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Discovering Diverse Content Through
Random Scribd Documents
an English ship into and to explore the Pacific, and incidentally to
harass the Spanish colonies on the Pacific Coast, which from
Patagonia to California was then under Spanish rule. The
encompassing of the globe, however, was an afterthought growing
out of the circumstances in which he found himself on the western
North American coast.
The fleet assembled for this voyage were five small ships, the
largest of only one hundred tons, the smallest of fifteen, and the
average of the whole lot fifty-five tons. They comprised: the
“Pelican,” the flag-ship, and the largest, with Drake in command; the
“Elizabeth,” eighty tons, Captain John Winter; the “Marigold,” thirty
tons, Captain John Thomas; the “Swan,” a flyboat, fifty tons, Captain
John Chester; the “Christopher,” a pinnace, fifteen tons, Captain
Thomas Moon. And in the holds of the larger ships were stored four
pinnaces in parts, to be set up when needed. The vessels were
stocked and provisioned for a year or more. Some of them, at least
Drake’s ship, were luxuriously furnished. We are told of his rich
tableware embellished with silver, presumably some of it prizes taken
on his previous voyage; of silver pots and kettles in the cook-room;
and of other sumptuous fittings. “Neither,” says the historian, “had
he omitted to make provision also for ornament and delight, carrying
to this purpose with him expert musicians,” a band of fiddlers to play
for him at dinners; “and divers shews of all sorts of curious
workmanship whereby the civility and magnificence of his native
country might amongst all nations whithersoever he should come,
be the most admired.” The company comprised, according to the
account which Hakluyt gives, one hundred and forty-six men,
gentlemen and sailors; another puts the number at one hundred and
sixty-three “stout and able seamen.”
They sailed out of Plymouth on the fifteenth of November, 1577.
But this proved to be a false start. The wind falling contrary they
were forced the next morning to put into Falmouth, where a furious
tempest struck them and nearly wrecked the whole fleet. So they
were obliged to return to Plymouth for repairs. The second start was
made successfully, on the thirteenth of December. Twelve days later
they were off the coast of Barbary, and on the second day they
called at Magador, where they tarried long enough to put together
one of their pinnaces. While at this work they entertained some of
the natives, who promised to bring them choice provisions in return
for gifts of linen cloth, shoes, and a javelin. But the next day an
unlucky incident changed the aspect of affairs. A group supposed to
have come with the provisions appeared at the water side and a
shipboat was sent out to meet them. As the boat touched the shore
a sailor sprang from it with outstretched hand to give a hearty
sailor’s welcome. He was instantly seized, flung across a horse’s back
and galloped away. It was afterward learned that this violent act was
committed only to ascertain to whom the ships belonged. It was
feared that they might be Portuguese ships, and these Moors were
then at war with the Portuguese. The captured sailor was brought
before a chief, and when this chief found out that the ships were
English, the sailor was hurried back with apologies and loaded with
presents. But the fleet was then gone. The sailor was returned to
England at the first opportunity, none the worse for his experience.
From Magador the fleet coasted the shore and put next into port
at Cape Blanco. On the way down their first captures were made.
These included three Spanish fisher boats, “canters,”—or canteras,
they were termed—and three Portuguese caravels, the latter bound
to the Cape Verde Islands for salt. At Cape Blanco a ship was found
riding at anchor with only two “simple mariners” aboard her. She
was promptly taken and her cargo added to their spoil. In this
harbour the fleet remained four days, during which time Drake
mustered his men on land and trained them “in warlike manner to
make them fit for all occasions.” Before departing he had shifted
such things as he desired from the captured canters and returned
them to their owners save one, for which he gave in exchange one
of his little barks, called the “Benedict,” or the “Christopher,” which
name the canter afterward bore. Only one also of the captured
Portuguese caravels was retained. Next the Cape Verde Islands were
reached, and a landing made at Mayo (Maio), where luscious fruits
were added to their stock of provisions. Drake sent out a company
of his men to view this island, and they feasted on “very ripe and
sweet grapes,” and cocoa which was new to them. Next the fleet
sailed by St. Jago [San Thiago], but far enough off to escape danger
from the inhabitants whom they mistrusted: and properly, for the
latter discharged three pieces at them as they passed by, the shot
falling short of them. Off this island they took their richest prize thus
far. She was one of two Portuguese ships to which they gave chase.
They boarded her, when overhauled with a shipboat, without
resistance. She yielded them with other valuable articles a good
store of wine. Her pilot, one Nuno da Silva, was retained for service,
which proved to be excellent, through a considerable part of the
voyage, while the rest of her crew and her passengers, of whom
there were several, were sent off in the newly set-up pinnace,
graciously provided by her captors with a butt of wine out of their
booty and some victuals. She was added to the fleet, with the name
of “Mary” bestowed upon her, and put under the charge of Master
Doughty, a volunteer and perhaps investor in the expedition, and a
personal friend of Drake. Doughty was not a seafaring man, and he
seems to have got into difficulty with his crew soon after taking
command of the prize. Within a few days complaints of his conduct
of her coming to Drake, he was called to the “Pelican,” and the
captain’s own brother Thomas Drake (another younger brother)
appointed to his place, the captain accompanying Thomas Drake on
the prize. In the “Pelican” Doughty had no better luck, for complaints
of abuse of his authority here soon arose. Accordingly he was
deposed and sent to the “Swan” in no post of command. Farther
along on the voyage he came to a tragic end, the central figure of a
dramatic scene, as will appear later in this narrative. Next after San
Thiago, Fuego (Fogo), the “burning island,” then throwing out
volcanic flames, and lastly “Brava,” found in contrast a “most
pleasant and sweet” isle, were passed.
Then they “drew towards the line,” where they were becalmed for
three weeks, but yet “subject to divers great stormes, terrible
lightnings, and much thunder.” Along with this “miserie,” however,
they enjoyed an abundance of fish, as “Dolphins, Bonitos, Flying
fishes,” some of the latter falling into their ships. It was now known
to the company that their next destination was America, at Brazil.
