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Discovering Diverse Content Through
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lower-deck ports, for fear of being boarded through them, and never
afterwards fired a great gun during the action. Her tops, like those of all the
enemy’s ships, were filled with riflemen. Nelson never placed musketry in
his tops. He had a strong dislike to the practice, not merely because it
endangers setting fire to the sails, but also because it is a murderous sort of
warfare, by which individuals may suffer, and a commander now and then
be picked off, but which never can decide the fate of a general engagement.
Captain Harvey, in the Téméraire, fell on board the Redoutable on the
other side. Another enemy was in like manner on board the Téméraire; so
that these four ships formed as compact a tier as if they had been moored
together, their heads lying all the same way. The Lieutenants of the Victory
seeing this, depressed their guns of the middle and lower decks, and fired
with a diminished charge, lest the shot should pass through, and injure the
Téméraire. And because there was danger that the Redoutable might take
fire from the lower-deck guns, the muzzles of which touched her side when
they were run out, the fireman of each gun stood ready with a bucket of
water, which, as soon as the gun was discharged, he dashed into the hole
made by the shot. An incessant fire was kept up from the Victory from both
sides, her larboard guns playing upon the Bucentaure and the huge
Santissima Trinidad.
It had been part of Nelson’s prayer, that the British fleet might be
distinguished by humanity in the victory which he expected. Setting an
example himself, he twice gave orders to cease firing upon the Redoutable,
supposing that she had struck, because her great guns were silent; for, as she
carried no flag, there was no means of instantly ascertaining the fact. From
this ship, which he had thus twice spared, he received his death. A ball fired
from her mizen-top, which in the then situation of the two vessels was not
more than fifteen yards from that part of the deck where he was standing,
struck the epaulette on his left shoulder, about a quarter after one, just in the
heat of action. He fell upon his face, on the spot which was covered with his
poor Secretary’s blood. Hardy, who was a few steps from him, turning
round, saw three men raising him up. “They have done for me at last,
Hardy,” said he. “I hope not,” cried Hardy. “Yes,” he replied; “my backbone
is shot through.” Yet even now, not for a moment losing his presence of
mind, he observed, as they were carrying him down the ladder, that the tiller
ropes, which had been shot away, were not yet replaced, and ordered that
new ones should be rove immediately; then, that he might not be seen by
the crew, he took out his handkerchief, and covered his face and his stars.
Had he but concealed these badges of honour from the enemy, England
perhaps would not have had cause to receive with sorrow the news of the
battle of Trafalgar. The cockpit was crowded with wounded and dying men,
over whose bodies he was with some difficulty conveyed, and laid upon a
pallet in the Midshipmen’s berth. It was soon perceived, upon examination,
that the wound was mortal. This, however, was concealed from all except
Captain Hardy, the Chaplain, and the medical attendants. He himself being
certain, from the sensation in his back and the gush of blood he felt
momently within his breast, that no human care could avail him, insisted
that the Surgeon should leave him, and attend to those to whom he might be
useful; “for,” said he, “you can do nothing for me.” All that could be done
was to fan him with paper, and frequently to give him lemonade to alleviate
his intense thirst. He was in great pain, and expressed much anxiety for the
event of the action, which now began to declare itself. As often as a ship
struck, the crew of the Victory hurrahed, and at every hurrah a visible
expression of joy gleamed in the eyes and marked the countenance of the
dying hero. But he became impatient to see Captain Hardy; and as that
officer, though often sent for, could not leave the deck, Nelson feared that
some fatal cause prevented him, and repeatedly cried, “Will no one bring
Hardy to me? He must be killed! He is surely dead!” An hour and ten
minutes elapsed from the time when Nelson received his wound before
Hardy could come to him. They shook hands in silence, Hardy in vain
struggling to suppress the feelings of that most painful and yet sublimest
moment. “Well, Hardy,” said Nelson, “how goes the day with us?” “Very
well,” replied Hardy; “ten ships have struck, but five of the van have
tacked, and show an intention to bear down upon the Victory. I have called
two or three of our fresh ships round, and have no doubt of giving them a
drubbing.” “I hope,” said Nelson, “none of our ships have struck.” Hardy
answered, “There was no fear of that.” Then, and not till then, Nelson spoke
of himself. “I am a dead man, Hardy,” said he; “I am going fast; it will be
over with me soon. Come nearer to me. Let my dear Lady Hamilton have
my hair, and all other things belonging to me.” Hardy observed, that he
hoped Mr. Beatty could yet hold out some prospect of life. “Oh, no!” he
replied; “it is impossible. My back is shot through. Beatty will tell you so.”
Captain Hardy then once more shook hands with him, and, with a heart
almost bursting, hastened upon deck.
 By this time all feeling below the breast was gone; and Nelson, having
made the Surgeon ascertain this, said to him: “You know I am gone, I know
it. I feel something rising in my breast”—putting his hand on his left side
—“which tells me so.” And upon Beatty’s inquiring whether his pain was
very great, he replied, “So great, that he wished he was dead. Yet,” said he,
in a lower voice, “one would like to live a little longer too!” And after a few
minutes, in the same undertone, he added, “What would become of poor
Lady Hamilton, if she knew my situation!” Next to his country she
occupied his thoughts. Captain Hardy, some fifty minutes after he had left
