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Discovering Diverse Content Through
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There is a rumour that Navarre has been crowned at Tours by
Cardinal de Lenoncourt, the Archbishop of Rheims,257 four other
bishops being present or assisting at the ceremony. Some people
add that he attended 255divine service according to the Catholic rite.
Others deny this; but admit that, in the speech which he made on
the occasion, he declared that as regarded religion he would soon
give them such satisfaction that no one would have any just ground
for complaint left. They say that he has appointed Montmorency
Constable of France; he is expected to come to Tours and do
homage to the King on his Coronation. There is no longer any doubt
of the capture of the town of Le Mans, nor does the mischief stop
there, for some assert, that Chartres, a wealthy and fortified city,
has gone over to Navarre. He has for some time been master of the
territory of Bourges, and negotiations are now in progress, they say,
for the surrender of the town itself. There is the same news about
Melun, which lies on the Seine above Paris; the position is important
for preventing the introduction of provisions into the capital. Further,
some would have it believed that the governor of the port of Havre
de Grâce in Normandy is ready to come to terms with Navarre. If
even a part, and much more if all, of these rumours be true, it is
serious news for the Parisians. They are now busy counting the
Spanish money, which, they say, amounts to 300,000 crowns. Still, I
cannot see that they have any trustworthy resources to support their
resistance, and I am consequently afraid that, when Navarre returns,
Paris will fall. According to some he is to be expected shortly, others
say not till spring. I have great fears for the town where I am now
staying, and am therefore obliged to look out for a new hiding place,
as I would fain avoid the horrors which occur when a city is taken by
storm. The Marquis of Pont-à-Musson258 has crossed into Flanders,
256intending to return from there either through Brabant or through
Hainault and Namur. The Council at Paris, which was called the
Council of the Union,259 is said to have been dissolved, and the
supreme authority again restored to the Parliament, which issues
decrees in the name of Charles X. i.e. the Cardinal de Bourbon. It is
to be feared, however, that the Parliament, which was removed to
Tours by the late King Henry, is the stronger of the two. The Duke of
Parma is said to be suffering from illness. I do not know the exact
nature of his complaint, but it is certainly a dangerous one. The
troubles of the times will greatly hinder the Queen of France
(Elizabeth of Austria, the widow of Charles IX.) from receiving and
enjoying her property and rents in this kingdom as usual. At the
utmost they will be barely sufficient for half the necessary expenses
of the maintenance of herself and her household. I have already
ventured, I think, to call your Majesty’s attention to the Queen’s
position in this respect, and now that this curtailment of her income
is at hand I have judged it to be my duty to repeat the warning. I
trust your Majesty will consider how the Queen is to be provided for,
until this storm has passed by.

December 14, 1589.

LETTER LVII.
A meeting of the States-General of the kingdom has been summoned
at Tours by Navarre to consider the state of the country, and to take
measures for punishing the King’s murderers. The 15th of March is
the day appointed for their meeting. The Pope’s Legate,260 who has
been long expected at Paris, stopped at Dijon on the way. Thither he
summoned the people of Langres, and invited them to abandon
Navarre and acknowledge Charles X. (the Cardinal de Bourbon) as
King. On their refusal, he laid them under an Interdict, and
transferred their bishopric to Dijon.261 People think he entered Paris
three days ago. There is a report going about here of the arrival of a
Turkish fleet, but it is doubtful, and does not rest on any good
authority. The Sultan, they say, has written to Navarre, undertaking
to supply him with whatever he may want against Spain.262 People
are anxiously waiting to see at what point Navarre will make his next
attack. He has taken several important cities in Normandy. Some
think he intends to besiege Rouen,263 which is already exhausted by
the calamities of war. Things, how258ever, are not yet ripe for this,
nor has he troops enough for such an undertaking, but for us forces
are being raised, and will soon be ready. The result of Mayenne’s
enterprises remains to be seen. His plan seems to have been to
demolish all the forts of the enemy on the Seine, and so free the
navigation of the river from Rouen up to Paris. This he will not find
an easy task, especially with Navarre so near at hand. In proof of
this the fort of Meulan,264 before which, as I mentioned, he sat
down, shows no signs of alarm, and does not seem likely to yield
easily to his attacks. The reputation of both generals is at stake; the
question being, whether Mayenne shall abandon his enterprise, or
Navarre allow his friends to be destroyed before his eyes, or either
commander refuse to engage when offered battle by the other.
I hear, to my great astonishment, that the King of Scotland has
married the eldest daughter of the King of Denmark, as I thought
Navarre’s sister was intended for him. In the Netherlands the Duke
of Parma, they say, has taken offence at something or other, and has
therefore withdrawn himself from almost all the duties of his
position, and avoiding the crowded Court has for some time past
allowed himself to nurse his vexation, and that Councillor Richardot
has on that account been sent to the King of Spain.
To the other cities that Navarre has taken in a short time, they
think Evreux will soon be added. Though it is not a strongly fortified
town, it is the seat of a bishopric and a county. It is ten miles from
here. He has already occupied the suburbs. Both this town and the
whole neighbourhood were greatly terrified at the news, fearing a
similar fate, but he seems to intend to direct his march against
Rouen, for he sent a trumpeter thither to summon them to
surrender, and to threaten them with destruction, if they refused. At
the crash of so many towns falling all around it, Rouen appears to be
horror-struck, and therefore to desire peace at any price. On this
Navarre builds his hopes. Meanwhile the siege of the fort of Meulan,
of which I spoke, goes on very languidly.265

LETTER LVIII.
