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the return of
curiosity
Walid Raad, Preface to the Third Edition (Édition française),
Plate iii, 2012, archival colour inkjet print.
the return of
curiosity
what museums are good
for in the 21 st century

Nicholas Thomas

REAKTION BOOKS
 For Annie Coombes

Published by Reaktion Books Ltd

Unit 32, Waterside
44–48 Wharf Road
London n1 7ux, uk
www.reaktionbooks.co.uk

First published 2016

Copyright © Nicholas Thomas 2016

All rights reserved

No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval
system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic,
mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior
permission of the publishers

Printed and bound in Great Britain by Bell & Bain, Glasgow

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

isbn 978 1 78023 656 8

 contents

introduction 7
1 the ascendancy of the museum 21
2 the museum as method 65
3 the collection as creative technology 115
conclusion 139

references 149
acknowledgements 165
photo acknowledgements 167
index 169
Mark Adams, 2015. Schlossplatz, Berlin. The Humboldt-Forum
under Construction, digital file.
 introduction

S
ince the turn of the millennium, the world we inhabit has
changed: as is commonly observed, the war on terror, the
actuality of climate change and the emergence of social media
have had profound and diverse impacts on the lives of people globally.
Among many other changes, one is striking and it motivates this book,
even though, if asked to list the big social or cultural shifts of our time,
few people would be likely to mention museums. But these insti­
tutions, which started out as expressions of Renaissance erudition,
have undergone a kind of belated adolescence, growing suddenly in
fits and starts, assuming new attitudes and responsibilities, demanding
and obtaining attention and money. Museums, in the twenty-first
century, loom larger than they ever have before. They are more socially
and economically vital, they seek to offer their publics more and they
arguably succeed in doing so in those countries in which they have
long been established. And new museums are being founded, on both
a humble and a grand scale, and finding supporters and audiences
in many communities and nations in which they were not previously
significant.
It is symptomatic of this rapid growth and change that museums
are much noticed and discussed: in the news media, in practitioners’
conferences and journals and by way of wider critical and scholarly

7
 The Return of Curiosity

commentary.1 Yet the voluminous writings and various genres seem

not to address or account for the formidable importance that
museums have assumed – almost unexpectedly, given how com­
monly it was thought, until just recently, that the efflorescence of
digital culture would render physical collections and museum visits
redundant. Professionals write about advances in conservation, cata­
loguing systems and museum education; those in museum studies
are preoccupied with the politics of exhibitions and community
represen­tation; commentators on the ‘creative industries’ remark
on the scale of investment in culture and the growth of tourism and
tax revenues; architectural critics appraise buildings and precincts,
among them some of the most adventurous and spectacular pres­
ences in new cityscapes. Much of this literature is illuminating,
about the histories of collections, the outcomes of negotiations with
indigenous people, the promise and possibilities of online outreach
and many other issues. But we seem not to be asking what it is
about museums that enables them to appeal to millions of new
visitors, and that empowers ambitious claims, not just to educate
and entertain people, but to tell all our stories, foster social cohesion,
further international diplomacy, empower advanced research and
deliver a diverse range of other social and economic benefits.2 There
is something about material culture in the distinctively assembled
form of the collection that now enlivens the museum, I suggest,
rendering it, at best, surprisingly fertile and socially progressive –
even if effective in less instrumental terms than museum advocates
sometimes claim.
This book draws together issues and contexts that have mostly
been discussed separately. It is interested in the larger social and
econ­omic drivers of museum renewal, but also in the qualities of