the cockpit, returned; and, again taking the hand of his dying friend and
commander, congratulated him on having gained a complete victory. How
many of the enemy were taken he did not know, as it was impossible to
perceive them distinctly; but fourteen or fifteen at least. “That’s well,” cried
Nelson, “but I bargained for twenty.” And then, in a stronger voice, he said:
“Anchor, Hardy; anchor.” Hardy, upon this, hinted that Admiral
Collingwood would take upon himself the direction of affairs. “Not while I
live, Hardy,” said the dying Nelson, ineffectually endeavouring to raise
himself from the bed: “Do you anchor.” His previous order for preparing to
anchor had shown how clearly he foresaw the necessity of this. Presently
calling Hardy back, he said to him in a low voice, “Don’t throw me
overboard:” and he desired that he might be buried by his parents, unless it
should please the King to order otherwise. Then reverting to private
feelings: “Take care of my dear Lady Hamilton, Hardy: take care of poor
Lady Hamilton. Kiss me, Hardy,” said he. Hardy knelt down and kissed his
cheek: and Nelson said, “Now I am satisfied. Thank God, I have done my
duty.” Hardy stood over him in silence for a moment or two, then knelt
again and kissed his forehead. “Who is that?” said Nelson; and being
informed, he replied, “God bless you, Hardy.” And Hardy then left him—
for ever.
Nelson now desired to be turned upon his right side, and said, “I wish I
had not left the deck; for I shall soon be gone.” Death was, indeed, rapidly
approaching. He said to the Chaplain, “Doctor, I have not been a great
sinner:” and after a short pause, “Remember that I leave Lady Hamilton and
my daughter Horatia as a legacy to my country.” His articulation now
became difficult; but he was distinctly heard to say, “Thank God, I have
done my duty.” These words he repeatedly pronounced; and they were the
last words which he uttered. He expired at thirty minutes after four—three
hours and a quarter after he had received his wound....
The Redoutable struck within twenty minutes after the fatal shot had
been fired from her. During that time she had been twice on fire—in her
fore-chains and in her forecastle. The French, as they had done in other
battles, made use in this of fire-balls and other combustibles; implements of
destruction which other nations, from a sense of honour and humanity, have
laid aside; which add to the sufferings of the wounded, without determining
the issue of the combat: which none but the cruel would employ, and which
never can be successful against the brave. Once they succeeded in setting
fire, from the Redoutable, to some ropes and canvas on the Victory’s booms.
The cry ran through the ship, and reached the cockpit: but even this
dreadful cry produced no confusion: the men displayed that perfect self-
possession in danger by which English seamen are characterized; they
extinguished the flames on board their own ship, and then hastened to
extinguish them in the enemy, by throwing buckets of water from the
gangway. When the Redoutable had struck, it was not practicable to board
her from the Victory; for, though the two ships touched, the upper works of
both fell in so much, that there was a great space between their gangways;
and she could not be boarded from the lower or middle decks, because her
ports were down. Some of our men went to Lieutenant Quilliam, and
offered to swim under her bows, and get up there; but it was thought unfit to
hazard brave lives in this manner.
What our men would have done from gallantry, some of the crew of the
Santissima Trinidad did to save themselves. Unable to stand the tremendous
fire of the Victory, whose larboard guns played against this great four-
decker, and not knowing how else to escape them, nor where else to betake
themselves for protection, many of them leaped overboard, and swam to the
Victory: and were actually helped up her sides by the English during the
action. The Spaniards began the battle with less vivacity than their
unworthy allies, but they continued it with greater firmness. The Argonauta
and Bahama were defended till they had each lost about four hundred men;
the San Juan Nepomuceno lost three hundred and fifty. Often as the
superiority of British courage has been proved against France upon the seas,
it was never more conspicuous than in this decisive conflict. Five of our
ships were engaged muzzle to muzzle with five of the French. In all five the
Frenchmen lowered their lower-deck ports, and deserted their guns; while
our men continued deliberately to load and fire, till they had made the
victory secure....
The total British loss in the battle of Trafalgar amounted to one thousand
five hundred and eighty-seven. Twenty of the enemy struck. But it was not
possible to anchor the fleet, as Nelson had enjoined; a gale came on from
the south-west. Some of the prizes went down, some went on shore; one
effected its escape into Cadiz; others were destroyed. Four only were saved,
and those by the greatest exertions. The wounded Spaniards were sent
ashore, an assurance being given that they should not serve till regularly
exchanged; and the Spaniards, with a generous feeling which would not
perhaps have been found in any other people, offered the use of their
hospitals for our wounded, pledging the honour of Spain that they should be
carefully attended there. When the storm, after the action, drove some of the
prizes upon the coast, they declared that the English who were thus thrown
into their hands should not be considered as prisoners of war; and the
Spanish soldiers gave up their own beds to their shipwrecked enemies. The
Spanish Vice-Admiral Alva died of his wounds. Villeneuve was sent to
England, and permitted to return to France. The French Government say
that he destroyed himself on the way to Paris, dreading the consequences of
a court-martial; but there is every reason to believe that the tyrant, who
never acknowledged the loss of the battle of Trafalgar, added Villeneuve to
the numerous victims of his murderous policy.
 THE YOUNGER PITT (1806).
Source.—Sir W. Scott.
I.