Mayenne has arrived at Meaux with his army. He is, however, too
weak to raise the siege of Paris, or to engage the King with a fair
prospect of success. When offered battle he declined it, and
withdrew to a safe position. The King thought this an additional
reason for pressing the siege. Though he had effected a lodgment in
the suburbs, yet the parts of them which were nearest the city were
more in the citizens’ power than his own. He therefore resolved to
push forward his entrenchments to the walls of the city. This
operation was executed in a single night, the breastwork of the
besiegers being carried up to the very gates. Thenceforth no one
was able to enter or leave Paris without his permission. Meanwhile
the famine was growing so sore, that it seemed impossible for them
to hold out much longer, and more than 12,000 perished of hunger.
The inhabitants, 260however, bore their sufferings patiently, and
preferred to hold out to the bitter end rather than abandon the
cause for which they were fighting. They were sustained in this
resolve by the promises of the Spanish Ambassador and the Papal
Legate, who declared that the Duke of Parma himself was on the
point of coming with a mighty army to their relief, an assertion which
was soon afterwards verified. Parma arrived at last, after
negotiations for peace had actually been opened. On the 6th of this
month the Cardinal de Gondi and the Archbishop of Lyons, the
Primate of Gaul,266 went under a safe-conduct to the King. They
failed to come to terms, but the negotiations were adjourned, in the
hope that a further interchange of views might lead to peace. Finally,
it was agreed that three commissioners on each side should meet at
the fortress of Nanteuil267 and the mansion of Schom261berg, nine
French miles from Paris.268 The prospects of peace thus appeared to
be improving, when letters of Mayenne to his mother and wife were
intercepted, in which he exhorted them to hold out a little longer,
and told them that he was actually on the march to their relief; there
was no fear, he added, that he would demean himself by
acknowledging a heretic as his King, or by coming to terms with
him. The King showed these letters to the Cardinal and Archbishop,
and was on the point of breaking off negotiations, but at their
entreaty he finally consented to await the day which had been fixed
for the termination of the armistice, namely, the 26th of this month.
He did not sacrifice much by this concession, as he had already
decided to wait for a picked body of horse and foot, under Nevers
and the Vicomte de Turenne, whom he expected in a few days. He
only withdrew his cannon from the gates of Paris, and deposited
them in St. Denis with his other heavy baggage, that he might have
his hands free, if he were obliged to fight or should be summoned
elsewhere, it being his usual practice to leave his baggage behind,
when he undertakes any operation. Apart from this he made no
change, and did not move a single soldier from his position under
the ramparts of Paris.
In case of an engagement taking place, the news will in all
probability reach your Majesty before my account of it arrives.
Therefore, in order that your Majesty may be in a better position to
estimate the value of such reports, I feel it my duty to submit for
your consideration a sketch of both generals, the King and Mayenne,
and their several forces. The contest will be one between two
famous leaders, in the prime of life and at the height of their
renown, one of whom, Mayenne, will give up the command to
Parma, and will fight as his subordinate. The King is a thorough
soldier, and a general of the greatest experience. When all his forces
are concentrated, he will have, it is thought, some 20,000 infantry
and 6,000 cavalry. The latter for the most part is composed of
gentlemen, well armed and splendidly mounted. Of French infantry
people think he will have 13,000, and of Swiss, with whom are a few
Germans, 7,000. The élite of his foot consists of a body of four or
five thousand Gascon veterans. All his troops, horse and foot alike,
are devoted to their King, by whom they are accustomed to be led,
and whose presence inspires them with confidence. Moreover, the
King has with him veteran generals of great experience, whose
advice and assistance are invaluable; namely, Biron, d’Aumont, La
Noue, and many others. Round him too have gathered the Princes of
the Bourbon blood, with the leading gentlemen from every part of
France.
With regard to Parma and Mayenne, in point of generalship there
is not much to choose between them, but it must be admitted that
the latter is a most unlucky commander, while the former is a
favourite of fortune, as is proved by his long list of successes in the
Netherlands, and in this respect he may fairly be considered a match
for the King. Their united infantry, as report goes, amounts to
17,000, while their cavalry is a little under 5,000 strong. Among their
foot the Spaniards and Walloons are considered the best, and these,
with the addition of some Italian companies, are not much over
4,000 strong. Next to these come the Germans; the French and
Lorrainers are the worst.
The King and Parma are now wholly engaged in concocting
devices against each other, the object being to inflict the maximum
of damage with the minimum of loss to their own troops. To enable
his men to resist the charge of the French cavalry, Parma encloses
his infantry with a fence formed of ropes of the strongest and
thickest description, which are supported by stout stakes at regular
intervals. Immediately behind the ropes he posts his musketeers,
who can thus fire on the French horse in perfect security. All the
musketeers have a store of double bullets fastened together with
copper wire, which will be very effective against horses. The cannon
also are loaded with chain-shot, and masked batteries are planted in
good positions, with troops drawn up in front so as to conceal them
from the enemy; at the critical moment they will open fire, and pour
a withering volley among the horses of their assailants.
 Meanwhile the King is not idle. Every day he takes counsel with
his craftiest and wisest captains, to see if they cannot devise a new
mode of attack. Some weapon is to be invented or some wonderful
manœuvre to be executed, which is to discomfit the enemy.
On each side, therefore, is a distinguished general and a
powerful army. The King’s forces are supposed to be somewhat
larger than Parma’s, and he has also a decided superiority in the
composition of his troops, for, with a few exceptions, they are all
men of the same nation and his own subjects, whereas Parma’s
forces have been recruited from various nations, and are to a large
extent made up of raw levies, on whom not much reliance can be
placed. Again, the King has the great advantage of fighting on his
own ground, that is to say, on ground which he has previously
chosen and fortified, while Parma, by the circumstances of his
position, is compelled to attack at a disadvantage.
