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 History, Medicine, and the
Traditions of Renaissance Learning
 History, Medicine, and the
Traditions of Renaissance Learning

•
•

nancy g . sir aisi

the university of michigan press • ann arbor

Copyright © by the University of Michigan 2007
All rights reserved
Published in the United States of America by
The University of Michigan Press
Manufactured in the United States of America
c Printed on acid-free paper
2010 2009 2008 2007 4 3 2 1

No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored

in a retrieval system, or transmitted in any form
or by any means, electronic, mechanical, or otherwise,
without the written permission of the publisher.

A CIP catalog record for this book is available from the British Library.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Siraisi, Nancy G.
History, medicine, and the traditions of Renaissance learning /
Nancy G. Siraisi.
p. cm. — (Cultures of knowledge in the early modern world)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN-13: 978-0-472-11602-7 (cloth : alk. paper)
ISBN-10: 0-472-11602-9 (cloth : alk. paper)
1. Medicine—History—16th century. 2. Renaissance. I. Title.

R146.S57 2008
610.9—dc22 2007010656

ISBN13 978-0-472-02548-0 (electronic)

 For
nobuyuki sir aisi
 PREFACE AND
ACKNOWLED GMENTS

T his book is a study of connections, parallels, and mutual interaction

between two in›uential disciplines, medicine and history, in ‹fteenth- to
seventeenth-century Europe. The elevation of history in status and signi‹-
cance, the expansion of the scope and methods of history, and the related
(but distinct) growth of antiquarianism are among the most striking—and
recently among the best studied—features of the humanist culture of that
period. Over the same centuries, medical knowledge, too, was transformed in
ways that linked learned tradition with empirical investigations and with an
emphasis (not new, but greatly increased) on description, narrative, material
evidence, and particulars; and humanism—in many senses of that slippery
term—strongly in›uenced not only the content and presentation of medical
knowledge but the entire intellectual formation of academically educated
medical practitioners.
Since much evidence suggests that medieval and Renaissance medical
learning was in general highly responsive to contemporary intellectual cur-
rents, I thought it would be worth inquiring into the extent both to which
changing notions of history affected the literature of medicine and to which
medical men contributed to historical writing. In short, I sought answers to
these questions: What aspects of Renaissance medicine resonated with the
contemporary understanding of history or historical method? What kind of
history did medical doctors write? What kinds of doctors wrote history? Such
answers as I found are in the following pages. As I pursued this topic, the
 viii
Preface and Acknowledgments

eclectic enthusiasm with which Renaissance physicians embarked on histori-

cal writing led me into many new areas and taught me a lot. I shall miss their
company.
I owe thanks to many friends and colleagues for their help at different
stages of this work. I am particularly grateful to the scholarly editors of the
University of Michigan Press series Cultures of Knowledge in the Early Mod-
ern World—Ann Blair, Anthony Grafton, and Jacob Soll—and to two anony-
mous referees for the University of Michigan Press for very useful comments
on the entire manuscript. I also wish to thank Frédéric Tinguely for reading
and commenting on chapter 8 and Ian Maclean and Gianna Pomata for help-
ful discussions and advice. Remaining mistakes are, of course, my own. It has
been a pleasure to work with Chris Hebert as editor. A grant from the Mellon
Foundation ‹nanced travels to libraries in Europe and research expenses at
home. At different times, Manu Radhakrishnan and Christopher Petitt pro-
vided research assistance. Thanks also to Alice Falk for help with manuscript
preparation. I am grateful to the staffs of all the libraries where I have worked,
but especially to Miriam Mandelbaum and Arlene Shaner of the Rare Book
Room of the New York Academy of Medicine.
Invitations to deliver the Josephine Waters Bennett Lecture at the annual
meeting of the Renaissance Society of America in 1999 and the Garrison Lec-
ture at the annual meeting of the American Association for the History of
Medicine in 2003 provided opportunities to begin to develop the themes of
this book. I am grateful to the Renaissance Society of America for permission
to reuse some of the material from my article based on the ‹rst of those lec-
tures, “Anatomizing the Past: Physicians and History in Renaissance Cul-
ture,” Renaissance Quarterly 53 (2000): 1–30. Though not incorporated into
this book, my article based on the second of those lectures—“Medicine and
the Renaissance World of Learning,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 78
(2004): 1–36—also sets out a preliminary sketch of some of the questions and
issues I have tried to explore more fully here. Somewhat different versions of
sections of chapters 2 and 4 appeared in, respectively, “History, Antiquarian-
ism, and Medicine: The Case of Girolamo Mercuriale,” Journal of the History
of Ideas 64 (2003): 231–51, and “Oratory and Rhetoric in Renaissance Medi-
cine,” Journal of the History of Ideas 65 (2004): 191–211—both copyright Jour-
nal of the History of Ideas, Inc., and both reprinted by permission of the Uni-
versity of Pennsylvania Press. Another short section of chapter 2 will appear
in Thomas Rütten, ed., Geschichte der Medizingeschichtsschreibung (Rem-
scheid: Gardez! [in press]). An earlier version of a section of chapter 5
appeared as part of my article “Cardano and the History of Medicine,” in
 Preface and Acknowledgments
ix