8
 Introduction

collections and the particular oddities of museum artefacts, such as

their cataloguing and labelling. I try to get to grips with the ways
museums may foster civil society and reflect on the much-rehashed
issue of repatriation, but also address questions that may be less
familiar, questioning assumptions around what I call – by way of
deliberate oxymoron – the ‘natural artefact’. I treat the museum
as something like an archaeological site, a manifold set of deposits
that offer lenses upon human creativity, human history and environ­
mental change, but am concerned also to think prospectively about
the potential of collections, arguing that they represent a creative
technology, a means of making new things.
A good deal of the museum studies literature has focused on
renowned national institutions and so-called universal survey
museums, such as the Louvre and the British Museum. Curators of
art have theorized contemporary practice and exhibition-making
extensively. And many commentators have joined the argument
about ethnographic and archaeological collections such as those of
the Pitt Rivers, the American Museum of Natural History and the
Pergamon, undeniably products of the imperial age, presumed now
to be targets of the world’s repatriation claims.3 This book may be
unusual for ranging over art, anthropology, science and history
museums, and the spectrum from great metropolitan institutions to
local collections in out-of-the-way places. While this means that what
I have to say may suffer the weakness of all generalization, and is
certainly more apt for some cases than others, my gamble is that
affinities between science and art collections, among others, may be
unexpected and revealing. Mixing things up helps deepen our sense
of what museums per se, as opposed to specific kinds of institutions,
are good for in the twenty-first century.

9
 The Return of Curiosity

If cross-disciplinary enquiry has its hazards, I am also well aware

that there are profound differences from nation to nation in how
museums operate. In Britain, national and local governments, among
other public agencies, are interested in museums’ effectiveness in
fostering social inclusion. In the United States, campaigns to win
and sustain the support of private donors influence activities across
the board. Yet rather than consider every setting singular, I hope
to acknowledge the varied expressions of wider trends – affinities
being notable, despite differing national settings, not least because
curators, designers, directors, architects and culture ministers travel,
meet each other, share ideas and draw on each other’s languages,
framing problems and approaching solutions in terms that borrow
internationally. This book is inevitably weighted towards examples
I know best, from Britain; it also reflects the crossovers of my work­
ing life, between art and anthropology, between museums of art and
those often now called ‘world cultures’ museums, once those of
ethnology or für Völkerkunde. Yet it draws also on wider experience
I have been fortunate to have in a variety of curatorial, research and
advisory roles, in relation to history, maritime and science collections,
as well as those of art and anthropology, in various parts of Asia,
Europe, the Pacific and North America. It draws too on the time I
have spent in many museums, as a parent and rank-and-file visitor.
Moreover, if the old anthropology and natural history museums
appear the poor cousins of the great art institutions – in most countries,
the most prominent and most visited of all museums – the former
have been paradoxically influential. Decades ago, the curators of
ethnographic collections felt themselves challenged. The sense that
they had to engage with so-called source communities – the des­
cendants of people from whom collections were obtained – led not

10
 Introduction

just to dialogue but to new ways of undertaking curatorial work,

conservation and public programming. Though inevitably complex
and sometimes frustrating for both communities and curators, this
has proved a deeply rewarding process of sharing knowledge (more
than just an expression of moralistic correctness). What started out
as experiments arising from painful and contentious histories of
dispossession, and from the present significance of collections made
in the past, has become business as usual. Public engagement and
responsiveness to community are now, in diverse respects, vital to
the orientation and work of museums of all kinds.
My title, The Return of Curiosity, may perplex some. Isn’t curiosity,
they might ask, more a personal trait, or an attribute of humanity
in general, that has neither gone nor come back? The suggestion
that avid interest in novel things, experiences and situations may be
a human propensity in a deep sense is an intriguing one. Those
interested in the evolution of our species’ behaviour might take the
view that our capacity to venture into and indeed to dominate many
environments, to find not only diverse ways of subsisting but a
capacity to generate surpluses, enabling the extraordinary elabora­
tion of society that has unfolded (for better or worse) over human
history, has all been made possible by curiosity. If we had never
wanted to try eating something different, test a novel technique or
see a new place, it is hard to see how or why experiments in agricul­
ture and technology, travel or cross-cultural trade should ever have
taken place.4
In any case, curiosity has also been conceived and valued differ­
ently over time, especially over the period marked by the ascendancy
of mercantile capitalism, when the moral implications of people’s
seemingly insatiable appetite for new things assumed greater, and