 From the moment of leaving the Cape Verde Islands, they sailed
fifty-four days without sight of land. On the fifth of April the Brazilian
coast presented itself to view. In the distance they saw fires on the
coast. These they afterward learned were set by the natives when
their ships were sighted, as a sacrifice to “the devils about which
they use conjurations.” The custom of these natives, it seemed,
whenever a strange ship approached the coast was to perform weird
ceremonies to conjure the gathering of shoals and the outbreak of
tempests by which the ship would be cast away. Two days afterward
there actually came upon them a “mightie great storme both of
lightning, rayne, and thunder,” during which they lost the
“Christopher,” their captured canter. While sailing southward,
however, they found her a few days later, and the place where she
was met Drake called the “Cape of Joy.” Landing, they found no
people, but the footprints they saw in the clay ground led them to
believe that the inhabitants were “men of great statute,” if not
giants. On or about the twenty-seventh of April they were at the
great river La Plata. They merely entered it, and finding no good
harbour bore to sea again. In bearing out the “Swan” was missed.
They next made harbour in a fair bay where were a number of
islands, on one of which were seen many “sea wolves” (seals). In
early June they were anchored in another harbour, farther south,
which they called “Seal Bay” because of the abundance of seal here.
They killed from two hundred to three hundred of them, the
chronicler averred, within an hour’s time. Again the “Swan” was
found, and having become unseaworthy, she was stripped of her
furnishings and burned. A few days later the “Christopher” was also
discharged for the same reason. On the twentieth of June the fleet
came to anchor at Port St. Julien, Patagonia, above the Strait of
Magellan, giving entrance to the Pacific.
St. Julien was the original winter port of Magelhaens, so named
and established by him, and whence he sailed to his discovery of the
mysterious strait. Drake similarly made it his port for recuperation
and preparation before attempting his passage of this strait to the
goal of his ambition. Here two months were spent, while the ships
were put in thorough condition,—three only, now, the “Mary,” the
Portuguese prize, having been broken up on her arrival because
leaky,—and the company disciplined for the better conduct of the
adventures before them. The stay was most dramatically and
painfully marked, however, by the trial, conviction, and beheading of
Drake’s friend, the unfortunate Master Doughty, on the charge of
inciting a mutiny in the fleet. The sight of a gibbet set up, as was
supposed, seventy years before by Magelhaens for the execution of
certain mutineers in his company, may have suggested this
inexplicable proceeding, which has been the subject of much
speculation by historians and of condemnation by Drake’s harsher
critics. The affair is thus vividly reported, with careful particularity, by
Hakluyt’s chronicler:
“The Generall began to inquire diligently of the actions of M.
Thomas Doughtie and found them not to be such as he looked for,
but tending rather to contention or mutinie, or some other disorder,
whereby (without redresse) the successe of the voyage might
greatly have been hazarded: whereupon the company was called
together and made acquainted with the particulars of the cause,
which were found partly by master Doughtie’s owne confession, and
partly by the evidence of the fact, to be true: which when our
Generall saw, although his private affection of M. Doughtie (as hee
then in the presence of us all sacredly protested) was great, yet the
care he had of the state of the voyage, of the expectation of her
Majestie, and of the honour of his countrey did more touch him (as
indeede it ought) then [than] the private respect of one man: so
that the cause being thoroughly heard, and all things done in good
order as neere as might be to the course of our lawes in England, it
was concluded that M. Doughtie should receive punishment
according to the qualitie of the offence: and he seeing no remedie
but patience for himselfe, desired before his death to receive the
Communion, which he did at the hands of M. Fletcher our Minister,
and our Generall himselfe accompanied him in that holy action:
which being done, and the place of execution made ready, hee
having embraced our Generall and taken his leave of all the
companie, with prayers for the Queenes majestie and our realme, in
quiet sort laid his head to the blocke, where he ended his life.”
 Whether he were guilty or not, Doughty’s fine courage and manly
bearing throughout his ordeal calls only for admiration.
The execution over, Drake made a speech to the assembled
company, persuading them to “unitie, obedience, love, and regard
of” their voyage: and “for the better confirmation thereof” he “willed
every man the next Sunday following to prepare himselfe to receive
the Communion as Christian brethren and friends ought to doe.”
This, the chronicler concludes, was done “in very reverent sort, and
so with good contentment every man went about his businesse.”
St. Julien was left on the seventeenth of August, and on the
twentieth the mouth of the Strait of Magellan was reached. At the
entrance, Drake, as another chronicler recorded, caused the fleet, in
homage to the queen of England, to “strike their topsails upon the
bunt as a token of his willing and glad mind to shew his dutiful
obedience to her highness, whom he acknowledged to have full
interest and right” in his discoveries; and he formally changed the
name of his own ship from the “Pelican” to the “Golden Hind,” in
remembrance of his “honourable friend and favourer,” Sir Christopher
Hatton, whose crest bore this design. Then the chaplain delivered a
sermon and the ceremonies closed.
The passage of the strait was successfully made in the remarkable
time of sixteen days, and on the sixth of September the little fleet
emerged in the sea of their desire on the “backside” of America.
Instead, however, of the tranquil ocean that Magelhaens had
named the Pacific, because of its serenity when he first saw it, they
encountered a rough and turbulent water; and no sooner had they
cleared the strait than a great storm arose by which they were
driven some two hundred leagues westward, and separated. The
“Golden Hind” was struggling against the almost continuous tempest
for full fifty-three days. From the west she was carried south as far
as fifty-seven degrees, and Drake was enabled to see the union of
the Atlantic and the Pacific, and by chance to discover Cape Horn.
He sighted numerous islands, and gave the name of the
“Elizabethides” to the whole group of Tierra del Fuego. While
beating about west and south the fleet came together again, but
only soon to be parted forever. In the middle of September a
harbour was temporarily made in a bay which Drake called the “Bay
of Severing Friends.” Working northward again they stood in a bay
near the strait. The next day the cable of the “Golden Hind” parted
and she drove out to sea. Thus she lost sight of the “Elizabeth,” and
never saw her more. It was supposed that she had been put by the
storm into the strait again, and that she would ultimately be met
somewhere above. The first part of this supposition was correct. She
had recovered the strait. But instead of returning to the Pacific
course Captain Winter made the passage back to the Atlantic, and so
continued his voyage homeward, reaching England on the first of
November. Captain Winter prepared an account of his
companionship with Drake from the start, and of his experiences
after parting with him, which Hakluyt reproduced. On the second of
October the “Marigold,” in trying to regain lost ground, fell away
from the “Golden Hind” and afterward (though Drake was not aware
of her fate) foundered with all on board.