Girolamo Cardano: Le opere, le fonti, la vita, ed. Marialuisa Baldi and Guido
Canziani (Milan: FrancoAngeli, 1999); I am grateful to FrancoAngeli for per-
mission to reuse this material. An earlier version of chapter 6 appeared as
“Historiae, Natural History, Roman Antiquity, and Some Roman Physi-
cians,” in Historia: Empiricism and Erudition in Early Modern Europe, ed.
Gianna Pomata and Nancy G. Siraisi (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2005),
325–54; I thank MIT Press for permission to reprint this material. An earlier
version of a section of chapter 8 appeared in “In Search of the Origins of Med-
icine: Egyptian Medicine and Paduan Physicians,” in Inventing Genealogies,
ed. Valeria Finucci and Kevin Brownlee (Durham, NC: Duke University
Press, 2001), 235–61; I am grateful to Duke University Press for permission to
reprint.
Finally, as always, my greatest thanks are owed to my husband, to whom
this book is dedicated.
 CONTENTS

List of Figures xiii

Abbreviations xv
Note to the Reader xvii

Introduction 1

par t 1. histor y in medical liter ature

Preface to Part 1. A Diagnosis from History 23
1. Bodies Past 25
2. History and Histories in Medical Texts 63
3. Life Writing and Disciplinary History 106

par t 2. physicians, civ il histor y,

and antiquar ianism
Preface to Part 2. Rival Physician Historians of the Italian Wars 137
4. Milan: Problems of Exemplarity in Medicine and History 141
5. Rome: Medicine, Histories, Antiquities, and Public Health 168
6. Vienna: Physician Historians and Antiquaries in
Court and University 194
7. Beyond Europe 225

Conclusion: Medicine, History, and the Changing Face

of Scienti‹c Knowledge 261

Notes 269
Bibliography 357
Index 421
 FIGURES

Fig. 1. Portrait of Galen from an edition of his Therapeutica and

Therapeutica ad Glauconem (Venice, 1500) 5
Fig. 2. A supposed giant’s tooth illustrated in Thomas Bartholin’s
Historiarum anatomicarum rariorum Centuria I et II 41
Fig. 3. Pirro Ligorio’s depiction of ancient Greek athletes lifting weights,
from Girolamo Mercuriale’s De arte gymnastica libri sex 48
Fig. 4. Title page of Hippocrates’ Opera published in Basel in 1526,
placing Hippocrates in the company of Greek and Roman
philosophers, poets, rhetoricians, and historians 83
Fig. 5. Duke Antoine of Lorraine leading his troops to battle, as
illustrated in Symphorien Champier’s Le recueil ou croniques
des hystoires des royaulmes daustrasie 140
Fig. 6. The physician, poet, and historian Johannes Cuspinianus as
depicted in Johannes Sambucus’s Veterum aliquot ac
recentium medicorum philo-sophorumque icones 203
Fig. 7. Members of the early Germanic tribes as illustrated in Wolfgang
Lazius’s De gentium aliquot migrationibus, sedibus ‹xis, reliquiis,
linguarumque initiis et immutationibus ac dialectis, libri XII 216
Fig. 8. Title page of the revised edition of Giovanni Tommaso
Minadoi’s Historia della guerra fra Turchi, et Persiani
published in Venice in 1588 253
 ABBREVIATIONS