11
 The Return of Curiosity

evidently problematic, economic and political significance. Edmund

Burke’s classic treatise of 1757, A Philosophical Enquiry into the Origin
of Our Ideas of the Sublime and Beautiful, began by dismissing curi­
osity as a skittish attitude of children – arousal by mere novelty – to
be juxtaposed with the mature and masculine exercise of reason and
judgement. ‘The most superficial of all the affections . . . an appetite
which is very sharp, but very easily satisfied . . . it has always an
appearance of giddiness, restlessness, and anxiety,’ he wrote.5 There
is also a long history to the idea, familiar to anyone who has read
the Curious George stories to children, that curiosity gets you into
trouble. If it would be entertaining to trace the bad reputation that
this propensity has had, awkwardly balanced by the celebration of
inquisitiveness in Samuel Johnson’s Dictionary, and otherwise in
science, over the centuries, that would be tangential to the purposes
of this book.
Most recently, it is specifically cross-cultural curiosity that has
been disparaged. It has been stigmatized, as a more or less unintended
consequence of the ascendancy of postcolonial studies and the poli­
tics of identity, which have dismissed travellers’, Orientalists’ and
anthropologists’ accounts of non-European cultures as ideological
constructions directly or indirectly intended to affirm the dynamic
and progressive qualities of the West, relative to traditional orders
elsewhere. While critical consideration of the intellectual and cultural
expressions of colonialism was certainly overdue, and much so-called
scholarship concerned with the non-European world was indeed
woefully prone to rehash stereotypes, the arguments led to a surpris­
ingly widespread sense that interest in cultures beyond the West
was in itself improper, as if not just tainted by colonial attitudes,
but inherently an appropriation. Advocates of the ‘decolonization’

12
 Introduction

of knowledge argued that indigenous scholars were equipped to

articulate valid understandings of history and culture, based in cus­
tomary concepts that were often profoundly different to those of
European thought; anthropologists, it was suggested, ought to stay
at home and study their own cultures, and indeed many did so.
This was far from just a set of squabbles among scholars and
activists. More generally, affirmations of ethnicity and renewed inter­
est in national identity fostered a sense that people needed to know
their own cultures and histories. Hence in contexts ranging from
those of national independence in Africa, liberation following the
collapse of the Soviet Union, national reimagining in settler societies
such as New Zealand and Australia and growing interests in independ­
ence in Scotland, a possessiveness and an introversion came to be
explicitly or implicitly upheld. A ‘national museum’ was no longer
just the major state-supported museum in the particular country; it
was also a museum of the nation, one dedicated to its own story and
identity. From Australia to Estonia there are such museums that
actually hold significant international collections but do not exhibit
them, considering material from outside the nation to be outside the
remit of the nation’s museum. If this trend implied a narrowing of
focus and imagination, the picture was always contradictory, as the
art world became more inclusive and cosmopolitan, even if it tended
to celebrate internationally intelligible contemporary styles, rather
than a wider range of global cultural expressions, some of which were
less easily converted into biennale and art-fair currencies.
Twenty years ago, the great British cultural theorist Stuart Hall
asked, ‘Who needs identity?’ If, in some milieux, languages of
national heritage and belonging remain persuasive, Hall provoca­
tively suggested that identities were both ‘necessary’ and ‘impossible’.6

13
 The Return of Curiosity

In history and related fields, many scholars have drawn attention to

the formative character of travel, trade and migration in the consti­
tution of societies. Some places are more obviously cosmopolitan
than others, but I cannot think of a modern human community not
shaped by histories of interaction and movement. It is a truism that
the present is a time of globalization, and it is true that economies
around the world are interconnected as never before, that various
forms of online communication connect us to an unprecedented
degree and that international corporations and cross-border, quasi-
governmental institutions are more constraining of and otherwise
salient to our daily lives than formerly. Yet in other senses, trans­
oceanic and transcontinental trading systems, pilgrimages, migrations,
diasporas and mixed populations, exotic objects and ideas have been
the stuff of human history for millennia. ‘Ethnic identity’ and
‘national heritage’ may be very much alive today, but in their purer
expressions they are the cultural counterparts of a political and eco­
nomic axiom consigned to the past – Stalin’s ‘socialism in one
country’ – and are about as valid and sustainable.
If economic recessions typically render governments unpopular,
the fallout during the second decade of the twenty-first century has
been unusually harsh. In many countries the cycle of disenchantment
has accelerated, as oppositions have been elected and rejected in
succession, and fringe parties with no identity other than hostility
to immigrants, such as the Front National in France, have made
dramatic advances into the mainstream. Whether they can hold onto
or build on that support in the future remains to be seen, but the
current climate fosters the myth of rupture that has been a defining
characteristic of modern culture for centuries: people are highly
invested in the notion that we inhabit a world that has suffered