O, dread was the time, and more dreadful the omen,

When the brave on Marengo lay slaughtered in vain,
And beholding broad Europe bow’d down by her foemen,
Pitt closed in his anguish the map of her reign!

Not the fate of broad Europe could bend his brave spirit
To take for his country the safety of shame;
O, then in her triumph remember his spirit,
And hallow the goblet that flows to his name.

II.

Round the husbandman’s head while he traces the furrow

The mists of the winter may mingle with rain.
He may plough it with labour and sow it in sorrow,
And sigh while he fears he has sow’d it in vain;
He may die ere his children shall reap in their gladness;
But the blithe harvest-home shall remember his claim;
And their jubilee-shout shall be softened with sadness,
While they hallow the goblet that flows to his name.

III.
Though anxious and timeless his life was expended,
It toils for our country preserved by his care,
Though he died ere one ray o’er the nations ascended,
To light the long darkness of doubt and despair;
The storms he endured in our Britain’s December,
The perils his wisdom foresaw and o’ercame,
In her glory’s rich harvest shall Britain remember,
And hallow the goblet that flows to his name.
 MINISTRY OF ALL THE TALENTS (1806).
Source.—Diaries ... James Harris, first Earl of Malmesbury, 1844. Vol. iv., p. 349.

February 1.—His Royal Highness was cold with me for several days;
but when he found my opinion to be the prevalent one, and even that of the
King himself, he very handsomely gave way, and, having sent for me, by a
fair and honest avowal of his mistake, left me more satisfied with him than
before. The new Ministry was appointed a few days after this.
Lord Grenville and Fox were its two leaders, and their respective
adherents and friends made up the Cabinet.[9]
The Prince of Wales went most heartily and unbecomingly with them,
and lowered his dignity by soliciting office and places for his dependents,
and by degrading himself into the size of a common party leader.
From this moment I withdrew entirely from official men, my
determination being to act as if Mr. Pitt was alive, and to endeavour to
regulate my political conduct, and that of those I influenced, on what I
supposed would be his, were he still in existence, whether in or out of
office.
I told this to Lords Bathurst and Camden on the 27th January,
considering these two as more personally, and less politically, attached to
him, than any one else, not excepting Canning himself.
On the 4th February, Lord Carrington came to me in consequence of my
having canvassed him for his interest at Cambridge University for Lord
Palmerston. This he promised me in the handsomest manner; but I was
surprised—when I lamented Mr. Pitt’s death, and spoke of the wisdom and
propriety of his friends’ acting together, and in conformity to his doctrines
and principles—to find Lord Carrington lukewarm on the subject. He said
he conceived “we were all now free to act as we pleased. All bond of union
was dissolved; no obligation remained with anyone to abide by a party
which had lost its leader, and with its leader everything.” He said this in so
very positive a way, that I contented myself with saying my sentiments
were directly contrary to his, but that it was not for me to dispute with him
on a point rather of feeling than of party. Lord Carrington was profuse in his
lamentations on the death of Pitt, and equally so in his profession of
friendship and gratitude to him, and respect for his memory, and, as a proof,
he instanced his wish, that the part of Mr. Pitt’s debts, arising from a loan
his friends contributed to raise for him in 1800, should not be produced
when the items of them were laid before the House. [N.B. the House had
voted a public funeral, and to pay Mr. Pitt’s debts immediately after his
death, which Wyndham (strange to say) opposed, giving as a motive that no
public funeral had been decreed to Burke.] Lord Carrington, however, said
he was overruled by the Bishop of Lincoln, Prettyman[10] (who had been
Pitt’s private tutor at Cambridge), who assured him it was one of Pitt’s last
dying requests, that the six friends who had advanced him certain sums
should be repaid. (They were Lord Bathurst and Carrington, Steele, Bishop
of Lincoln, and two others, who at the time never would take any
acknowledgment, or ever expected to be repaid.) This assertion of the
Bishop of Lincoln, Lord Carrington said, shut his mouth, and the debt was
laid before the House, which raised his (Pitt’s) debts to 43,000l.
Ministers went on quietly, and with a very large majority, the whole year
of 1806. In June an idea was suggested to make a push at them before the
Recess, and I had several conversations with Canning, and one with
Perceval on the subject, and constant ones with the Duke of Portland, who,
by having undergone an operation for the stone, was wonderfully recovered.
 MILITARY PLANS (1806).
Source.—Diary of Lord Colchester, 1861. Vol. ii., p. 49.