ADB Königliche Akademie der Wissenschaften. Historische Commission.

Allgemeine Deutsche Biographie. 56 vols. 1875–1912. Reprint, Berlin:
Duncker & Humblot, 1967–71.
DBI Dizionario biogra‹co degli italiani. 67 vols. to date. Rome: Istituto
della Enciclopedia, 1960–.
DSB Dictionary of Scienti‹c Biography. 16 vols. New York: Scribner,
1970–80.
NDB Bayerische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Munich. Historische
Kommission. Neue Deutsche Biographie. 22 vols. to date. Berlin:
Duncker & Humblot, 1953–.
ÖNB Vienna, Österreichische Nationalbibliothek.
 NOTE TO THE READER

S ources cited in boldface type in the notes to this book appear in the
“Printed Primary Sources” section of the bibliography.
In Latin titles and quoted passages, capitalization has been modernized.
Translations are my own unless otherwise indicated.
 INTRODUCTION

A mong historical works produced in the ‹fteenth and sixteenth centuries,

the Nuremberg Chronicle, the Chronicon Carionis, and Paolo Giovio’s
Histories of His Own Times stand out for several reasons. The Nuremberg
Chronicle has achieved lasting fame as a masterpiece of Renaissance book pro-
duction. Successive recensions of the Chronicon Carionis perpetuated
schemes of universal history and provided the view of humanity’s past for
generations of Lutheran students. Notwithstanding the disparagement of
some critics, Giovio’s panorama of contemporary history reached an interna-
tional readership in Catholic Europe, with eleven editions in the original
Latin, plus twelve in Italian, four in French, and one each in German and
Spanish translation. But seen from a different point of view, all three of these
works exemplify the theme of this book: the participation of authors trained
in medicine in the Renaissance enthusiasm for and writing of history.
In 1493, the simultaneous publication in both Latin and German of the
lavishly illustrated Nuremberg Chronicle was a ‹tting expression of local civic
pride in one of the wealthiest cities of northern Europe—a complicated and
expensive project, the fruit of a collaboration among merchant patrons with
humanist tastes, artists, the printer, and the author. The author—or, rather,
compiler—in question was Hartman Schedel, one of many Germans who
traveled south to obtain a medical degree from Padua. Eventually, he
returned to Nuremberg, where he spent the rest of his career as a medical
practitioner, book collector, and leading member of the small local humanist
circle. Dr. Schedel’s role in the making of the Chronicle is testimony not only
 2
History, Medicine, and the Traditions of Renaissance Learning