Now the “Golden Hind” was left alone with a single pinnace.
Subsequently the pinnace with eight men in her separated from him
and was seen no more. Her crew, as was some years after related
by the single survivor, had marvellous adventures, which included
the return passage through the strait; a voyage to the River La
Plata; fights with Indians in woods on the shore; escape of those left
alive to a lone island, where the pinnace was dashed to pieces on
the rocks; two months on this island by the survivors, now only two,
who subsisted on crabs, eels, and fruits with no water to drink; and
final escape to the mainland by means of a raft of plank, where one
of the two died from over-indulgence in the sweet water of a rivulet.
At length after her wanderings southward the “Golden Hind” with
a favourable wind got fairly off on a northwestern course. Again
coming to the height of the strait she coasted upward, Drake always
hoping to meet or hear of his missing consorts. Through the
inaccuracy of his charts he was carried more to the westward than
he intended, and on the twenty-ninth of November fell in with an
island called la Mocha. Here he came to anchor in the hope of
obtaining water and fresh provisions, and of recuperating. Taking ten
of his men he rowed ashore. The inhabitants were found to be
Patagonians, who had been compelled by the “cruell and extreme
dealings of the Spaniards” to flee from the mainland and fortify
themselves on this island. They thronged down to the water side
with “shew of great courtesie,” and offered potatoes, roots, and two
fat sheep, Drake in return giving them trinkets. A supply of water
was also promised by them. But the next day when the same party
rowed to the shore and two men were put on land with barrels to be
filled, the people, mistaking these men for Spaniards, seized and
slew them. Another account says that in attempting to rescue their
comrades the party were assailed, and Drake was wounded in the
face by arrows. The ship then at once weighed anchor and got off.
Drawing toward the coast again, the next day anchor was dropped
in a bay called St. Philip. Here an Indian came out in a canoe, and
taking the “Golden Hind” to be Spanish, told of a great Spanish ship
at a place called “S. Iogo” (Valparaiso), laden from Peru. For this
exhilarating news Drake rewarded the canoeist with divers trifles,
and under his pilotage straightway put off for Valparaiso to seize the
prize if there. True enough, she was found in that harbour riding
quietly at anchor, with only eight Spaniards and three Negroes on
board. They also supposing the new comer to be Spanish, welcomed
her with beat of drum and made ready a “Bottija [a Spanish pot] of
wine of Chili to drink” to her men. So soon, however, as the craft
was come up to, one of Drake’s impatient men began to lay about
him, and striking one of the Spaniards cried “Abaxo Perro, that is in
English Goe downe dogge!” This, in modern parlance, gave the
“Golden Hind” away. But not a moment was lost in parley. “To be
short,” says the chronicler, “wee stowed them away under hatches
all save one Spaniard, who suddenly and desperately leapt over
board into the sea, and swamme ashore to the towne ... to give
them warning of our arrival.” There were then in Valparaiso “not
above nine households,” and it was instantly abandoned. Drake
proceeded to rifle the place. A lot of Chili wine was taken from a
warehouse, and from a chapel a silver chalice, two cruets, and an
altar cloth were carried off. All of the pious spoil was generously
given by Drake to his chaplain, Master Fletcher. This business done,
all of the prisoners were freed with one exception, John Griego, a
Greek, whom Drake held to serve him as pilot to the haven of Lima,
and the “Golden Hind” set sail again with the Spanish prize in tow.
She was rifled leisurely when at sea, and produced “good store of
the wine of Chili, 25,000 pezoes of very pure and fine gold of
Baldivia, amounting in value to 37,000 ducats of Spanish money or
above.” This was reckoned a pretty fine haul for the first one on the
Pacific coast, but greater were to follow.
The voyagers still kept in with the coast and next arrived at “a
place called Coquinobo” (perhaps Copiapo). Here Drake sent
fourteen of his men to land for fresh water. They were espied and a
body of horsemen and footmen dashed upon and killed one of them.
Then the attacking force quickly disappeared. The Englishmen went
ashore again and buried their comrade. Meanwhile the Spaniards
reappeared with a flag of truce. But they were not trusted, and as
soon as his men had returned Drake again put to sea. He now had a
new pinnace, having at this place set up another of the three
brought out ready framed. The next place at which a landing was
made was Tarapaca. On the shore a Spaniard was found lying asleep
with thirteen bars of silver beside him. Drake’s party took the silver
and left the man. Not far from this place a boat’s load going ashore
for water met a Spaniard with an Indian boy driving eight “llamas,”
sheep of Peru, as “big as asses,” each carrying on its back two
leather bags, together containing one hundred pounds’ weight of
silver. They took the sheep with their burdens, and let the man and
boy go. Still coasting along the buccaneering voyagers came next to
the port of Arica. In this haven lay three barks well freighted with
silver. They were instantly boarded and relieved of their cargoes.
From one alone were taken fifty-seven wedges of silver, each of “the
bigness of a brickbat,” and of about twenty pounds’ weight. They
were unprotected, their crews having fled to the town at the
approach of the Englishmen. Drake would have ransacked the town
had his company been larger. As it was, the spoil of the barks so
easily taken contented him. Now he was bound for Lima. Along the
way he fell in with a bark which, being boarded and rifled, produced
a good store of linen cloth. When as much of this stuff as was
desired had been taken the bark was cast off.
 Callao, the port of Lima, was reached on the thirteenth of
February, and entered without resistance. A dozen or more ships
were met in this haven, lying at anchor, all without their sails, these
having been taken ashore, for the masters and merchants here felt
perfectly secure, never having been assaulted by enemies and
fearing the approach of none such as Drake’s company were. All
were held up and rifled. In one were found fifteen hundred bars of
silver; in another a chest of coined money, and stocks of silks and
linen cloth. Drake questioned the crews as to any knowledge they
might have of his lost consorts, for which he had kept up a continual
lookout; but he could learn nothing from them. He learned
something else, however, which hastened his departure. This was
that a very rich Spanish ship, laden with treasure, had sailed out of
this port just before his arrival, bound for Panama. She was the
“glory of the South Sea,” named the “Cacafuego,” in English
equivalent the “Spitfire.” Drake was soon in full chase of her, and to
prevent himself being followed from Callao he cut all the cables of
the twelve ships, letting them drive as they would, to sea or ashore.