House of Commons.—Mr. Fox attended; and Mr. Wyndham opened his

military plans: about 350 Members present. His speech lasted four hours.
Lord Castlereagh spoke next—about an hour and a half. Mr. Fox about an
hour, and Mr. Yorke the same; he was followed by Sir James Pulteney,
General Tarleton, and Colonel Crawfurd, &c. The House rose at half-past
one without any division; and leave was given to bring in four Bills. The
first of which was for the repeal of the additional force, or Parish Recruiting
Act; the others for further suspending the militia ballot; altering the levy en
masse, or training Act; and for increasing the Chelsea Hospital privileges
and allowances.
Mr. Wyndham’s plan consisted in these points:—
1. To supply, maintain, and increase the regular army, by recruiting for
term of years, renewing the service at the end of seven and fourteen years:
even for a further period; making twenty-one years in the whole. The
second and third periods of renewed service to be attended with some small
increase of pay, e.g. 6d. for the first, and 1s. per week for the second period,
and an increased Chelsea pension to every soldier at the end of twenty-one
years. Also an increase of widows’ pensions, and of the Compassionate
List; and this to be the only mode of recruiting.
2. To reduce the militia gradually to its original or lowest standard, viz.
about 36,000 for England, by not filling up the vacancies.
3. The volunteer establishment to be reduced in expense, by striking off
inspecting field officers, permanent duty pay, and lowering the high
allowances to the lowest rate, called the August allowances. The clothing
now due (being the fourth year) to be continued for this issue only, and no
person hereafter becoming volunteer to have any assistance from
Government but arms; and an exemption from the operation of the General
Training Act.
4. All persons of military age, from eighteen to forty, to be liable to be
trained to arms when called out by classes, but not to be embodied in corps;
and to be relieved also from the training, either by entering into a volunteer
corps, or paying a fine; and the numbers for training, e.g. 100,000 for one
year, to be taken by lot out of the given classes.
 CATHOLIC EMANCIPATION (1807).
I. Lord Colchester’s Diary.
Source.—Diary of Lord Colchester, 1861. Vol. ii., p. 92.
[Feb.] 28th.—Lord Hawkesbury called on the Catholic clauses in the
Mutiny Bill, to express his alarms, and those of the Archbishop of
Canterbury, and Perceval and Sir William Scott, about the apprehended
extension of the Irish law of 1793, by now enabling Catholics to be
Generals on the Staff.
Sunday, March 1st.—Lord Sidmouth called. He desired to deposit with
me his determination not to agree to granting the Catholics liberty to hold
staff commissions. The King had with difficulty been persuaded by Lord
Sidmouth to consent even to extend the Irish Act of 1793 to Catholic
officers in the army, when coming to England; but had acceded to it at last,
as a strict consequence of the Union; the Irish law then in force being
virtually adopted for England. Lord Howick admitted that in the House of
Commons he had given no other intimation of his notice. The Duke of
Bedford and the Irish Government had understood the same things, and
explained the concession on this ground to be only to the Catholics in
Dublin. That it was now proposed, because the minute of Cabinet had been
worded generally, that it should be carried into effect in its largest sense;
and the King was again to be asked for his consent. The Cabinet were about
to meet this day upon that express topic.
2nd.—Lord Sidmouth called. The Cabinet had parted yesterday upon a
resolution to proceed with the Catholic clauses, although they admitted that
the King had not been specifically acquainted with that part of the measure
which enabled Catholics to become Generals on the Staff; and although
Lord Sidmouth had consented only to the application of the law of 1793;
and although Lord Henry Petty, and Lord Holland, and Lord Howick
allowed that he had never consented beyond that; and although Lord
Howick admitted that, in his notice to the House of Commons, he had not in
his own mind, any larger measure, &c. &c. But Lord Grenville declined to
be the person who should state the subject again to the King or ask his
consent upon it. Lord Sidmouth said he certainly would not interfere by
volunteering his advice to the King; but, when he should see the King on
Wednesday, he should, if asked by the King, give his own opinion and act
upon it, whether sanctioned by the King or not; and so the Cabinet parted.
In the House of Commons Lord Howick first mentioned to me the
Catholic clauses, and asked whether I thought they must necessarily pass
through a Committee of the whole House, as being of religion. I told him
that had really never occurred to me, but I would look into it and let him
know; and although I entirely disapproved of what he was about, it was no
reason why we should not freely converse about all the forms of
proceeding.
The House engaged from six in the evening till six in the morning,
hearing counsel and witnesses on the Westminster petition, complaining of
Mr. Sheridan for having tampered with witnesses.
3rd.—Searched precedents for Catholic clauses. Lord Howick postponed
the Mutiny Bill Committee. I showed him the precedents I had collected.
He hoped “I should not take any part in the Committee.” But I told him that
“I must inevitably do so.”
4th.—Lord Howick wrote me the following note:—
[Private.]
Stratton Street,
March 4, 1807.
My dear Sir,
I believe I shall alter my course of proceeding respecting the new
clauses, and introduce a new Bill instead. As the measure is the subject of a
notice for discussion to-day, though in another form, I take it for granted
there can be no objection to my moving for leave to bring in a Bill, if I
should ultimately determine to do so, instead of moving an instruction on
the clauses in a committee.
I am afraid I have been guilty of an omission in not moving for an