to his own historical interests but also to the esteem in which his historical
learning as well as his medical knowledge were held among Nuremberg’s civic
and intellectual elite. Johann Carion is best remembered as an astrologer, but
during his short life, he practiced medicine as well as reading the skies and
summarizing world history for German princely courts. Subsequently, revi-
sions and expansion by Melanchthon almost entirely subsumed Carion’s
contribution to the work that bears his name; and after Melanchthon’s death,
the Chronicon Carionis reached its ‹nal form in the continuation by Caspar
Peucer, professor of medicine at Wittenberg, medical practitioner, and med-
ical and theological author. Giovio received his doctorate in medicine from
Pavia in 1511; before turning to history and to ecclesiastical careerism at the
papal court, he practiced and wrote on medicine in Rome.1
That three well-known and much-studied contributions to Renaissance
historical literature should all embody the work of medically trained authors
is not an anomaly or just an unusual coincidence. Rather, these are examples
drawn from a much larger body of Renaissance and early modern historical
writing by medical men. The present book is a study of the extensive involve-
ment of physicians in the reading, production, uses, and shaping of historical
knowledge in the period ca. 1450–1650. It should be said at the outset, how-
ever, that it is certainly not (nor is it intended to be) a comprehensive account
of what is in fact a large and scattered body of material, widely varying in the
character and signi‹cance of its individual items. Instead, I have drawn on
selected examples, both from the literature of medicine and from historical
writing by physician authors on subjects unrelated to medicine, in an attempt
to uncover some of their intellectual motivations and disciplinary method-
ologies, as well as the professional, social, and intellectual contexts that may
have fostered historical or antiquarian interests among physicians. Hence,
this book aims both to investigate a salient but hitherto little explored aspect
of Renaissance medical humanism and to consider the place of physicians in
the intellectual world of late ‹fteenth- to early seventeenth-century history
and antiquarianism.
Remarking on the prominent presence of medical men among antiquar-
ies, Peter Burke has noted the need for a study of physicians in early modern
culture.2 I hope this book goes some way in that direction, notwithstanding
its limitations of scope and chronology. History was surely not the only disci-
pline outside medicine to which Renaissance and early modern physicians
addressed themselves. Yet there is reason to suppose that both history and
antiquarianism were in some ways particularly congenial to medicine and
that the relation was multifaceted and of broad signi‹cance. Between the
 Introduction
3

‹fteenth century and the mid-seventeenth, the intersections of history and

medicine took many forms, of which interest in the past of medicine itself as
a discipline or profession was only one. The enthusiasm of Renaissance
humanists for the historical, biographical, and doxographical literature of
antiquity indeed reshaped the presentation of medicine’s past (as that
of many other branches of learning). But in the same period, other relations
of history and medicine were of equal or greater importance.
A new esteem for history as a branch of learning, new humanist historiog-
raphy, and growing scholarly interest in material remains of the past were
prominent features of ‹fteenth- and sixteenth-century humanist culture. In
this intellectual environment, such “historical” elements within medicine as
narrative, empiricism, and attention to particulars and to material evidence
also took on new prominence. These features were of course present in the
medicine of the Middle Ages, alongside its scholastic and philosophical
aspects. But from about the turn of the ‹fteenth and sixteenth centuries, they
began to acquire greatly enhanced weight and signi‹cance, as medical men
incorporated ever-increasing amounts and new genres of narrative, descrip-
tion, and record into their medical writings—developments that are among
the most noteworthy features of Renaissance medical literature. Thus, both
the context of a polymathic and historically oriented humanist culture and
features internal to medicine united to make it easy for some medical men to
turn without any sense of incongruity to the writing of civil history, profes-
sional or other lives, or histories of sciences and to the study of antiquities
and, in short, of any aspect of the human past. But in the case of medical as of
other authors, the speci‹c direction taken by an individual’s historical inter-
ests frequently owed much to social and institutional circumstances, among
them educational structures, patronage (especially connections with the
world of princely courts), regional loyalties, and local scholarly communities.
Although some of the themes of the following chapters could pro‹tably be
traced into the eighteenth century, the later seventeenth century marks an
appropriate point at which to end. By then, for some physicians (if not yet for
medical culture as a whole), the distinction between professional and special-
ized scienti‹c knowledge and humanistic learning was beginning slowly to
become sharper and clearer. In the broader culture, historical methodology
began to undergo signi‹cant change. Moreover, the relation between medi-
cine and history started to shift in signi‹cant ways as medicine’s ancient
authorities gradually ceased to be a source of current practical information
and as new varieties of medical history began to emerge in the late seven-
teenth century and still more in the eighteenth.
 4
History, Medicine, and the Traditions of Renaissance Learning