14
 Introduction

unprecedented change, that formerly stable and coherent societies are

now unstable, dynamic and heterogeneous. While great changes have
indeed taken place since 2000, most generations of recent centuries
could feel the same way, and there is nothing new about immigra­
tion. What is not novel, but nevertheless urgent, is the challenge of
fostering understandings of community, identity, history and nation
that reflect the interconnected, migratory and entangled qualities
of our histories. Multiculturalism may be a political project that
has been more or less controversial at various times, but it is also an
inescapable and irreversible condition of many past and present soci­
eties – now the overwhelming majority of societies – that needs to
be fully acknowledged rather than denied, its inevitable conflicts and
difficulties, as well as its fertility and richness, understood. Curiosity
may be, as Burke suggested, an unstable attitude, but it is marked by
an eagerness to encounter what is new or unfamiliar, an openness to
difference and perhaps a willingness to suspend judgement.
People often go to museums to see works and objects that are
already canonized, such as the paintings that we are all supposed to
see before we die; in practice, what’s often more rewarding about
visits to exhibitions and collections are unexpected discoveries of
pieces that may be minor in art-historical terms or otherwise suppos­
edly of secondary interest but that appeal to you nevertheless, that
enable you to know something new or that take you somewhere you
have not previously been. Being curious enables us to travel in this
fashion, but it surely also equips us better to acquire an awareness
of the societies we all now inhabit, and to act and live within them.
This book argues that the revitalization of museums reflects not
only planners’ and politicians’ ambitions and interests, among other
social and economic trends, but a return to curiosity. Many historians

15
 The Return of Curiosity

have discussed museums’ emergence from cabinets of curiosity, as if

arbitrary accumulations on the part of acquisitive dilettantes were
succeeded by reputably systematic art and science collections. The
narrative points to the vital association between the artefacts and the
attitude – curiosities provoked curiosity and vice versa, we suppose
– but overlooks an intriguing qualification to Burke’s diatribe, that
for all its faults, curiosity was inescapable, it ‘blends itself more or
less with all our passions’.7 This is a consequential admission, and
implies that this eager, suspect desire never could quite have been
expurgated from the constitution of the museum. In any case, my
claim is that what is good about museums in the present responds
to and sustains curiosity of all kinds, and that curiosity is moreover
fertile and necessary, not only for people in general, but specifically
for those of us alive in the twenty-first century.
The first of this book’s three main chapters reviews the reinvigora­
tion of museums that is at once astonishing, yet difficult to track,
because it has involved many more or less related strands, some of
which date back to the 1970s and even the 1960s, but which gained
greater momentum only from the 1990s onwards. While it is import­
ant to touch on this renewal’s various aspects, ranging from interests
in museums as drivers of urban regeneration to the new, mass appeal
of contemporary art, I hope not to lapse into the journalistic register
of ‘trendspotting’. I ask what it is about entering collections, and
what it is about museums as civic spaces of a singular sort, that gives
them the potential they appear now to have.
In the second chapter I turn to the constitution of collections,
which I argue are not just masses of works and things, but stranger
and more surprising assemblages than we have appreciated. In place
of what I suggest are three misleading naturalisms, of heritage, the