address in answer to the King’s message, which I see was done in the House
of Lords yesterday; but, as the treaty was not laid before the House, and the
only matter on which a proceeding of the House was to be had was voting
the money, I thought it was the best way to refer the message to the
Committee of Supply; in which it was proposed to vote to-day the sum
advanced to the King of Prussia. Will you have the goodness to let me
know, when I come to the House to-day, whether this has been the usual
course of proceeding; or whether, if it should not be deemed sufficiently
respectful, anything can now be done to correct the error.
I am, my dear Sir,
Ever yours sincerely,
Howick.
He drank tea with me in my room behind the chair. I told him I wished
he would confine his Bill to the Irish Law of 1793. To that I could agree;
but not without the same exclusion from the high military offices. He said,
“That was but a small object.” I replied, “But the principle is large. You will
never satisfy Mr. Keogh.” He said, “Oh, I did not think of trying at that. But
I have said too much on this subject to let things remain as they are; we
must do what satisfies us, whether it satisfies Mr. Keogh or not.”
II. Letter from the Duke of Portland to the King.
Source.—Diaries and Correspondence of James Harris, first Earl of
Malmesbury, 1844. Vol. iv., p. 360.
Copy of a Letter from the Duke of Portland to the King, sent Thursday
Evening, March 12th, 1807, to the Queen’s House, acknowledged by
Colonel Taylor Friday Morning the 13th.
Burlington House,
March 12th, 1807.
Sir,
I am so sensible of my presumption in addressing your Majesty on a
subject of a public nature, that nothing but the confidence I have in your
Majesty’s goodness, and the attachment I bear your Majesty, would induce
me to do it. But it is a subject of such infinite magnitude, that, were I silent,
I feel I should deserve to forfeit that I am most ambitious to be considered,
of being looked upon by your Majesty as one of your Majesty’s most loyal
and devoted subjects and servants.
Your Majesty will probably anticipate the subject on which I cannot but
express my anxiety to lay my sentiments at your Majesty’s feet.
It is the Bill just proposed by Lord Howick, granting indulgences to the
Catholics; a measure, that should any peculiarity of circumstances have
induced your Majesty to acquiesce in, I should still think that by following
the dictates of my own conscience and voting against it, I should not offend
your Majesty.
But, impressed as I am with a belief of what must be your Majesty’s
opinions and wishes, I could not forgive myself were I to conceal from your
Majesty that your opinion is mistaken and your wishes not generally
understood; and, humbly permit me to represent to your Majesty that it
cannot well be otherwise, since one of your Majesty’s principal Ministers in
the House of Commons brings in the Bill. Should I be wrong, and your
Majesty has not given your consent to the measure in its present shape, I
have little apprehension in giving it as my opinion that it may ultimately be
defeated in its progress, though not, I fear, till it comes into the House of
Lords; but, for this purpose, I must fairly state to your Majesty, that your
wishes must be distinctly known, and that your present Ministers should not
have any pretext for equivocating upon the subject, or any ground whatever
to pretend ignorance of your Majesty’s sentiments and determination, not
only to withhold your sanction from the present measure, but to use all your
influence in resisting it.
 The effect of such a proceeding is so obvious, that I would not suggest it,
did I not believe that your Majesty’s business would be at a stand in such a
case; and that persons would not be ready to come forward (should your
Majesty think fit to call upon them) who are capable and willing to
undertake the management of your Majesty’s affairs. But for this purpose it
would be highly necessary and advantageous that the public should know
the necessity to which your Majesty was driven of taking the conduct of
your affairs out of the hands of those who now administer them; that for this
purpose your Majesty should send for Lord Grenville, and state to him
distinctly, that either your sentiments had been misrepresented or that you
never had consented to the measure proposed by Lord Howick, and that,
consistently with the opinion your Majesty had uniformly expressed, it
never could or would have your Royal assent. It would then remain with
Lord Grenville and his colleagues to take their part; possibly they might
give way and still remain your Majesty’s Ministers; but, should they refuse
to submit themselves to your Majesty’s pleasure, the necessity of employing
other persons would be obvious to the whole world. The designs (which my
feelings may possibly lead me unjustly to attribute to them) could no longer
be mistaken, viz.: that the most venerated and sacred barriers of our
constitution should be undermined and sapped for the purpose of
introducing a new system into Church and State, and that your Majesty was
reduced to the necessity of submitting to them or quarrelling with your
Parliament.
Under such circumstances I cannot but believe, and cannot fear to assure
your Majesty, that the nation as well as individuals will come forward in
support of the established laws of the realm, and that persons will be found
able to carry on your Majesty’s business with talents and abilities equal to
those of your present Ministers. If your Majesty should suppose that in the
forming of such an Administration, I can offer your Majesty any services, I
am devoted to your Majesty’s commands; but, while I say this, I feel
conscious that my time of life, my infirmities, and my want of abilities are
not calculated for so high a trust. I, however, can say that if, in this very
momentous crisis, your Majesty calls upon me, I will serve you zealously
and faithfully to the end of my existence.[11]
 PARTY POLITICS (1807).
Source.—Extract from the Prospectus of The Examiner. By Leigh Hunt.