Such are the premises; whether they are sufficient for forming an
opinion as to what the result of a battle would be, is more than I can
say. They are valuable only in the same sense as the warnings of a
sunset are valuable in enabling us to guess what weather we shall
have to-morrow. Besides, it is mere guessing, and no more; victory
does not depend on scythed chariots, or horses, or on the number of
soldiers, or the abundance of munitions, but solely on the will of
God.
If I have lingered longer over this subject than has been
agreeable, I trust I may be pardoned. That God may long preserve
your Majesty is the prayer of your most humble servant.

Mantes, August 27, 1590.269

 APPENDIX.

CONTENTS OF APPENDIX.
PAGE
I. Sketch of Hungarian History 267
II. Itineraries 284
III. Editions 288
IV. Original Documents:—
i. Patent of Legitimation of Ogier Ghiselin 292
ii. Patent of Knighthood of Ogier de Busbecq 295
iii. Purchase Deed of the Seigneurie de Bousbecque 300
iv. Copy of the Sauve-garde 303
v. Pardon of Daniel de Croix for the homicide of Charlot
Desrumaulx 305
vi. Pardon of Jehan Dael for the homicide of Guillibert du
Mortier 309

I.

SKETCH OF HUNGARIAN HISTORY DURING THE

REIGN OF SOLYMAN.
In order that the reader may be able to appreciate the circumstances
under which Busbecq’s Turkish letters were written, and to
understand many of the allusions they contain, it is necessary that
he should have the power of referring easily to the leading events of
Hungarian and Transylvanian history during the reign of Solyman.
For Busbecq’s French letters, Motley’s ‘Dutch Republic’ and ‘United
Netherlands’ may be consulted, but no such works in English upon
Hungarian history exist. The narratives of Robertson and Creasy are
meagre in this respect, and contain only scattered and incidental
notices of Hungarian events; while Von Hammer, and the Austrian
and Turkish histories in Heeren’s Series, valuable as they are, have
not been translated into English, and besides are not easily
accessible. None of these works give a connected narrative of
Hungarian affairs, the notices of which are mixed up with the
general Turkish and Austrian history, and have to be picked out from
it with much time and trouble. It is hoped that this sketch will to
some extent supply the deficiency, and furnish a clue to the intricate
maze of Hungarian politics. Some curious facts have been gleaned
from Katona’s ‘Critical History of Hungary,’ a rare book, which is
mostly composed of original documents, including numerous letters
written by Busbecq’s colleague, Verantius, after268 he had returned
from his embassy, and long extracts from Busbecq’s own letters.
During the sixteenth century Hungary formed the Debatable Land
between Christendom and Islam. The picture which the ‘Lay of the
Last Minstrel’ and the ‘Monastery’ give of the condition of the English
and Scottish border, will suggest a faint notion of the state of things
all along the frontier between the Turkish and the Christian
dominions. Upon both sides continual forays were made, villages
were plundered and burnt, castles surprised, cattle driven off, and,
worst of all, prisoners were carried away into hopeless slavery.270
Every few years these desultory hostilities broke out into open war,
and, notwithstanding occasional successes of Ferdinand’s party, the
tide of Turkish invasion rose steadily higher and higher. In addition,
the unfortunate country was distracted by civil war, waged with
varying success between Ferdinand and the House of Zapolya, the
rivals for the throne, while the magnates of the kingdom went over
from one side to the other, according as they thought they could
thereby gain any advantage for themselves.
 Solyman, the greatest Sovereign of the House of Othman, was
born in 1494, and succeeded his father, Selim I., in September 1520.
The first year of his reign was marked by a campaign against
Hungary, and the fall of Belgrade,271 the bulwark of that kingdom.
Louis, the King of Hungary and Bohemia, was then a minor, and, in
the party strife of the different factions of the nobility, the defence of
the country was neglected. For several years Solyman’s attention
was diverted to other enterprises, of which the most famous was the
siege and capture of Rhodes in 1522, but in 1526 he again invaded
Hungary. On August 29, the anniversary of the capture of Belgrade,
he defeated King Louis with great slaughter at Mohacz,272 the King
himself perishing in the flight, and then advanced on Buda, which
surrendered on September 10. Thence he crossed to Pesth, where
he received the Hungarian nobles, and, after promising them to
make John Zapolya, Count of Zips and Voivode or Viceroy of
Transylvania, King of Hungary, returned laden with booty to
Constantinople.
Ferdinand, the brother of Charles V. and his successor as
Emperor, and Zapolya were rivals for the crown of St. Stephen. The
first relied upon family compacts, and upon his connection by
marriage with King Louis.273 Zapolya, on the other hand, was
supported by a strong party among the nobles, who disliked
Ferdinand as a foreigner. Zapolya’s partisans took the initiative, and
convened a diet at Tokay, at which he was elected King, and he was
duly crowned at Stuhlweissenburg by the Archbishop of Gran. Mary,
however, the widowed Queen, with the Palatine Bathory, assembled
another diet at Presburg, which declared Zapolya’s election void on
the ground that the diet of Tokay had not been summoned by the
Palatine, and elected Ferdinand King, who, after defeating his rival at
Tokay in 1527, and near Kaschau in the following year, drove him out
of the country. Zapolya then threw himself on Solyman’s protection,
offering to hold Hungary and Transylvania as his tributary, and a
treaty of alliance was signed between them in February 1528. In the
following year Solyman invaded Hungary for the third time, and took
Buda on September 9. A few days afterwards Zapolya was again
installed on the throne by the first lieutenant of the Aga of the
Janissaries, and did homage for his kingdom. Leaving a Turkish
governor in Buda, the Sultan then marched on Vienna, and besieged
it on the 27th, but was obliged to abandon the siege on October 16,
in consequence of the lateness of the season and the gallant
resistance of the garrison and inhabitants.274
In the winter of 1530 Ferdinand’s troops besieged Buda
unsuccessfully. In the campaign of 1532 Charles V. came with the
forces of the Empire to the assistance of his brother, and Styria and
Austria were the seat of war. The Sultan was detained for three
weeks before the little town of Güns by the gallantry of the
commander Jurischitz, who at last surrendered on honourable
terms.275 The delay, however, prevented the Sultan from
accomplishing anything considerable, though his army ravaged Styria
and Austria, and penetrated as far as Gratz and Linz.