Thus, this book is primarily an account of an episode in the history of

European learning that also belongs to the story of the rise of empiricism in
both the life and human sciences. Among medically trained men who actively
engaged with history (in any of the senses just mentioned) are some very well-
known ‹gures—for example, in addition to those named at the beginning of
this chapter, Girolamo Cardano, Gabriel Naudé, and Hermann Conring—
and many others more obscure. No precise count of the number of physicians
who wrote on historical or antiquarian topics is available, and they presum-
ably always remained a minority even among the elite of medical practition-
ers who left written works. But the following chapters leave no doubt that
they constituted a substantial group, whose members formed part of the
learned elite that shared in and shaped Renaissance intellectual life. Between
the late ‹fteenth century and the mid-seventeenth, the role of humanistic
learning in medical education, the enlarged place of history and antiquarian-
ism in the broader intellectual environment, characteristics internal to medi-
cine as then understood, and some social settings all seem to have combined
to encourage physicians to develop historical and antiquarian interests of the
kind described in this book. Hence, alongside other factors in the Renaissance
and early modern development of both medicine and history, the relation of
medicine with history also calls for attention. In short, the interaction of his-
tory, medicine, and the traditions of Renaissance learning merits considera-
tion as a phase of European intellectual history.

humanism and renaissance medicine

From the latter part of the ‹fteenth century onward, humanistic in›uences
strongly affected medical learning. The term medical humanism usually refers
to a core enterprise of intensive philological study, editing, and translation of
ancient Greek medical texts—the occupation of a relatively small number of
Hellenist scholars—and to the reception and scienti‹c in›uence of the fruits
of these labors among a wider medical audience. In areas central to medicine,
leading ‹gures of the period engaged in the ongoing task of explicating a
recently enlarged corpus of ancient medical, anatomical, and natural philo-
sophical writing. The resulting fuller knowledge of Greek medicine inspired
both imitation of the texts and, in some celebrated instances, their critical
confrontation with nature. Allied with a new empiricism, such confronta-
tions helped to produce the justly famous scienti‹c contributions associated
with medicine in the century and a half spanning the lifetimes of Vesalius and
Harvey: the development of anatomy; the expansion of botanical and natural
 Introduction
5

Fig. 1. Portrait of Galen from his Therapeutica lib. XIV, Therapeutica ad Glauconem lib.
II (Venice: [Z. Callierges for N. Blastus], 1500). Niccolò Leoniceno provided the manu-
scripts for this edition, the ‹rst to print authentic works of Galen in Greek and a land-
mark of medical humanism (see Durling 1961, 236, note 32). The artist has represented
Galen seated in a large chair, with upraised hand, and book, features that—unlike the
distinctive hat—are often found in late medieval and Renaissance depictions of aca-
demics. Here they seem to portray the Greek physician as a medical professor lecturing
to his students. Wellcome Library, London.

historical knowledge; extensive discussions of the signs, transmission, and

nature of disease; and the beginning of cumulative advances in physiology.
These are achievements of central importance for the history of science and
medicine and, indeed, for modernization in Europe. They have long rightly
been and continue to be the subject of intense study.
Given the role of ancient texts in—and the basic assumptions of—Renais-
sance and early modern medical culture, all the activities that I have just
named involved mastery of substantial classical learning as well as technical
knowledge. But the broadly common basis of learning in all humanistic dis-
 6
History, Medicine, and the Traditions of Renaissance Learning