The great error of politicians is that old fancy of Solon, who insisted that
it was infamous for a citizen to be of no party, and endeavoured by a law to
make the Athenians hypocrites. This conceit not only destroys every idea of
mediation between two parties, but does not even suppose that both may be
wrong. Yet all history may convince us, that he who resolutely professes
himself attached to any party, is in danger of yielding to every extreme for
the mere reputation of his opinion: he will argue for the most manifest
errors of this or that statesman, because he has hitherto agreed with him—
an obstinacy as stupid, as if a pedestrian were to express his satisfaction
with a tempest at night, because he had enjoyed sunshine in the morning.
The big and little Endians in Gulliver have not yet taught us the folly of
mere party: and one of the most ridiculous inconsistencies in the human
character is that enjoyment which all ages have expressed in satirical
productions, without receiving benefit from them: they drink the physic
with a bold and pleasant countenance, and instantly prepare to counteract its
effect; or rather, every man thinks the physic excellent for everybody but
himself.—“Party,” says Swift, “is the madness of many for the gain of a
few.” When Scarmentado in Voltaire arrived at Ispahan, he was asked
whether he was for black mutton or white mutton: he replied, that it was
equally indifferent to him, provided it was tender. A wise man knows no
party abstracted from its utility, or existing, like a shadow, merely from the
opposition of some body. Yet, in the present day, we are all so erroneously
sociable, that every man, as well as every journal, must belong to some
class of politicians; he is either Pittite or Foxite, Windhamite, Wilberforcite,
or Burdettite: though at the same time two-thirds of these disturbers of
coffee-houses might with as much reason call themselves Hivites or
Shunamites, or perhaps Bedlamites.
 THE BERLIN DECREES (1807).
Source.—Diary of Lord Colchester, 1861. Vol. ii., p. 134.

Tuesday, December 1st.—Received the following letter from Perceval:

Dear Mr. Speaker,
The Parliament will not meet till the Thursday after the birthday. I am
culpable in not having sent you earlier intelligence, but the day was not
fixed till Wednesday last, and, of the determination not to meet till near the
birthday, unless circumstances particularly required it, you were apprised by
me before.
* * * * * * * *
The business of recasting the law of trade and navigation, as far as
belligerent principles are concerned, for the whole world, has occupied me
very unremittingly for a long time; and the subject is so extensive, and the
combinations so various, that, even supposing our principles to be right, I
cannot hope that the execution of the principle must not in many respects be
defective; and I have no doubt we shall have to watch it with new
provisions and regulations for some time.
The short principle is that trade in British produce and manufactures, and
trade either from a British port or with a British destination, is to be
protected as much as possible. For this purpose all the countries where
French influence prevails to exclude the British flag shall have no trade but
to and from the country, or from its allies. All other countries, the few that
remain strictly neutral (with the exception of the colonial trade, which
backwards and forwards direct they may carry on) cannot trade but through
this being done as an ally with any of the countries connected with France.
If, therefore, we can accomplish our purposes, it will come to this, that
either those countries will have no trade, or they must be content to accept it
through us.
This is a formidable and tremendous state of the world; but all the part of
it which is particularly harassing to English interests was existing through
the new severity with which Buonaparte’s decrees of exclusion against our
trade were called into action.
Our proceeding does not aggravate our distress from it. If he can keep
out our trade he will; and he would do so if he could, independent of our
orders. Our orders only add this circumstance: they say to the enemy, if you
will not have our trade, as far as we can help it you shall have none. And as
to so much of any trade as you can carry on yourselves, or others carry on
with you through us, if you admit it, you shall pay for it. The only trade
cheap and untaxed which you shall have, shall be either direct from us, in
our own produce and manufactures, or from our allies, whose increased
prosperity will be an advantage to us.
* * * * * * * *
Yours, very truly,
Sp. Perceval.
 CORUNNA (1809).
I. Bulletin of Jan. 21.
Source.—Diary of Lord Colchester. Vol. ii., p. 164.
[Jan.] 21st.—The annexed bulletin was circulated.
Downing Street,
Jan. 21st.
Brigadier General Stewart arrived this morning at Lord Castlereagh’s
with despatches from Sir John Moore, dated Corunna, 13th inst., upon
which place he had directed his retreat, and not on Vigo, as he originally
intended. Sir John Moore had effected his retreat to Corunna with the loss
of only part of his baggage; there had been repeated skirmishes with the
rear guard, in which we had uniformly repulsed the enemy, and at Vigo Sir
John Moore offered the enemy battle, but the French declined it. The
enemy, when Brigadier General Stewart left Corunna, were in force in the
neighbourhood, but it was trusted that Sir John Moore would effect his re-
embarkation without much loss, as the transports which he had sent for
from Vigo were entering the Bay at Corunna, when General Stewart sailed
on the 14th.
II. The Burial of Sir John Moore at Corunna (1809).
Source.—Charles Wolfe.
I.