 DRAKE OVERHAULING A SPANISH
GALLEON.

On this run he paused long enough to overhaul and loot a

brigantine, taking out of her eighty pounds’ weight of gold, a gold
crucifix studded with emeralds, and some cordage which would
come in handy on his ship. Drake promised his men that whichever
should first sight the “Cacafuego” should be rewarded with the gold
chain he wore. It fortuned that his brother John, “going up into the
top,” spied her at three o’clock one afternoon, and so won the chain.
By six she was reached and ordered to stand. Three pieces of
ordnance were shot off at her and struck down her mizzen. She was
then boarded and easily possessed. Her treasure comprised jewels,
precious stones, eighty pounds of gold, and twenty-six tons of silver.
Among some plate were two gilded silver bowls which belonged to
her pilot, Francisco by name. These particularly took Drake’s fancy.
So with suavity he observed to their owner, “Senor Pilot, you have
here two silver cups, but I must have one of them.” The “Senor
Pilot” responded as affably, and, “because he could not otherwise
chuse,” handed over one to the general and bestowed the other
upon the steward of the “Golden Hind.” As he departed his boy, a lad
with a clever wit, spoke up to Drake, "Captain, our ship shall be
called no more the ‘Cacafuego’ but the ‘Cacaplata,’ and your ship
shall be called the ‘Cacafuego.’" “Which prettie speech of the Pilot’s
boy,” the chronicler records, “ministered matter of laughter to us,
both then and long after.”
The point where this prize was taken is given as some one
hundred and fifty leagues below Panama. She was sailed out into
the sea beyond the sight of land, and there rifled. When this was
done Drake cast her off and continued on his course up the coast,
standing out to the westward to avoid Panama, where he was too
well known. On an early April day, another fine ship was met with.
She was taken without resistance. She was a merchant ship from
Acapulco, in Mexico, rich laden with linen cloth, China silks, and
porcelain ware. Her owner was on board, a Spanish gentleman, Don
Francisco de Carate. Drake treated him with great courtesy, and
evidently won his admiration, for we read that he gave his captor a
handsomely wrought falcon of gold with a great emerald set in the
breast. Drake in return gave him a hanger and silver brazier. He
released the merchant after three days when, having finished his
business with the captured ship, he suffered her to continue on her
voyage. The pilot, however, was retained for his service. Afterward
Carate gave a careful account of his experience with Drake in a letter
to the viceroy of New Spain, and to this letter we are indebted for an
engaging description of Drake’s outfit, his characteristics, and his
person.
This intelligent and gracious witness pictures the general as
“about thirty-five, of small size, and reddish beard,” and
characterises him as “one of the greatest sailors that exist both for
his skill and for his power of commanding.” His men were “all in the
prime of life and as well trained for war as if they were old soldiers
of Italy.” He treated them “with affection, and they him with
respect.” Among them were “nine or ten gentlemen, younger sons of
leading men in England,” who formed his council. But he was not
bound by their advice, though he might be guided by it. These
young gentlemen all dined with him at his table. The service was of
silver “richly gilt and engraved with his arms.” He dined and supped
to the music of violins. He had “all possible luxuries, even to
perfumes.” He had two draughtsmen, who portrayed the coast “in its
own colours.” His ship carried thirty large guns, and a great quantity
of ammunition, as well as artificers who could execute necessary
repairs.
Carate’s retained pilot directed Drake up to and along the coast of
North America, and about the middle of April had brought him to the
Mexican haven of “Guatulco” (Acapulco). He landed with a few of his
men and went presently to the town, where, in the Town-House, a
trial of three Negroes charged with conspiring to burn the place was
proceeding. Judge, officers, and prisoners were all seized and
brought to the ship. The judge was required to write a letter
commanding the townspeople to “avoid” that the ship might water
here. This done, and the captives released, Drake’s men ransacked
the town. In one house they found a pot of the size of a bushel full
of reals of plate. A flying Spanish gentleman was overtaken and a
gold chain and jewels were filched from him. At this port Nuna da
Silva, the Portuguese pilot retained all along from the time of his
capture in the Cape Verde Islands, was discharged and put aboard a
Spanish ship in the harbour. He subsequently made a written report
to the viceroy of New Spain, comprising a circumstantial account of
the voyage as far as he was compelled to make it. This account
passed from that official to the viceroy of the Portugal-Indies, and
some years afterward got to England, when Hakluyt published it. It
follows the narrative of the chronicler of Drake’s company in the
Principal Navigations, and well supplements that.
Now, at Acapulco, or at an island below this port which the
chronicler calls “Canno,” while his “Golden Hind” was undergoing a
complete refitting, Drake was pondering his future course. His ship
was rich in treasure, and his company were thinking of home. He
now felt himself “both in respect of his private injuries received from
the Spaniards, as also of the contempts and indignities offered” to
his country, “sufficiently satisfied and revenged”; and he believed
that the queen would be contented with this service. Accordingly he
decided no longer to continue on the coast of New Spain. But
whither should he turn? It was unwise to go back as he had come. It
was not well to make return by the Strait of Magellan for two
reasons: “the one, lest the Spaniards should there waite and attend
for him in great number and strength whose hands, hee being left
but one ship, could not possibly escape.” And it happened that a
fleet was actually making ready for this purpose. The other was the
dangerous situation of the Pacific mouth of the strait with “continuall
stormes reigning and blustering, as he had found by experience,
besides the shoalds and sands upon the coast.” Finally, after
consultation with his “council,” he resolved to strike boldly out into
the great sea and make for the Moluccas, the Spice Islands, of the
East Indian Archipelago. He may have been influenced toward this
decision through his capture while at Canno of a prize with two
pilots and a Spanish governor on board bound for the Philippines; or
by an earlier taking from the Spaniards, according to Silva’s account,
of some charts of seas hitherto unknown to the English. At the same
time it is believed that he had serious thoughts of trying for an
“upper north” passage to the Atlantic from the “backside” of
America, as Frobisher had sought the Northwest passage from the
east side three and more years before.
The start on the western course, directly into the Pacific, was
made about the middle of April. But almost immediately, in order to
get a wind, it was necessary to steer somewhat northerly instead of
due west. And thus northward the ship continued to sail, “six
hundred leagues at the least,” for some fifty days, or till the third of
June, when she had come, as the chronicler recorded, “in 43
degrees towards the pole Arctike.” The air had now grown so cold
that the voyagers, coming from a torrid climate, were “grievously
pinched” by it. On the fifth of June, because of the increasing cold,
and of contrary winds, they thought it best to seek the shore.