In June 1533 peace was concluded between Ferdinand and
Solyman on the basis of Ferdinand’s retaining what he actually held
in Hungary, the Sultan reserving to himself the ratification of any
arrangements that Ferdinand and Zapolya might make between
themselves.
For some years afterwards Solyman’s attention was devoted to
his wars with Persia, and no invasion of Hungary on a large scale
occurred; but, notwithstanding the peace, the Pashas of Bosnia and
the adjoining districts continued their inroads. To check these
incursions Ferdinand, in 1537, assembled at Kaproncza, on the
Drave, an army of 16,000 foot and 8,000 horse, under the supreme
command of Katzianer. He advanced on Essek, intending to besiege
it, but was surrounded by clouds of light cavalry, who cut off his
supplies and forced him to retreat. After losing his siege-guns at the
passage of the Vouka, he encountered the enemy on December 1,
and, after an unsuccessful engagement, fled in the night with some
of the other generals. The troops that were left were cut to pieces
the next day with their gallant commander, Lodron.276 Katzianer was
accused of causing the disaster by his cowardice, and was thrown
into prison at Vienna. He escaped by bribing his gaolers, and fled to
one of his castles in Croatia, where he entered into negotiations with
the Turks, promising to betray the strong fortress of Kosthanitza.
However, his treasonable designs were cut short; Count Nicholas
Zriny, during an interview with him at one of his castles,
treacherously stabbed him, and despatched him with the assistance
of his servants. His body was flung from a window into the castle
ditch, and his head was sent to Vienna.
In 1538, under the mediation of Charles V., the treaty of Gross
Wardein was concluded between Zapolya and Ferdinand. Zapolya
was to retain the title of King during his life with Transylvania and
the part of Hungary which was then in his actual possession, on his
death his male issue was to succeed to Transylvania only, and by the
same treaty both parties united in a league for mutual defence
against the Turks.
Zapolya had then neither wife nor child; but he immediately
afterwards married Isabella, the King of Poland’s daughter, and,
dying in July 1540, left by her a son—John Sigismund—who was
born a fortnight before his father’s death.
Ferdinand then claimed that, according to the terms of the treaty,
he should be placed in possession of the whole of Hungary; but
Isabella, as guardian of her infant son, and the party opposed to
Ferdinand, under the leadership of Martinuzzi, Bishop of Gross
Wardein, refused to adhere to the treaty, caused the infant to be
crowned, and appealed to the Sultan for protection. Ferdinand then
entered the country, and besieged Buda, which was relieved by the
Pasha of Belgrade.
Solyman again invaded Hungary in 1541. On August 29 his
troops occupied the gates of Buda, and he annexed that city to his
dominions, making it the seat of a Pashalic, and placing a strong
garrison in it. He declared, however, that he held it merely in trust
for John Sigismund during his minority, and in the meantime
appointed the latter Sanjak-bey of Transylvania, under the regency
of Martinuzzi and Petrovich. The House of Zapolya held, in addition
to Transylvania, most of the country to the north as far as the river
Theiss.
In 1543 Solyman again invaded Hungary, and took the cities of
Gran and Stuhlweissenburg, or Alba Regia, the former being the
primatial see of Hungary, and the latter the burial-place of her Kings.
At the end of 1544, Jerome Adorno, provost of Erlau, was sent by
Ferdinand as internuncio to Solyman, with John Maria Malvezzi, a
member of a noble family of Bologna, as secretary; but he died
shortly after his arrival at Adrianople, in March 1545. Malvezzi, aided
by Nicholas Sicco, who was sent by Ferdinand as a new ambassador,
and Veltwick, the ambassador of Charles V., then undertook the
management of the negotiations, and concluded in November an
armistice for eighteen months between Solyman on the one side,
and Ferdinand and Charles on the other.277 This was followed, in
June 1547, by a peace for five years, in which the Emperor, the
Pope, France, and Venice were included, on the basis of uti
possidetis, Ferdinand paying the Sultan 30,000 ducats a year, part of
which sum was an equivalent for the territories of some of the
nobles, who had formerly adhered to the Turkish side, and had
afterwards gone over to Ferdinand, and part was termed by him a
present, but was more justly considered by the Turks as tribute for
the portion of Hungary which still remained in his possession.
The Sultan’s motive for concluding this treaty was his desire to
turn his arms against Persia. Elkass Mirza, a brother of Shah
Tahmasp, the reigning monarch, had taken refuge at his court in
1547,278 and in 1548 Solyman led his troops into Persia, and
obtained considerable successes. In the following year Elkass was
captured by his brother in an expedition he had undertaken, and
was confined in a fortress for the rest of his life.