ciplines, including medicine, also enabled many medically trained individu-

als to be full participants in a learned world extending well beyond medicine.
Renaissance medical humanism both fostered and provided ample scope for
the development among learned physicians of interests characteristic of
humanistic culture in general: fascination with all kinds of manipulations of
nature, ranging from natural magic to engineering; changing philosophical
preferences, particularly the diversi‹cation of Aristotelianism and the revival
of Platonism; and enhancement of the status of history, narrative, and
description of particulars. Moreover, medicine, like other learned disciplines,
underwent something of a literary transformation; many (though by no
means all) authors of works in such standard genres as the commentary aban-
doned scholastic quaestiones in favor of a more humanistic style, and other,
newer genres of medical writing emerged.
Furthermore, although the map of the disciplines was changing in the
sixteenth century and new specialties were taking shape, academic learning
still led its possessors into an intellectual world that was in many respects
unspecialized. The formation in arts that in some form or another preceded
university medical education was likely to involve substantial exposure to
rhetoric, logic, and natural philosophy; thus, medical graduates of Italian
universities often taught logic or philosophy during the ‹rst few years of
their careers. Astrology and some aspects of philosophy were not just part of
preliminary general education but, on occasion, had a well-de‹ned place
within medicine itself. The role of astrology in early modern medical prac-
tice may not have been quite as pervasive as is sometimes claimed. Never-
theless, some sixteenth-century medical practitioners erected astrological
‹gures for the onset of patients’ illnesses; probably almost all paid attention
to “critical days” of illness supposed to depend on the phases of the moon.3
Thus, although the level of knowledge and use of astrology doubtless varied
widely, most medical practitioners were familiar with another, still-
respected discipline that, like medicine itself, regularly made use of retroac-
tive analysis and historical or biographical narrative as well as prediction.
Philosophical concepts continued to play a part in medical arguments, as
one has only to read a few humanistic (and not only scholastic) medical
commentaries to discover.
When a student moved on from arts to medical studies, he certainly
received technical training in knowledge peculiar to medicine and familiarity
with a specialized medical literature; but he was simultaneously inducted into
a humanistic (or in some settings, still largely scholastic) professional and
intellectual community. Unambiguously, the possession of a university degree
 Introduction
7

in medicine constituted a professional quali‹cation—it was, for example, a

prerequisite for entry into colleges of physicians or for possession or claim of
various forms of authority over other practitioners. University training in
medicine provided a common core of bookish knowledge based on a corpus
of medical texts—ancient, medieval, and modern—and some practical train-
ing. Perhaps even more important, as Willem Frijhoff has noted, it provided
professional socialization.4 Most graduate physicians made their living by
medical practice or by a combination of practice and teaching. But for many
graduate physicians, technical medical knowledge was undoubtedly only one
aspect of their learning. Moreover, the boundaries of learning deemed appro-
priate and useful to a physician seem to have been quite broad and indetermi-
nate. Traditional links between medicine and natural philosophy, the philo-
logical approach encouraged by medical humanism, emerging connections
between medicine and natural history, and the interaction of physicians with
political authorities all suggested directions in which intellectually ambitious
men might pursue branches of learning that were not strictly medical yet were
perceived by themselves and their contemporaries as not just compatible with
but appropriate to a medical career.
Moreover, as some of the lives and works discussed in the following chap-
ters make clear, writing on historical, biographical, or antiquarian topics as
well as or instead of medicine evidently contributed, in at least some
instances, to the success of a medically trained author’s career. It is not possi-
ble to identify any single typical career pattern for successful physician histo-
rians: some authors, such as Hartmann Schedel, combined their historical
interests with lifelong commitment to medicine; others, such as Paolo
Giovio, abandoned medicine for history at the ‹rst opportunity. Further-
more, such omnipresent early modern realities as patronage and confessional
allegiance, as well as other imponderable factors, surely often also played a
part in determining the trajectory of a professional career. But these other
interests and writings by physicians can also be characterized as professional
in at least two senses. In pragmatic terms, learning not directly related to
medicine might advance a physician’s career because it was useful to—or at
the least served to impress—in›uential patrons/patients, particularly in the
world of the court. In intellectual terms, the natural philosophical and
humanistic as well as medical knowledge and skills involved in acquiring
signi‹cant medical learning had manifold applications. Moreover, although
no one would claim that all the medical or historical or antiquarian works
discussed in the following chapters were of major signi‹cance, most of their
authors seem to have enjoyed a relatively—and in some cases a highly—priv-
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