The coast they first sighted was “not mountainous but low plaine
land.” It was the lower part of the present great American state of
Oregon. Hakluyt’s chronicler made no mention of a stop here, but a
later one (Drake’s chaplain, Fletcher) told of their dropping anchor in
a “bad bay” in which there was “no abiding” for any length of time.
To go farther north, under all the circumstances, was out of the
question, and if Drake really had thought seriously of seeking a
northern strait between the oceans, that scheme was now
abandoned. Again under sail, with the wind straight from the north,
they were carried southward till they had come “within 38 degrees
toward the line.” And now “it pleased God” to send them “into a faire
good Baye with a good winde to enter the same.” This was on the
coast of our present California. Here they came comfortably to
anchor, and looking about them, saw little huts close by the
waterside and strange natives pressing to the shore with welcoming
gestures.
So Drake discovered for the English the coast of Oregon and
California. He was the first European to see the coast of Oregon and
to anchor on its shores. Earlier discovery of the Californian coast was
claimed for Portuguese ships in 1520 and 1542–1543; and for the
Spaniards in 1542. The Spaniards first applied the name of California
to an indefinite territory up the coast above Mexico. Drake named
the region which he visited, “New Albion,” because of the “white
bankes and cliffes” lying toward the sea, which he saw as he
approached the place of his anchorage, and in remembrance of the
ancient name of Britain. The situation of his “faire good Baye” was a
mooted question with historical authorities till near the close of the
nineteenth century. The weight of evidence appeared to point to San
Francisco Bay till the exact identification of Point Reyes Head, a little
north of San Francisco Bay, as Drake’s landfall. This was made in full
accordance with the chroniclers’ descriptions, by Prof. George
Davidson, of the United States Coast and Geodetic Survey, who
definitely fixed the disputed port under the eastern promontory of
Point Reyes Head, the haven now called Drake’s Harbor. The “bad
harbor” above, on the Oregon coast, Professor Davidson identifies in
an open roadstead off the mouth of the Chetko River, protected in
part by Cape Ferrelo.
Drake and his companions stayed in this port for thirty-six days
and had wonderful intercourse with the natives. These people
greatly marvelled at the things they brought and the presents they
bestowed and thought their visitors to be gods. The Englishmen
pitched their tents and built a temporary fort about them near the
waterside at the foot of a hill, while from its summit groups of
natives gazed, wide-eyed, down upon their work. Then followed a
succession of stately ceremonies.
First, the people, assembled on the hill-top, put forth one of their
number as spokesman, who “wearied himself” with a long oration
directed at the Englishmen mustered below. This over, the men,
leaving their bows and arrows behind them, came down the hill
bearing presents to the Englishmen, feathers and bags of “tobac,”
assumed to have been tobacco. Meanwhile the women, remaining
on the hill-top, “tormented themselves lamentably, tearing their flesh
from their cheekes,” which was understood to be a sacrifice, a pagan
performance that distressed the Englishmen, who expressed their
disapproval of it by gestures and endeavoring to offset it with a
service of prayer and scripture reading. Then the presents were
delivered and this ceremony ended. Next the native king,
accompanied by his chief men and a throng of his people, formally
welcomed the newcomers with a great demonstration. Of this
spectacle the chronicler furnished a minute description, warranted by
the novelty of it and the surprising climax:
"The people that inhabited round about came downe and amongst
them the King himselfe, a man of a goodly stature & comely
personage, with many other tall and warlike men: before whose
comming were sent two Ambassadors to our Generall to signifie that
their King was comming, in doing of which message their speach
was continued about halfe an houre. This ended, they by signes
requested our Generall to send some thing by their hand to their
King as a token that his comming might be in peace: wherein our
Generall having satisfied them, they returned with glad tidings to
their King, who marched to us with a princely majestie, the people
crying continually after their manner, and as they drew neere unto
us, so did they strive to behave themselves in their actions with
comelinesse. In the forefront was a man of a goodly personage who
bare a scepter or mace before the King, whereupon hanged two
crownes, a lesse and a bigger, with three chaines of a marveilous
length: the crownes were made of knit worke wrought artificially
with fethers of divers colours; the chaines were made of a bonie
substance, and few be the persons among them that are admitted to
weare them: and of that number also the persons are stinted, as
some ten, some twelve &c. Next unto him which bare the scepter,
was the King himselfe with his Guard about his person, clad with
Conie skins, & other skins; after them followed the naked common
sort of people, every one having his face painted, some with white,
some with blacke, and other colours, & having in their hands one
thing or another for a present, not so much as their children, but
they also brought their presents.
"In the meane time our Generall gathered his men together, and
marched within his fenced place, making against their approaching a
very warre-like shew. They being trooped together in their order,
and a generall salutation being made, there was presently a generall
silence. Then he that bare the scepter before the King being
informed by another, whom they assigned to that office, with a
manly and loftie voyce proclaymed that which the other spake to
him in secrete, continuing halfe an houre: which ended and a
generall Amen as it were given, the King with the whole number of
men and women (the children excepted) came downe without any
weapon, who descending to the foote of the hill set themselves in
order. In comming towards our bulwarks and tents, the scepter-
bearer began a song, observing his measures in a daunce, and that
with a stately countenance, whom the King with his Guarde, and
every degree of persons following, did in like manner sing and
daunce, saving onely the women, who daunced and kept silence.
“The Generall permitted them to enter within our bulwarke, where
they continued their song and daunce a reasonable time. When they
had satisfied themselves they made signes to our Generall to sit
downe, to whom the King and divers others made several orations,
or rather supplications, that hee would take their province and
kingdome into his own hand and become their King, making signes
that they would resigne unto him their right and title of the whole
land and become his subjects. In which to perswade us the better
the King and the rest with one consent and with great reverence,
singing a song, did set the crowne upon his head, inriched his necke
with all their chains and offered unto him many other things,
honouring him by the name of Hioh, adding thereunto as it seemed,
a signe of triumph: which thing our Generall thought not meete to
reject, because he knew not what honour and profit it might be to
our Countrey. Wherefore in the name, and to the use of her Majestie
he took the scepter, crowne, and dignitie of the said Countrey into
his hands, wishing that the riches & treasure thereof might so
conveniently be transported to the inriching of her kingdom at home,
as it aboundeth in ye same.”