In July 1551, at Martinuzzi’s instigation, Isabella ceded
Transylvania and the part of Hungary that remained in her hands to
Ferdinand, in exchange for the towns of Ratibor and Oppeln in
Silesia, and the Austrian troops, under the command of the Spaniard
Castaldo, took possession of these territories.279 When Solyman
heard this news, he summoned Malvezzi before him, who pledged
his life that there was no ground for this report; but, as he could not
give satisfactory explanations, and fell back on the insufficiency of
his instructions, he was thrown into prison in the Black Tower of the
Castle of Anatolia on the Bosphorus,280 the Sultan excusing this
violation of international law by the argument that an ambassador
was a hostage for the good faith of his master, and should suffer for
any breach of it. From this incident it appears that the post of
ambassador at the Porte was by no means unattended with danger.
Ferdinand rewarded Martinuzzi by procuring for him a Cardinal’s
hat, and appointing him Archbishop of Gran. Not content with these
dignities, that wily politician made overtures to the Turks, with the
object of gaining the sovereignty of Transylvania and Hungary for
himself; but he was assassinated by Castaldo’s officers acting under
Ferdinand’s orders, or, at any rate, with his connivance, at Alvincz,
December 18, 1551.
In 1552 the Turks recommenced their attacks on Hungary, which
were attended with almost uniform success. In February they gained
a victory at Szegedin; in April, Wessprim was taken by Ali, the Pasha
of Buda; and in July Temeswar fell. Its capture was followed by the
loss of the rest of the Banat. On August 11, Ali Pasha defeated an
army of Ferdinand’s at Fülek, to the north of Buda, Sforzia Pallavicini
was taken prisoner, and Sbardellatus Dudich, the Bishop of Waitzen,
whom Busbecq calls by mistake the Bishop of Fünfkirchen, was
killed.281 Erlau, however, was besieged by Ali unsuccessfully.
In April 1552, Ferdinand wrote to Roostem, the Grand Vizier,
asking for Malvezzi’s release, and for a safe conduct for two more
envoys. In consequence, Malvezzi was removed to the Seven
Towers, and his allowance was increased; but he was still kept in
close confinement.
Fortunately for Ferdinand at this critical juncture, a Persian
invasion and the Sultan’s domestic troubles created a diversion in his
favour. In 1553 the Sultan, on account of the mutinous disposition of
the army, which had been sent to defend Armenia against the
Persians, was obliged to take command of it in person. The most
notable event of the campaign was the tragical end of Mustapha,
Solyman’s eldest and most promising son. The story of his cruel
murder is narrated in pathetic words by our author in his first
letter,282 though he is mistaken in placing the scene of it near
Amasia, as Eregli, in Karamania, where it really happened, is about
250 miles from that city. To appease the indignation of the soldiery
at the death of their favourite, the Grand Vizier Roostem was
deposed, and his office conferred on Achmet Pasha. Busbecq, during
his visit to Amasia, in 1555, witnessed the conclusion of peace
between the Sultan and the Shah.
The Persian war relieved for a time the pressure on Hungary.
Solyman granted a six months’ armistice, and Francis Zay and
Antony Wranczy or Verantius, then Bishop of Fünfkirchen, and
afterwards Bishop of Erlau, were sent as envoys to
Constantinople.283 They arrived in August. They were instructed to
offer a tribute of 150,000 ducats for Hungary Proper, and 40,000 for
Upper Hungary and Transylvania. The Viziers, however, told them
that the abandonment of all claims to Transylvania was an
indispensable preliminary to opening negotiations. Malvezzi was
accordingly released, and sent to Vienna to receive further
instructions from Ferdinand; and it was arranged that the peace
should be prolonged for five years, and that on account of the loss
of territory Ferdinand had sustained in Hungary the annual present
or tribute should be reduced to 15,000 ducats. The peace was not to
be ratified till Malvezzi’s return, but the truce was prolonged in the
meanwhile.
In May, 1554, Malvezzi was ordered to return, but he was
prevented by illness, and Busbecq was sent in his stead.284 He
arrived at Constantinople on January 20, 1555, and proceeded in
March, with Verantius and Zay, to the Sultan’s headquarters at
Amasia. They brought him a present of gilded cups, and 10,000
ducats as tribute for Transylvania. They complained of the numerous
breaches of the armistice on the part of the Turks, but, although
they promised 80,000 ducats to the Sultan and large sums to the
chief viziers, they could only obtain an extension of the armistice for
six months, and a letter from Solyman to Ferdinand, with which
Busbecq was sent to Vienna.
On September 28, 1555, Achmet was executed, and Roostem
reappointed Grand Vizier.285
Notwithstanding the truce of Amasia, guerilla raids on both sides
continued all along the Hungarian frontiers. To check the incursions
of the Heydons, Touighoun, the Pasha of Buda,286 attacked and took
Babocsa; and Ali, his successor, the victor of Fülek, with the same
object, commenced the siege of Szigeth, on May 24, 1556, and
assaulted the place a month later, but was repulsed with heavy loss.
In the meantime the Palatine Nadasty had besieged Babocsa, and Ali
hastened with a detachment to relieve it, but was defeated with
great loss on the river Rinya (July 25). Babocsa was then abandoned
by the Turks, and fell into the hands of the Hungarians, who burnt it,
and blew up the citadel. Ali resumed the siege of Szigeth, but was so
weakened by his defeat, that he was obliged to raise it, retreating to
Buda, where he died soon afterwards.287 The fall of Szigeth was
thus postponed for ten years, when it was destined to be associated
with the termination of a more glorious career, and the extinction of
a more famous name.288
Meanwhile Transylvania had again passed into the possession of
Isabella and her son. She had at first gone to the Silesian duchies,
which Ferdinand had given in exchange for Transylvania; but she
was dissatisfied with them, and returned to her brother’s court in
Poland, where she entered into correspondence with her partisans in
Transylvania. The current of feeling there ran strongly in her favour.