16
 Introduction

collection and the artefact, which imply essentially fixed physical

identities and forms of belonging, I try to bring into view the sense
in which collections are made up, above all, of relations – with
identifications in the form of labels and catalogue entries, with other
artefacts and images, with histories, with people. These manifold
relations amount to shape-shifting networks, but the word ‘network’
is unhelpfully diagrammatic and diminishes the substance of the
issue here. The things that connect are not merely geometric points,
but more or less remarkable works and objects that have their own
telling qualities.
Third, none of this would matter so much if collections were
above all resources for the understanding of the present and the
past – even if they are peculiarly rich ones, revelations of natural and
human histories, cultural diversity, human creativity and extraordin­
ary personal stories. If they were only those things, they could still
be of special importance – if, that is, they are not locked away, but
accessible to those interested in them, those who might explore the
past through them. But collections do not merely enrich our senses
of where we have come from, of the constitution of the cultures we
inhabit; they are also resources for the future, creative technologies
that people can use to create new things.
The conclusion returns to the wider social question of what, in
our time, museums have to offer. Since this book could be seen to
be at odds with mainstream museum studies – a critical literature
that has seen museums above all as challenged, flawed and in retreat
– it should be stressed at the outset that the discussion is not intended
to be triumphalist. Often in museums I am, no doubt like many other
visitors, disappointed by displays that seem facile, unimaginative or
inadequately representative. The creative potential that I celebrate

17
 The Return of Curiosity

depends on institutions’ openness, and especially on the accessibility

of collections, which too often is constrained by poor facilities, a lack
of resources and unfortunately just a lack of will. Well-intentioned
projects can anyway lapse into traps of various kinds, familiar to
curators, designers and other practitioners. And the ‘success’ of exhib­
itions and such projects as new museum developments is relative,
many-faceted and, to state the obvious, a matter of opinion. Some
institutions may ‘succeed’ for the wrong reasons, or in terms that
appear partial, not least because, if one quality is inevitable in museum
work, it is compromise. Curators and museum-makers must contend
with masses of special and fragile physical stuff, with constraints
upon money, space and time, as well as, equally importantly, belief
in whatever it is that they aim to accomplish. To a greater degree than
scholarly theorization, museum work is emphatically ‘in the world’
– it negotiates between what may be desirable, acceptable and feas­
ible. And the task has become no easier: what is possible has diminished
and continues to contract, as we endure a lengthening period of
austerity. All that said, this book is written out of tentative optimism.
For all their faults and compromises, museums have a new vitality;
they have more to offer than we used to think and may even be places
in which the most intractable antagonisms and inequities of our time
are addressed and redressed.

18
Barack Obama at the Rijksmuseum, Amsterdam, 24 March 2014.
 1
the ascendancy of the
museum

M
useums make grand claims: to represent the natural world,
to narrate civilization, to survey the arts. Even on a more
local scale, there may be much at stake in a promise
to tell the story of a district or a town. So it is not surprising that, for
as long as they have been around, museums have been controversial
and have had both advocates and detractors. Over the last decades
of the twentieth century, the detractors were most vocal. It was a
period marked by mounting criticism of museums by commentators
and scholars from many disciplines, as well as by a succession of
often damaging public controversies. Museums were lambasted vari­
ously as temples of elite culture, warehouses of colonial loot and
hegemonic institutions – instruments of the state created to incul­
cate ideologies and hierarchies. This was part and parcel of the late
twentieth-century sea change in the humanities, marked by polit­
ical and philosoph­ical challenges to traditional methods, disciplines
and the cultural canon. But there were also broader shifts that eroded
the status of the museum: in the field of art, for example, the vital
new practices from the 1970s onwards had been site-specific, on the
body, performative and public. If art museums have since found ways
of representing and canonizing the corporeal and ephemeral, it
seemed for a time that these practices neither needed nor wanted the