After these ceremonies the general and his company marched up
into the country and visited the villages of the natives. They found
the land fair and abounding particularly in deer, of which great
herds, a thousand in a herd, they reckoned, were seen. The houses
in the villages were circular in form. They were “digged about with
earth,” and had “from the uttermost brimmes of the circle clefts of
wood set upon their joyning close together at the top like a spire
steeple.” The beds herein were of rushes strewn upon the ground.
The men were almost entirely without apparel, while the women
wore a single garment woven of bulrushes with a deer-skin on their
shoulders.
Of the resources of the region scant report was given beyond this
significant statement, which was left to be verified for nearly three
centuries: “There is no part of earth heere to bee taken up wherein
there is not some probable shew of gold or silver.”
Just before his departure Drake nailed upon a “faire great poste” a
plate “whereupon were engraven her Majesties name, the day, and
yeere of our arrivall there, with the free giving up of the province
and people into her Majesties hands, together with her highnesses
picture and armes, in a peace of sixe pence of current English
money under [beneath] the plate, whereunder was also written the
name of our Generall.” And to this record the chronicler adds, to
clinch the English claim, “It seemeth that the Spaniards hitherto had
never bene in this part of the Countrey, neither did ever discover the
land by many degrees to the Southwards of this place.”
While in the “New Albion” port the “Golden Hind” was careened
and refitted, so that she finally sailed on the next stage of her
voyage in excellent condition. The port was left on the twenty-third
of July, the kind natives, who parted with the Englishmen most
reluctantly, keeping up fires on the hills as the ship ploughed her
way, now westward, perforce with a northwest wind, into the
trackless sea.
The next day the Farallones, directly west of San Francisco Bay,
were passed, Drake calling them the “Islands of St. James.” After
these islands were lost to view they sailed without sight of land for
more than two months, or sixty-eight days, when they fell in with
“certain islands 8 degrees Northward of the line,” supposed to have
been the Pellew Islands. Only a brief stay was made here, and the
natives were found so untrustworthy that Drake disgustedly named
the group the “Islands of Thieves.” In October they were among the
Philippines, and watered off Mindanao. Thence pursuing their way
southward, in November they had come to the “Spice Islands.”
At Tenate, where they first anchored, they spent three weeks, the
while receiving flattering attentions from the native king, with great
show of barbaric splendour. Drake began the exchange of courtesies
the morning after his arrival by sending a messenger to the king
bearing a velvet cloak as a present to him and also as a token that
the Englishmen were here in peace, requiring nothing but traffic.
The king responded graciously, and sending Drake a signet, he
offered himself and his kingdom to the service of the queen of
England. Afterward he made a formal call at the ship. Preceding him
there came four great canoes bringing out his men of state and their
retinues. The dignitaries were all attired in “white lawne of cloth of
Calicut,” and sat in the order of their rank beneath an awning of thin
perfumed mats on a frame of reeds. With those in each canoe were
“divers young and comely men,” also dressed in white. Guarding
them were lines of soldiers, standing, on either side. Without the
soldiers were the rowers, sitting in galleries, four score in each
gallery, of which there were three rising one above the other and
extending out from the canoe’s sides three or four yards. All of the
canoes were armed, and most of their passengers carried their
weapons, the dignitaries or their young attendants each with sword,
target, and dagger, the soldiers bearing lances, calivers, darts, and
bows and arrows. Reaching the ship the canoes were rowed around
her in order one after another, while the dignitaries “did their
homage with great solemnity.” The king followed, accompanied by
six “grave and ancient persons,” all of whom “did their obeisance
with marveilous humilitie.” The king seemed most delighted with the
music of the ship’s band.
The next day a deputation composed of several of the gentlemen
in the ship’s company, the vice-king being retained aboard as
hostage, received a great entertainment ashore. They were
conducted with great honour to the “castle,” where, the chronicler
avers, were at least a thousand persons assembled. Sixty “grave
personages,” said to be the king’s council, sat in seats of honour.
Presently the king entered, walking beneath a rich canopy and
guarded by twelve “launces.” He was sumptuously attired in a
garment of cloth of gold depending from his waist to the ground. His
legs were bare, but on his feet were shoes of cordovan skin. His
head was topped with finely wreathed hooped rings of gold. About
his neck was a gold chain in great links. On his fingers were six
jewels. He took his chair of state, and a page standing at his right
began “breathing and gathering the ayre” with a gorgeous fan, “in
length two foote, and in breadth one foote, set with 8 saphyres,
richly imbroidered, and knit to a staffe 3 foote in length.” At the
conclusion of their entertainment Drake’s men were escorted back to
their ship by one of the king’s council.
From Ternate, with an abundance of cloves added to their rich
cargo, they sailed to the southward of Celebes, and anchored off a
small uninhabited island, where they remained twenty-six days
refreshing themselves, and meanwhile graving the ship (cleaning the
ship’s bottom). Again underway, after sighting Celebes, by contrary
winds they became entangled among islands and barely escaped
wreck on a rock. They escaped only by lighting the ship of three
tons of their precious cloves and several pieces of ordnance, and the
sudden coming of a “happy gale” which blew them off. In February
they fell in with the fruitful island of “Barateve” (Batjan), where they
rested three days enjoying the hospitality of the friendly people and
repairing the ship. Thence their course was set for Java major. Here
they arrived in March, and also met much courtesy from the natives,
with “honourable entertainment” by the rajahs then governing the
island. From Java they steered for the Cape of Good Hope. This they
passed in June. They found it not at all the dangerous cape that the
Portuguese had reported, but a “most stately thing,” and the finest
cape they had seen in all their travels. A month later they were at
Sierra Leone. Here they stopped long enough to take in fresh
provisions. Then setting sail for the last time, they finally arrived at
their home port in England on the third of November, 1580, after an
absence of three years.
Their arrival with their astonishing freight of riches in gold, silver,
pearls, precious stones, silks, spices, and with their amazing tales of
adventure, was a momentous event. All England was stirred by the
story of the marvellous voyage. At first men of affairs were chary
and avoided a recognition of Drake’s achievements, knowing that
they must lead to complications with Spain. The queen withheld her
approbation while an official inquiry into his conduct was proceeding.