The Spaniard, Castaldo, Ferdinand’s governor, was ignorant of the
national laws and usages. His troops were left unpaid, and
supported themselves by plundering the country. At last one corps
after another mutinied for their pay, and marched out of
Transylvania; and Castaldo himself, unable to check the dissolution
of his army, withdrew to Vienna. For a time anarchy prevailed in
Transylvania; but in June, 1556, the inhabitants resolved to recall
Isabella and her son. The envoys found her at Lemberg, and invited
her to return. The Voivodes of Moldavia and Wallachia entered
Hungary to protect her passage, and on October 22 she and her son
entered Klausenburg in triumph.289
Meanwhile Bebek, the representative of Queen Isabella, was
using every means in his power to thwart the efforts of Busbecq and
his colleagues. The latter returned home in August, 1557. Verantius
was rewarded with the bishopric of Erlau. As far back as June, 1555,
allusions to the prospect of his appointment may be found, and the
see had been kept vacant for him for more than a year before his
actual translation in November, 1557. His office was no sinecure. He
was perpetually occupied in providing for the defence of his diocese,
in writing to the Pasha of Buda to remonstrate against the continual
invasions of the neighbouring Sanjak-beys, and in counterworking
the intrigues of Zapolya’s party. His remaining time and energies
were devoted to attempts to check the spread of Lutheranism in his
diocese. It may be remarked here that John Sigismund was much
assisted by his patronage of Lutheranism. His court was the refuge
of many Lutheran, and even of Socinian, teachers. An anecdote
Verantius gives in one of his letters will show what a hold
Lutheranism had obtained in parts of Hungary. When a fire,
supposed to be the work of an incendiary, broke out in the
monastery of Jaszbereny, most of the inhabitants of the town
refused to help to extinguish it, declaring that they would rather the
Turks had the monastery than the monks. Zay, the other
ambassador, was appointed Governor of Kaschau.290
In 1558 the fortress of Tata, near Komorn, eight miles from the
right bank of the Danube, was surprised by Hamza, Sanjak-bey of
Stuhlweissenburg.
 Throughout the negotiations the Sultan insisted on the cession of
Szigeth, but was induced in the winter of 1557 to grant a fresh
armistice for seven months. In 1559 Ferdinand sent by Albert de
Wyss291 four projects for a treaty, the first of which demanded the
restoration of Tata and Fülek, but the last omitted these conditions.
The last was presented by Busbecq in the camp at Scutari to
Solyman, but was not accepted by him; and the Sultan, on his return
to Constantinople, placed Busbecq in a sort of confinement in his
house.
In the beginning of 1559 the health of Queen Isabella began to
fail, and Melchior Balassa, a great Transylvanian noble, wrote to
Ferdinand proposing, on her death, to place Transylvania in his
hands. This letter was intercepted, and sent to Isabella, who, having
such a proof of the treachery of one of her most trusted adherents,
thought it advisable to open negotiations with Ferdinand herself,
and, with the Sultan’s approval, did so through her brother the King
of Poland. It was proposed that one of Ferdinand’s daughters should
marry John Sigismund, and that the latter should have Transylvania
and Lower Hungary (the north-eastern part of Hungary, between
Poland and Transylvania), but should abandon the title of King.
These negotiations were broken off by her death, which took place
at Karlsburg in September, and an attempt in the following year to
renew them also came to nothing, as John Sigismund refused to
renounce the title of King.
In the winter of 1561 Andrew Bathory persuaded his brother
Nicholas and Melchior Balassa to go over to Ferdinand’s side.292 As
soon as Ferdinand had recovered the town of Munkats, Balassa was
to receive it for his life, with the right of maintaining a certain
number of soldiers at Ferdinand’s expense, and, in return, to give up
to Ferdinand various towns immediately to the north of Transylvania
Proper, which were his possession.
Roostem died in July 1561, and was succeeded by Ali, who
proved much more pliant in his negotiations with Busbecq, and the
latter at last succeeded in obtaining a peace for eight years. The
principal stipulations of the treaty were as follows:293
1. Ferdinand to pay an annual tribute of 30,000 ducats, and also
the arrears due in respect of the last two years.
2. The Sultan engaged not to attack Ferdinand either directly, or
by furnishing assistance to John Sigismund. He also undertook that
John Sigismund should respect the territories of Ferdinand.
3. Melchior Balassa and Nicholas Bathory, and others in a similar
position, who had returned to their allegiance to Ferdinand, to be
included in the peace with their property and lordships, and to be
the vassals of Ferdinand and John Sigismund conjointly.
4. If any of Ferdinand’s subjects had been expelled from his
property by the adherents of John Sigismund, or vice versâ, no suits
or proceedings to recover such property to be taken during the
peace.
5. If new and otherwise irreconcilable differences should arise
between the contracting parties with regard to the limits of their
jurisdiction, as a provisional arrangement the de facto subjects of
each party at the commencement of the peace to remain so during
its continuance, and, in particular, certain villages near the Danube
and the fortress of Tata, some of which were in Ferdinand’s and
some in the Sultan’s possession, to remain respectively as they
were, and those in Ferdinand’s possession not to be molested by the
garrison of Tata.
6. Any Turkish nobles who were in the power of any of
Ferdinand’s officers, either as fugitives or otherwise, to be released
without ransom.
7. Runaway slaves with any property they might have stolen to
be mutually restored.
8. Ferdinand’s officers to be allowed to fortify and provision
castles, towns, and villages on the borders of Hungary within their
own territories.
 9. Disputes about boundaries or the like between the subjects of
the two parties to be settled by arbitration, and the persons at fault
punished as truce-breakers.