Not a drum was heard, not a funeral note,

As his corse to the rampart we hurried;
Not a soldier discharged his farewell shot
O’er the grave where our hero we buried.

II.
 We buried him darkly, at dead of night,
The sods with our bayonets turning;
By the struggling moonbeam’s misty light,
And the lantern dimly burning.

III.

No useless coffin enclosed his breast,

Not in sheet or in shroud we wound him;
But he lay like a warrior taking his rest,
With his martial cloak around him.

IV.

Few and short were the prayers we said,

And we spoke not a word of sorrow;
But we steadfastly gazed on the face that was dead,
And we bitterly thought of the morrow.

V.

We thought, as we hollowed his narrow bed,

And smoothed down his lonely pillow,
That the foe and the stranger would tread o’er his head,
And we far away on the billow!

VI.

Lightly they’ll talk of the spirit that’s gone,

And o’er his cold ashes upbraid him;—
But little he’ll reck, if they let him sleep on
In the grave where a Briton has laid him.

VII.
 But half of our heavy task was done
When the clock struck the note for retiring:
And we heard the distant and random gun
That the foe was sullenly firing.

VIII.

Slowly and sadly we laid him down,

From the field of his fame fresh and gory;
We carved not a line, and we raised not a stone—
But we left him alone with his glory!
 IMPORTANCE OF PUBLIC ECONOMY (1809).
Source.—Diaries ... Right Hon. George Rose, 1860. Vol. ii., p. 336.

Lord Mulgrave to Mr. Rose.

Admiralty,
Feb. 4th, 1809.
My dear Rose,
It must be ever unpleasant to me not to accede at once to any measure
proposed by you and by Canning; more especially as I find the Memorial is
in the hands of the clerks of the Council before I had an opportunity of
answering your note.
Since I came into office I have proceeded on all questions of
augmentation of salaries, on a strong impression of the importance of public
economy, and on a full conviction that the advance of any one salary does
not rest there, but raises a cry of claim, founded upon relative duties and
rank, with an air of justice from precedent; which involves either an
excessive increase of charge to the public, or an imputation of harshness
and injustice, against the person in authority, who rejects the authority of
the precedent, and refuses the increase demanded. I feel how impossible it
is for me to follow up the principle I have set out upon either with comfort
to myself or advantage to the public, if I alone pursue it. Upon all the
demands of clerks for increase of salary, I have consulted Perceval, to
ascertain how far the general charges upon the funds of Government would
be influenced by such increase; because I know that the advance in one
department must be followed by a similar advance in every other. I
relinquished, on the representation of Perceval, a most important, and
almost necessary, measure of increasing the appointments of the Naval
Lords of the Admiralty. I rejected the recommendation of the
Commissioners of Naval Revision for the addition of £200 per annum to the
Commissioners of the Navy, because I did not think that increase necessary,
whilst so many eager candidates were pressing for the situation. If the
Paymaster to the Treasurer of the Navy has his salary raised, will not the
Commissioners of Victualling and Transport Boards, whose duties are so
constant and laborious, especially the former, have a claim to a similar
advance? I have refused the advance to the Commissioners at the Cape as
recommended by the Commissioners of Naval Revision; and in short I have
consented to no increase of salary without being persuaded that proper
persons could not be found without such increase; and therefore, as far as
my consent is required, I cannot give it, but upon that persuasion, in any
case. I am aware that I have created much dissatisfaction by holding the
public purse-strings so close; but it is from an apprehension that without
very rigid economy we can neither retain the goodwill of the public, nor
hold out against the perseverance and resources of the enemy.
Ever yours sincerely,
Mulgrave.
 RESIGNATION OF PORTLAND (1809).
Source.—Diary of Lord Colchester, 1861. Vol. ii., p. 200.

Sunday, Sept. 10th.—Received the following letter from Perceval.