In the meantime some critics in high places raised a clamour against
him, and termed him the “Master Thief of the Unknown World.” But,
with the increasing tension in the relations between the two nations,
sentiment changed. On the fourth of April, 1581, five months after
his return, the queen visited him in state on the “Golden Hind,” now
at Deptford, and at the close of a banquet on the deck of the
famous ship, she formally knighted him for his services, and
conferred upon him a coat of arms and a crest. At the same time
she gave directions for the preservation of the “Golden Hind,” as a
monument to his own and England’s glory. So this ship remained for
more than a century. Then, having fallen into decay, she was broken
up, and from remnants of her frame a chair was made which found
a permanent place in the Bodleian Library at Oxford.
Drake made no more voyages of discovery. His subsequent
exploits on the sea were all for the harassment of Spain. In 1585 he
was admiral, with Martin Frobisher vice-admiral, as we have seen, of
a fleet sent to intercept the Spanish galleons from the West Indies,
and to “revenge the wrongs” offered England by Spain. In 1587 he
sailed a fleet to Lisbon and there burned many ships, which he
termed “singeing the King of Spain’s beard.” In 1588 he was the
resourceful vice-admiral of the great fleet against the Spanish
Armada. In 1589 he commanded the fleet sent to restore Dom
Antonio to the throne of Portugal. Lastly, he was with his old leader,
Sir John Hawkins, again in the West Indies and on the Spanish Main.
And here, in 1595, he died, on board his own ship, near Nombre
de Dios, the object of his first assault in his first voyage of reprisal, a
quarter of a century before.
 XVIII
GILBERT’S VOYAGES

L ess than a fortnight after the departure of Martin Frobisher on his

third and last Northwestern voyage, in May, 1578, Humphrey
Gilbert had obtained the letters-patent which he had long coveted
from Queen Elizabeth for the “inhabiting and planting of our people
in America”; and before the summer was far advanced he had
organized an expedition of his own with these objects.
This pioneer charter providing definitely for English colonization in
America bore date of eleventh of June 1578, and was limited to six
years. The full text is given in the Principal Navigations. It conferred
upon Sir Humphrey, his heirs and assigns, large powers, and
provided the machinery necessary for the government of a colony. It
gave him and them free liberty and license to “discover, finde, search
out, and view such remote, heathen and barbarous countreys and
territories not actually possessed by any Christian prince or people,”
and to have, hold, occupy, and enjoy such regions with all their
“commodities, jurisdictions, and royalties both by sea and land,” the
single condition being that one-fifth part of the gold and silver ore
that might be obtained be paid over to the queen. They were
empowered to “encounter, expulse, repell, and resist as well by Sea
as by land” all persons attempting to inhabit without their special
license in or within two hundred leagues of the places occupied by
them. They were to have a monopoly of the commerce of such
places, no vessels being permitted to enter their harbours for traffic
except by their license. The rights of Englishmen were promised to
all people who might become members of the colony.
 Associated with Sir Humphrey in his enterprise under this charter
were “many gentlemen of good estimation,” while his right hand in
all the work of preparation was his notable half-brother, Walter
Raleigh. By autumn was assured the assemblage of a “puissant fleet
able to encounter a king’s power by sea.” There were eleven sail in
all in readiness, and a volunteer company of four hundred men,
gentlemen, men-at-arms, and sailors, collected for the venture. In
the mean time, however, the enterprise had been diverted from its
apparent original object to a secret assault upon the West Indies,
with possibly an after attempt at colonization on the southern coast
of North America, while the preparations had been hampered by
divided councils and dissensions among the captains. The breaches
in the organization had the more serious effect, for when the time
for sailing had come the greater number of the intended voyagers
had dispersed, and Sir Humphrey was left with only a few assured
friends. Nevertheless, with his fleet reduced to seven ships and his
company to one hundred and fifty men, he set off from the Devon
coast, as agreed, on the twenty-first of September. But the ships had
barely got to sea when they were driven back to port by hard
weather. A second start was made on the eighteenth of November.
Of the course and of the details of this voyage nothing satisfactory is
recorded; and the fragmentary accounts are contradictory. All that
appears to be clearly known is that, after an absence of several
months, the fleet in part returned to Plymouth, Gilbert arriving first,
and Raleigh with his ship last, in May, 1579; and that there had been
encounters at sea with the Spaniards in which one of the chief
vessels was lost, and also one of the leaders in the expedition, Miles
Morgan, “a valiant gentleman.”
In this venture Sir Humphrey had so heavily invested that his
personal estate was impaired. But its failure so little disheartened
him that he at once began planning another one, this one directly
for colonization. Meanwhile, in the summer immediately following his
return he served with his ships on the Irish coast. After a year or
two, still being without means to perfect his scheme, he gave
assignments from his patent to sundry persons desiring the privilege
of his grant to plant in the north parts of America “about the river of
Canada,” his hope being that their success would further his scheme
which was then to colonize southward. Time, however, went on
without anything being done by his assigns, and the six years’ limit
of his charter was nearing. Consequently if the patent were to be
kept in force action was imperative.
At this juncture (in 1583) he was successful in effecting a new
organization. Raleigh was again in close hand with him; but the chief
adventurer was Sir George Peckham, who had been an associate
with Sir Richard Grenville and others in support of a second petition
of Gilbert’s to the queen in 1574, for a charter to discover “riche and
unknowen landes.” A good deal of time was spent by the projectors
in debating the best course to adopt,—whether to begin the
intended discovery of a fit place to colonize from the south
northward or from the north southward. Finally it was decided that
the voyagers should take the north course and follow as directly as
they might the “trade way unto Newfoundland,” whence, after their
“refreshing and reparation of wants,” they should proceed
southward, “not omitting any river or bay which in all that large tract
of land” appeared to their view worthy of search.
This programme arranged, five ships were assembled and made
ready for the voyage. These were the “Delight, alias the George,” of
one hundred and twenty tons, the “Bark Raleigh,” two hundred tons,
the “Golden Hind,” forty tons, the “Swallow,” forty tons, and the
“Squirrel,” ten tons. The “Delight” was designated “admiral” of the
fleet to carry Sir Humphrey as general. The “Raleigh,” the largest
vessel in the squadron, was to be “vice-admiral,” and the “Golden
Hind” "rear admiral." The “Raleigh” had been built and manned at
the expense of Raleigh, but he did not personally join the expedition,
the queen refusing to give her permission for him to go out with it.