10. The treaty to be in force for eight years, and to be binding
upon all the officers and subjects on both sides, particularly the
Voivodes of Moldavia and Wallachia, and on John Sigismund, and
none of Ferdinand’s subjects or their property to be molested or
injured in any way. Any property taken contrary to this stipulation to
be restored to its owners, and any person taken prisoner to be
released uninjured.
11. Ambassadors and envoys to be granted full permission to
travel in the Sultan’s dominions, with liberty of ingress and egress to
and from his court, and to be supplied with interpreters.
On the arrival of Busbecq at Frankfort with Ibrahim, the first
dragoman of the Porte, important differences were found to exist
between the Turkish and Latin texts of the treaty. The former only
included the barons who had already returned to their allegiance to
Ferdinand, and not those who might afterwards do so; it stipulated
for the extradition of refugees, as well as that of brigands and
rebels, and included the Voivodes of Moldavia and Wallachia. The
Emperor demanded that these points should be corrected; but his
demands seem to have been ineffectual, and the Turkish incursions
on the Hungarian frontier continued.
Ferdinand died on July 25, 1564, and was succeeded as Emperor
by his son Maximilian, who had been elected King of Hungary and
Bohemia in his father’s lifetime. Fighting still went on between him
and John Sigismund on the frontiers of Transylvania. Szathmar was
taken by the latter, and Tokay294 and Serencs by the former. The
Grand Vizier Ali, who was inclined to peace, died in July 1565, and
was succeeded by the more warlike Mehemet Sokolli. During 1565,
the Sultan was fully occupied with the siege of Malta, but in the
beginning of the following year war was declared against Hungary,
Albert de Wyss, who had succeeded Busbecq as ambassador, was
thrown into prison, and on May 1 Solyman started from
Constantinople on his last campaign. His age and infirmities obliged
him to quit the saddle for a carriage.
On June 29 he received John Sigismund at Semlin, and intended
to march on Erlau, but, hearing that Count Nicholas Zriny, the
commander at Szigeth, had surprised and killed the Sanjak-bey of
Tirhala, he resolved to make Szigeth the first object of attack. The
siege commenced on August 5. Two furious assaults on the 26th and
29th were repulsed with great slaughter. On September 8, Zriny,
finding he could hold out no longer, set the fortress on fire, sallied
forth, sword in hand, at the head of the garrison, and met a soldier’s
death. The Turks poured into the citadel, intent on murder and
plunder; but the fire reached the powder-magazine, which blew up,
burying in the ruins more than three thousand men. Solyman did not
live to witness his triumph. His health had long been failing, and he
died on the night of the 5th or 6th of September. His death was
concealed by the Grand Vizier for three weeks, to give his successor,
Selim, time to reach Constantinople from Kutaiah.
The death of Solyman seems to form a fitting termination to this
sketch. With the exception of his successor, Selim, he is the last
survivor of the personages who figure prominently in Busbecq’s
pages. The Emperor Ferdinand, the Grand Viziers Achmet, Roostem,
and Ali, and the unfortunate Bajazet, have passed away. The greater
part of Hungary and Transylvania continued subject to the
successors of Solyman, either immediately or as a vassal State, till
near the close of the following century. In 1683 Vienna was once
more besieged by the Turks, under the Grand Vizier Kara Mustapha,
but was relieved by John Sobieski. The reaction from this supreme
effort was fatal to the Turkish dominion in Hungary. In 1686 Buda
was recaptured by Charles of Lorraine, and by the Peace of
Carlowitz, concluded in 1698, the whole of Hungary and Transylvania
was ceded to the Emperor Leopold.
 II.

ITINERARIES.
In describing his first Turkish letter as an ‘iter,’ or itinerary, Busbecq
places it under a class of composition of which there are several
examples still extant. In Busbecq’s days it was a common practice
for scholars to write an account in Latin verse of any journey they
might happen to make. These itineraries are generally extremely
amusing, the writers being men of keen observation, with a great
sense of humour, and condescending to notice those trifles which
are passed over by the historian.
As an example, Nathan Chytræus gives an account of his trip to
England during the Long Vacation of the University of Paris. He lands
at Rye, and, going to an inn, eats his first English dinner, which he
hugely enjoys, noticing at the same time the handsome faces and
dignified bearing of the waitresses. On his way to London he is
struck with the comfortable appearance of the country seats, and
specially with the belts of laurel with which they were surrounded.
As he passes over London Bridge he is delighted with the handsome
shops full of every kind of merchandise which lined its sides. He
visits Westminster Abbey, and wonders at not finding the tomb of Dr.
Linacre, the celebrated physician, who, though a canon of St.
Peter’s, Westminster, was buried at St. Paul’s. He goes eastward, and
visits the Tower of London, noticing the menagerie, and specially
two lions at the entrance of the Tower. Of the collection of arms he
says that a visitor would imagine it to be the greatest in the world if
he had not seen the Arsenal at Venice. He has a word for Southwark
across the river, telling us that it was covered with small houses, and
the home of numerous dogs and bears, which were kept for baiting.
He visits Hampton Court, Nonsuch Park,295 and Windsor; at the last
place Elizabeth was staying, with all her court. The Queen is duly
complimented on her learning, but he can spare a couple of lines
also for the rabbits which then, as now, were scampering fearlessly
about the Park:
Quin et in effossis habitare cuniculus antris
Assuetus prodire solet camposque vagari.
It will be seen that the itinerary of Nathan Chytræus is written
very much in Busbecq’s style, while there are other itineraries which
require notice as taking us over nearly the same ground as our
author.