21
 The Return of Curiosity

traditional institutions.1 And as digital and online media emerged in

the 1990s, museums appeared just too static, just too physical, to be
vital presences within the emerging environment.
Many people had, in any case, long thought of museums as places
for dead things. In the 1960s, the Frankfurt School philosopher Theo­
dor Adorno referred to the ‘unpleasant overtones’ of the German
adjective museal (museum-like) that referred to objects ‘in the pro­
cess of dying’. Chris Marker and Alain Resnais’ film essay Les Statues
meurent aussi (1953), about African works in Western museums, had
already rendered the proposition anti-colonial.2 From an opposed
political position, Margaret Thatcher said much the same thing in
the 1980s, by which time museums were thought to be dying them­
selves.3 Books with titles such as On the Museum’s Ruins appeared.4
When the historian and theorist Gyan Prakash wrote in 1996 that ‘A
sense prevails today that museums have become history – finished,
exhausted, lifeless,’ this was surely correct as an evocation of the
commentary of the period.5 The museum might be where you took
your child to see a dinosaur, but at worst it seemed a dinosaur itself,
a bulky and cumbersome creature, devoid of vitality, if not actually
extinct. And indeed, in the 1980s, if museums of natural history and
anthropology were often dusty, art museums tended to be staid; what
they had in common was that they were uninviting.
Yet, in hindsight, it is hard to think of another context in which
scholars and cultural critics have been so badly wrong-footed. The
last twenty to thirty years have not witnessed the obsolescence, the
redundancy or the decline of the museum. To the contrary, the
period has been remarkable for renewal, and the process was already
well and truly under way when Prakash diagnosed exhaustion. It is
unhelpful to argue that there was any single moment or turning

22
 The Ascendancy of the Museum

point when museums came to be seen, or seen again, as vital and

fertile places – the history has been too uneven to be narrated in
these terms. Yet among landmark events must be counted the inaug­
uration of the Centre Georges Pompidou in Paris in 1977. The
combination of the building’s radicalism and the simplicity of its
architectural concept – its instantly famous revelation of pipework,
of services and infrastructure – exemplified the claim of democra­
tization. The pitch for a new audience was moreover facilitated by
the openness of the Place Beaubourg, the museum’s situation in the
midst of a café quartier. An eighteen-year-old Australian in Paris
for the first time, I happened to visit the Pompidou within a year
of its opening, in the spring of 1978. Some combination of Henri
Michaux’s esoteric inscriptions (one of the centre’s first temporary
shows), a light-headed mood the morning after a long party, my
impressionable nature at the time, made the place seem not just
cool, but a point of entry into a new world. I was certainly unsoph­
isticated, but I suspect far from alone among young people at that
time, who found the Pompidou far more enticing than the aloof
facades we associated with the standard art gallery. The ‘new museum’
was an architectural event, an architectural movement, to which
museology itself would in fits and starts play catch-up.6
Over the period since, governments, foundations and sponsors of
all kinds have spent an unprecedented amount of time, money and
energy on museums. The closing decades of the nineteenth century
and those of the early twentieth saw the establishment of many great
city, university and state collections in Europe, North America and
elsewhere, but the proliferation of new, extended, renovated and
rehoused institutions over the last twenty or so years has amounted
to something else again. The sheer number of art galleries, science,

23
 The Return of Curiosity

history, archaeology and world cultures museums has increased dra­

matically, as has that of local heritage, single-artist, special interest
and other often quirky smaller museums.7 So, moreover, has the scale
of activity – blockbusters, biennales and busy events programmes
are business as usual, and even smaller institutions mount changing
displays, offer concerts and talks in galleries, run programmes for
schools and friends’ evenings, make collections accessible online and
try to build constituencies through social media. The phenomenon
of museum growth has been energized from the bottom up as well
as from the top down.8
Among instances of this wave of development that might be
cited: Canada, New Zealand and Australia are some of the countries
in which new museums of the nation have been created, opening
in 1989, 1998 and 2001 respectively. Each of these societies had been
(as they still are) engaged in a protracted and painful reassessment
of dealings between settlers and indigenous peoples, and the new
museums’ many tasks included the reimagining of national histories.9
All have had moments of controversy but proved considerably more
popular than forecast. In Paris, new art museums with specific remits
such as the Musée d’Orsay (primarily nineteenth-century French art)
and the Musée du quai Branly (world art) have been successfully
established in Paris, bringing the number of museums in the city to
around 150. Seven hundred journalists attended the press preview
of the reopening in 2013, following a decade of reconstruction, of
the Rijksmuseum in Amsterdam.10 During his visit in March 2014,
Barack Obama was photographed contemplating Rembrandt’s
Self-portrait as the Apostle Paul of 1661, as if carefully advertising
the precious moment of reflection that the art museum offers those
leading the most demanding of possible lives. In Berlin, a series of

24
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