The company brought together numbered in all two hundred and
sixty men of all sorts and condition. Among them were shipwrights,
masons, carpenters, smiths; a “mineral man” and refiner;
gentlemen, adventurers, and sea-rovers. For entertainment of the
company and for allurement of the savages who might be met,
“musick in good variety,” and toys, as “Morris dancers, Hobby
horses, and Mayfair conceits,” were provided. Also a stock of petty
haberdashery wares was put in to barter with “those simple people.”
The account of this voyage which Hakluyt gives was the official
one, prepared by Edward Hayes, the captain, and also owner of the
“Golden Hind,” which alone of the fleet completed it and returned to
Plymouth with its tragic story. His narrative appears in the Principal
Navigations under this much-embracing title: “A Report of the
Voyage and successe thereof, attempted in the yeere of our Lord
1583 by Sir Humfrey Gilbert knight, with other gentlemen assisting
him in that action, intended to discover and to plant Christian
inhabitants in place convenient, upon those large and ample
countreys extended Northward from the Cape of Florida, lying under
very temperate Climes esteemed fertile and rich in Minerals, yet not
in actual possession of any Christian prince, written by M. Edward
Haie gentleman, and principall actour in the same voyage, who
alone continued unto the end, and by Gods speciall assistance
returned safe and sound.” To Captain Hayes we are also indebted for
some particulars of Sir Humphrey’s efforts that culminated in his first
abortive voyage of 1578–1579, which are detailed by way of preface
to his story of this voyage.
The start was auspiciously made from Plymouth harbour on the
eleventh of June, 1583, Gilbert wearing on his breast the queen’s
gift of an emblematical jewel,—a pearl-tipped golden anchor
guarded by a woman,—sent him on the eve of the departure as a
token of her good wishes for his venture. But when only the third
night out, with a prosperous wind, consternation was occasioned by
the desertion of the “Raleigh.” Earlier in the evening she had
signified that her captain and many of her men had fallen sick; then
later, with no further communication, she put about on a homeward
course. Although after his return from the voyage Captain Hayes
heard it “credibly reported” that her men were really affected with a
contagious sickness, and that she arrived back at Plymouth greatly
distressed, he could not accept this as sufficiently accounting for her
act. The real reason he “could never understand.” Therefore he left it
“to God.”
 With this desertion of the “Raleigh” Captain Hayes’s “Golden Hind”
succeeded to the place of vice-admiral, and accordingly her flag was
shifted from the mizzen to the foretop. Thus the remaining ships
sailed till the twenty-sixth of July when the “Swallow” and the
“Squirrel” were lost in a fog. The “Delight” and the “Golden Hind,”
now alone, four days later sighted the Newfoundland coast,—seven
weeks from the time that the fleet had left the coast of England.
The two ships continued along the east coast to Conception Bay,
where the “Swallow” was met again. After her disappearance in the
fog she had engaged in piratical performances on the sea. An
especially mean act had been the despoiling of a fishing bark and
leaving her sailless to make her homeward voyage, some seven
hundred leagues away. The “Swallow’s” crew were hilarious over
their exploits, and many of them appeared in motley garb made up
of the clothing filched from the despoiled fishermen. Her captain, an
“honest and religious man,” was held blameless in this business. He
had had put upon him men “not to his humour or desert”: a crew of
pirates, whom he evidently could not control. Later, the same day,
the now three ships had come before the harbour of St. John’s, and
here the “Squirrel” was found. She was lying at anchor off the
harbour mouth, entrance having been forbidden her by the “English
merchants” of St. John’s, who, as the elected “admirals,” represented
the Newfoundland fishing fleets of different nationalities, of which
thirty-six sail happened then to be inside this harbour.
Sir Humphrey prepared to enter by force if necessary, “any
resistance to the contrary notwithstanding.” But when he had shown
his commission to the “admirals,” and explained that he was here to
take possession of the lands in behalf of the crown of England and
“the advancement of the Christian religion in those Paganish
regions,” and that all he required was their “lawful aid” in refreshing
and provisioning his fleet, he was cordially received, and all the
great guns of the fishermen belched forth salutes of welcome.
A landing was made on the next morning, Sunday, the fourth of
August. The general and his company were that day courteously
escorted about the place by the English merchants. They were
shown their hosts’ accustomed walks in a part called by them “The
Garden.” This was found to be a product of “Nature it selfe without
art,” comprising a pleasant tangle of wild roses, “odoriferous and to
the sense very comfortable,” and “raspis berries” in great plenty. The
next day the ceremony of taking possession was performed, which
the narrator thus describes in faithful detail:
"Monday following, the Generall had his tent set up, who being
accompanied with his own followers summoned the marchants and
masters [of the fishing barks in the harbours] both English and
strangers to be present at his taking possession of those Countries.
Before whom openly was read & interpreted unto the strangers his
Commission: by vertue whereof he tooke possession in the same
harbour of S. John, and 200 leagues every way, invested the Queens
Majestie with the title and dignitie thereof, had delivered unto him
(after the custome of England) a rod & a turffe of the same soile,
entring possession also for him, his heires, and assigns for ever: And
signified unto al men, that from that time forward, they should take
the same land as a territorie appertaineing to the Queene of
England, and himselfe authorised under her Majestie to possesse
and enjoy it. And to ordaine lawes for the government thereof,
agreeable (so neere as conveniently might be) unto the lawes of
England: under which all people comming thither hereafter, either to
inhabit, or by way of traffique, should be subjected and governed.
"And especially at the same time for a beginning, he proposed &
delivered three lawes to be in force immediately. That is to say: the
first for Religion, which in publique exercise should be according to
the Church of England. The 2. for maintenance of her Majesties right
and possession of those territories, against which if any thing were
attempted prejudiciall the parties offending should be adjudged and
executed as in case of high treason, according to the lawes of
England. The 3. if any person should utter words sounding to the
dishonour of her Majestie, he should loose his eares, and have his
ship and goods confiscate.
“These contents published, obedience was promised by generall
voyce and consent of the multitude aswell of Englishmen as
strangers, praying for continuance of this possession and
government begun. After this, the assembly was dismissed. And
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