Among the companions of Veltwick (vol. i. page 79), when he
went as Ambassador to Constantinople, was Hugo Favolius, who has
left us an account of the expedition in Latin hexameters. Having
ingeniously introduced the date 1545 into his verses, he tells us that
was the year—
Cum decus imperii Romani, Carolus ingens,
Pertæsus belli tandem, metuensque tumultus
Hellespontiacis qui forte fremebat in oris,
Principiis prudens sic obvius ire parabat.
Ergo a consiliis regi fidissimus unus
Deligitur sermone potens Veldvicius heros,
Quicum partitus curarum ingentia dudum
Pondera tractandas rerum committit habenas;
Atque illum ad celebrem Byzanti destinat urbem,
Præstanti eloquio et placido sermone Tyranni
In melius si forte queat convertere mentem.
After this humiliating confession of the power of the Turk,
Favolius tells us how they sailed across the Gulf of Venice and
landed at Ragusa. After a short rest the party travelled over the
mountains to Sophia, and thence to Constantinople. In returning
Veltwick made the journey to Vienna by land, taking, no doubt, the
same route as was afterwards traversed by Busbecq, while Hugo
Favolius and some of the younger members of the party obtained
leave to go back to Venice by sea.
It seems strange that in a piece of this kind the writer should so
frankly admit the superiority of the Turkish power; it would appear
to be but an ill compliment to the sovereigns from whom Favolius
must have looked for advancement. In order, however, to gauge the
real amount of terror which the Turks inspired it is necessary to take
the account of P. Rubigal, the Hungarian, who was attached to an
embassy sent shortly after the death of John Zapolya296 by the
leading nobles of his party to convey their tribute to Solyman.
Rubigal’s itinerary may be considered to furnish us with an idea of
the position of a Hungarian in the middle of the sixteenth century.
His description is ludicrous, no doubt, but it is no less horrible.
He begins thus:—
Tempore concedens quo rex in fata Joannes
Liquerat Hungaricæ regia sceptra domus,
Inque patris titulos natus successerat infans
Et dubia imperii forma recentis erat,
Turca ferox, Medo qui cinctus acinace gaudet,
Ad proceres regni plurima scripta dedit,
Pannoniæque petens perfricta fronte tributum,
Terruit innumeris tristia corda minis.
Quid facerent? ratio sic temporis ipsa ferebat,
Quamlibet inviti ut pacta tributa darent.
Nec mora, magnatum venerando ex ordine lectos
Verbetium mittunt Essetiumque pium;
Hosque jubent regni Turcis offerre tributa,
Flectere et immitis pectora dura Getæ.
The party started from Szegedin, on the river Theiss, going by
boat to Belgrade, and thence by land to Constantinople.
They were entertained at a banquet by Solyman, and were much
disgusted at two things: first, he gave them sherbet instead of wine;
and secondly, at the conclusion of the banquet he caused the
ghastly heads of men who had been recently executed to be set
before them. The grim pleasantry could not be misunderstood. The
heads, no doubt, were those of Hungarians, whom Solyman was
pleased to regard in the light of rebels. Whilst at Constantinople
Rubigal had an opportunity of seeing the Turkish fleet, which was
then commanded by the famous Barbarossa. The Hungarian was
evidently horribly frightened at the formidable preparations of the
Turks, for immediately afterwards he gives his readers plainly to
understand that his tastes are of a domestic turn, and that he has
no hankering after—
the perils which environ
The man who meddles with cold iron.
Oddly enough, however, he gives us an account of two Germans
he met with fetters on their legs, who beg him to tell their friends at
home that it will be the easiest thing in the world to drive the Turks
into the Bosphorus. He gives their message, but cautiously refrains
from either endorsing or contradicting their opinion.

III.

EDITIONS.
The following is a list of the various editions and translations of
Busbecq’s works, with which we are acquainted.
In Latin.
DATE.

1581. Printed by Plantin, at Antwerp. Editio Princeps. It contains

only the first Turkish Letter, under the title of Itinera
Constantinopolitanum et Amasianum, and the De Acie contra Turcam
Instruenda Consilium.
1582. Also printed by Plantin. At the end of the contents of the
first edition the second Turkish Letter is added, under the title of
Ejusdem Busbequii Secunda in Thraciam Profectio.
1589. Paris. Contains all four Turkish Letters and the De Acie.
1595. Frankfort. The same as the previous one.
1605. Hanau. The same as the last, with the addition of the
Speech of Ibrahim to Ferdinand at Frankfort, and the text of the
treaty of peace.
1620. Munich. Edited by Sadoler. The same as the last. It
contains portraits of Busbecq and Solyman.
1629. Hanau. The same as the edition of 1605.
None of these editions contain any but the Turkish Letters.
1630. Louvain. Edited by Howaert. It contains the letters to
Rodolph from France, 1-53 inclusive.
1632. Brussels. Also edited by Howaert. This edition contains the
letters to Maximilian from France. Then follow the letters to Rodolph
as in the last edition, and at the end come five more letters to
Rodolph.
1632 (?). Evidently struck off from the same type as the last.
There are, however, a few alterations, and there is no date on the
title page.
1633. Leyden. The Elzevir edition. Two editions with slight
variations appeared in the same year. They contain the four Turkish
Letters, the De Acie, the Speech of Ibrahim, the Treaty, and the
Letters to Rodolph, 1-53. At the end of the third Turkish Letter there
are variations from all the preceding editions. See vol. i. page 305,
note.
1660. Amsterdam. Elzevir. A reprint of the last.
1660. Oxford. The same contents as the Elzevir.
1660. London. The same contents as the Elzevir. There is also an
Epitome de Moribus Turcarum, not written by Busbecq, which
follows the Treaty.
1689. Leipsic. The same contents as the Elzevir.
1740. Bâle. The same contents and characteristic readings as the
Elzevir, except in one passage.
In German.
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