention on the Rights of the Child tions (Thrift, 2003). Simply put, the design of public space can cultivate
and UNICEF's (2022) child-friendly program both explicitly recognize or suppress play.
the social and physical benefits of play, it is worth exploring whether Despite play having clear benefits for people of all ages, “play is
these benefits extend to older adults. assumed to be the activity of children” (Woodyer, 2012, p. 313) - an
assumption that is reflected in the academic literature. A systematic
3. Play literature review of 3800 articles in the planning and urban design
literature found that the planning and urban design literature has little
“To play is to be in the world. Playing is a form of understanding engagement with notions of play and where play is present it is over­
what surrounds us and who we are, and a way of engaging with others” whelmingly focused on children (Hartt et al., 2023b). Only 3 % of ar­
(Sicart, 2017, p. 1). Play has been argued to be a foundational compo­ ticles returned from a play (and related terms) keyword search actually
nent of human nature (Huizinga, 1970) and a profound biological pro­ focused on play. Publications on older adult play were even more scarce.
cess (Brown & Vaughan, 2010). And like human nature and biological Only four articles (0.1 % of the total sample) concentrated on older
processes, play is complex and varied. As play theorist Brian Sutton- adults, and all were only tangentially related to play. No research arti­
Smith (2001) states, play is ambiguous. And as a result, play is difficult cles focused specifically on older adult play and play environments.
to define. At its core, the concept of play can be considered spontaneous The limited literature on older adult play outside of the planning and
and creative behaviour that counters tedium or routine (Gilloch, 1996). urban design discourse highlights that, like children, older adult play is a
Beyond these core components, actualized play is often characterized in tool to generate meaning in life (Hoppes et al., 2001). Older adults have
two distinct manners: utilitarian or non-instrumental (Woodyer, 2012). been found to appreciate both utilitarian facets of play such as physical
The utilitarian perspective views play as a biological evolutionary and cognitive fitness and competition, as well as more non-instrumental
process that promotes survival and stimulates cognitive development facets such as belonging (Hoppes et al., 2001). A distinguishing feature
(Brown & Vaughan, 2010; Rubin, 2001). Play is an agglomeration of between older adult and children's play is that the former integrates a
experimentation that is an indispensable precondition for understanding lifetime of play memories into their active play experiences (Burr et al.,
and adaptive variability (Feyerabend, 1995). Put simply, “play potential 2019). The transcendent and holistic integrations of past and present
is analogous to neural potential” (Sutton-Smith, 2001, p. 229). Framed manifest as a balance of innocence and maturity (Burr et al., 2019). The
in a utilitarian manner, play is very well suited to combat older adult importance of temporally connective experience and nostalgia provide
loneliness and its associated mental and physical health challenges. insight into how older adults play and help start a conversation of how to
Whereas loneliness decreases cardiovascular health (Courtin & Knapp, plan for older adult play.
2017), play improves cardiovascular and muscular fitness, bone health,
and general functional health while decreasing the risk of heart disease 4. A clarion call
and type 2 diabetes (World Health Organization, 2014). And while
loneliness is associated with depression and poor mental health (Menec The paucity of research on older adult play environments combined
et al., 2019), play exists in direct opposition to depression (Sutton- with increasing levels of older adult isolation and loneliness presents a
Smith, 2001) and tangibly improves mental well-being by stimulating clarion call for policymakers, urban designers, and planning researchers
learning, creativity, self-actualization, and even coping strategies (Kerr and practitioners to develop frameworks and guidelines for older adult
& Apter, 1991). The very frustrations and constraints that can normally play infrastructures and design. Doing so will also contribute to much
produce apathy and withdrawal in day to day life actually lead to needed advancement regarding practical and theoretical understandings
increased involvement in a play environment (Sennett, 1978). Play of older adult play. How do older adults conceptualize play? How does
improves community relationships, and increases social capital and so­ conceptualized and actualized play differ across groups, cultures, and
cial connections (Spencer & Mahjoubi, 2015). individual characteristics? How does space shape older adult play? What
While the utilitarian view of play as a public health mechanism is an environmental features enable play? What features limit play?
apt conceptualization for the pragmatic components of urban planning Despite the limited age focus of the planning and urban design
and age-friendly design, it is only one subset within a larger umbrella of research on play, the existing literature does offer a baseline from which
play (Barber et al., 2023). Sicart's (2017, p. 5) theory of play positions to build upon. The extensive children's play literature offers conceptual
play as a “struggle against efficiency, seriousness, and technical deter­ frameworks and theories, such as Piaget's (1951) cognitive play, that
minism.” Conceived this way, play takes on new dimensions beyond the could offer initial insight to considerations of older adults, play, and
acquisition of information, development of cognitive functions, or space. Researchers can also draw from children's play research designs,

2
M. Hartt Cities 143 (2023) 104578

especially qualitative approaches such as Loebach and Cox's (2020) tool Hartt, M., & Biglieri, S. (2018). Prepared for the silver tsunami? An examination of
municipal old-age dependency and age-friendly policy in Ontario, Canada. Journal of
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adult wellbeing offers an opportunity to initiate and lead a new trajec­ places: Experiences, opportunities, and challenges of growing older in Canada. Policy
tory of discussions at the forefront of older adult social isolation and Press.
Hartt, M., DeVerteuil, G., & Potts, R. (2023a). Age-unfriendly by design: Built
loneliness. There is great potential to inform and influence public- environment and social infrastructure deficits in Greater Melbourne. Journal of the
facing, policy-oriented, and academic discussions of age-friendly, in­ American Planning Association, 89(1), 31–44. https://doi.org/10.1080/
clusive, and equitable urban design and planning. And in doing so 01944363.2022.2035247
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