[Most private and confidential.]
Downing Street,
Sept. 9th, 1809.
My dear Mr. Speaker,
I cannot let the week close without giving you some information
(though I have delayed till now giving you any, with the hopes of giving
you more than I am able, even at present) upon a subject of great
importance.
The Duke of Portland has resigned, the King only desiring he would
keep his office till some arrangement might be made for his successor. The
story is a great deal too long for a note or a letter; suffice it to say, that it is
mixed in some respects with the most painful considerations that it has ever
been my misfortune to have felt.
Whether it will be possible for us to form any arrangement, or what it
will be, I really cannot at present state to you, as I do not know myself.
According to present appearances, Castlereagh cannot stay with us, from a
sense of what is due to himself; and Canning will not. Conceive me then,
and my situation in your house, under such circumstances, and judge
whether, if these appearances are realised, it would be just by the King or
by the country in me, to affect to be able to remain either without them or
some other strength, where how to acquire it is not very easy to imagine.
I wished you not to know this subject from any other quarter but myself,
and I feel that I have only whetted your curiosity, and it would take a
volume to communicate it fully. Possibly, therefore, till a personal meeting,
I must defer the full explanation. The result, whatever it may be, you shall
hear as soon as I can tell you. The cruel thing upon Castlereagh is, that
though this is entirely independent of the late expedition, it is next to
impossible but that the public impression will connect the two together.
I am, my dear Mr. Speaker,
Yours very truly,
Sp. Perceval.
 DUEL OF CANNING AND CASTLEREAGH (1809).
Source.—Diary of Lord Colchester, 1861. Vol. ii., p. 209.

Letter from Mr. Perceval.

Downing Street,
Sept. 20th, 1809.
Dear Mr. Speaker,
I have had so much to say that I have no time to say it; but I might
have found time to have thanked you for your kind and ready answer to my
former letter.
You have judged me perfectly right. If you had asked my advice I could
not have been so dishonest as not to have given it for the decision you have
made. Castlereagh and Canning have been fighting. Thank God Canning is
not severely hurt, and Castlereagh is not touched. Terrible, all this, for
public impression. What we are to do is not finally settled. It must end in an
attempt to form an united Government with our opponents. But it is a bitter
pill to swallow for more than one.
When I can tell you anything positive, and can get a moment to tell it, I
will.
Yours very truly,
Sp. Perceval.
 MILITARY EXPENSES (1806-1809).
Source.—Diary of Lord Colchester, 1861. Vol. ii., p. 239.

The military expenses of the last four years have been:—

1806.— Army £16,605,000
Navy 15,448,000
Ordnance 4,366,000
£36,419,000

1807.— Army £16,661,000

Navy (Expedition to Copenhagen) 19,673,000
Ordnance 4,464,000
£40,798,000

1808.— Army £17,365,000

Navy (Expedition to Spain and Portugal) 18,156,000
Ordnance 3,980,000
£39,501,000

1809.— Army £17,459,000

Vote of Credit 2,500,000
19,959,000
Navy (Expeditions to
Spain and Portugal, and Walcheren) 18,986,000
Vote of Credit 500,000
Additional 1,291,000
20,777,000
Ordnance 5,275,000
Total £46,011,000
 TALAVERA: PROTEST BY LORDS (1809).
Source.—Protests of the Lords. Vol. ii., 1741-1825, p. 423.

January 26, 1810.—The thanks of the Lords were voted to Lord

Viscount Wellington for his services on the 27th and 28th of July, 1809, at
the victory of Talavera. The title of Viscount Wellington of Talavera was
conferred on the 4th of September, 1809. The motion was made by Lord
Liverpool and opposed by Lords Suffolk, Grosvenor, and Grey. The
following protest was inserted:
1st. Because in the battle of Talavera, though eminently distinguished by
those splendid proofs of discipline and valour which his Majesty’s troops
have never failed to display, we cannot recognize those unequivocal
characteristics of victory which can alone form an adequate title to the
thanks of this House. On the contrary, that the British army appears to have
been improvidently led into a situation, in which the repulse of the enemy,
effected with a great loss, produced neither security from a subsequent
attack, nor relief from the distress under which our brave troops were
suffering, and was immediately followed by the necessity of a precipitate
retreat, whereby our wounded were left to fall into the hands of the enemy.
2ndly, Because, by voting the thanks of this House on such an occasion,
we diminish the value of the most honourable reward we have it in our
power to confer, whilst we indirectly sanction the propriety of that elevation
to the honours of the peerage, with which his Majesty, without inquiry, was
advised to mark his approbation of the commander of his army in Spain, at
a time when his ministers were informed of the unfortunate consequences
which might be expected to follow, and in fact did follow, that dear-bought
success.
Charles Grey, Earl Grey.
James Maitland, Lord Lauderdale
(Earl of Lauderdale).
 WALCHEREN EXPEDITION (1810).
A.—A Squib on the Expedition.
Source.—Diary of Lord Colchester, 1861. Vol. ii., p. 232.
The following squib was published in the papers at this time on the
Walcheren Expedition:
Extract from the Grand Romantic Drama lately performed for the
Amusement of the Emperor of France.
Act I., Scene 1.—Cabinet Council discovered; Naval and Military Officers
attending.
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