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The Timurid Century
 This volume is dedicated to

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 The Timurid Century
The Idea of Iran
Volume IX

Edited By

Charles Melville
(University of Cambridge)
Cambridge

in association with The London Middle East Institute at SOAS

Supported by the Soudavar Memorial Foundation

 I.B.TAURIS
Bloomsbury Publishing Plc
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BLOOMSBURY, I.B. TAURIS and the I.B. TAURIS logo are trademarks of
Bloomsbury Publishing Plc
First published in Great Britain 2020
Copyright © The Soudavar Memorial Trust, 2020
Charles Melville has asserted his right under the Copyright, Designs and
Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Editor of this work.
For legal purposes the Acknowledgements on p. ix constitute an extension of
this copyright page.
Cover image: Arthur M. Sackler Gallery,
Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D.C.: The
Art and History Collection, LTS1995.2.27

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 Contents

List of Illustrations vii

Acknowledgements ix

Introduction 1
Charles Melville

Arbiters of Iran: Chroniclers and Patrons in an Age of Literary Bounty 7

Shahzad Bashir

The Local and the Universal in Turko-Iranian Ideology 25

Beatrice Forbes Manz

An Idea of Iran on Mongol Foundations: Territory, Dynasties and Tabriz 45

as Royal City (Seventh/Thirteenth to Ninth/Fifteenth Century)
Daniel Zakrzewski

Two Later Ninth/Fifteenth-Century Iranian Travellers 77

John E. Woods

Imitational Poetry as Pious Hermeneutics? Jami and Nava’i/Fani’s 97

Rewritings of Hafez’s Opening Ghazal
Marc Toutant

A Man of Letters: Hoseyn Va‘ez Kashefi and his Persian Project 121
Maria Subtelny

The Timurid Book: golshan-e naqsh-o tazhib – A Garden of Painting 135

and Illumination
Eleanor Sims

From Maragha to Samarqand and Beyond: Revisiting a Quartet of 161

Scientific Traditions in Greater Persia (ca. 1300s–1500s)
Elaheh Kheirandish

Index 189
 Illustrations

Figure 1
The itineraries of Tusi and Abivardi.
Plate I
Tusi, ‘Ma‘ali’, Khondkarnama, folios 1v and 2r. Courtesy of Topkapi
Saray Library, Istanbul, Turkey.
Plate II
Tusi, ‘Ma‘ali’, Khondkarnama, folios 2v and 183v. Courtesy of
Topkapi Saray Library, Istanbul, Turkey.
Plate III
Abivardi, ‘Feyzi’, Chartakht and Anis al-‘asheqin, Majmu‘a, folios 1r
and 60r. Courtesy of Uppsala University Library, Uppsala, Sweden.
Plate IV
Abivardi, ‘Feyzi’, Chartakht and Anis al-‘asheqin, Majmu‘a, folios 65r
and 122r. Courtesy of Uppsala University Library, Uppsala, Sweden.
Plate V
Homay’s dream: He sees Homayun in a garden at night. Paris, Musée
des arts decoratifs 3727, on long-term loan to the Musée du Louvre
since 2006.
 Acknowledgements

The first volume of the Idea of Iran was published in 2005 and the current
volume, number 9, is testimony to the continuing success of the annual
Symposia and the appeal of the topic to which they are devoted; both the
conferences and publications have become a popular contribution to academic
work on Iran.
The publication of the Series is due to the generosity of the Soudavar
Memorial Foundation and its continued support year after year. We are
particularly grateful to Mrs Fatema Soudavar-Farmanfarmaian for her interest
and advice and for helping to ensure the success of the Series. As always, the
publication would not have been possible without the skill and meticulous eye
for detail of Parvis Fozooni, who formats and typesets the papers. We also thank
Andy Platts for her invaluable copy-editing and Judith Acevedo for preparing the
Index.
Although her name no longer appears on the cover, I would like to
acknowledge the continuing vital role played by my colleague, Dr Sarah Stewart
from SOAS, who has shepherded both the Symposia and the resulting
publications through their evolution from the very outset. Her experience and
support have been crucial in getting yet another volume into the light of day.
This volume is dedicated to the memory and outstanding achievements in the
field of Persian studies of Ehsan Yarshater, himself an embodiment of the Idea of
Iran, and of Gilbert Lazard, who gave so much to the study of Persian language
and linguistics: both passed away in September 2018.
We would like to thank Joanna Godfrey and Rory Gormley and the staff at
I.B. Tauris/Bloomsbury for their help in producing the publication.
 Introduction

Charles Melville
(University of Cambridge)

T he ‘Timurid’ symposium, sponsored by the Soudavar Memorial

Foundation, took place on 18–19 November 2017, under the somewhat
provocative title, ‘The Turko-Timurid Intermezzo’. The notion behind
this was that, in the period between the collapse of the ‘Abbasid Caliphate in
1258 and the advent of the Safavids in 1501, the nature of the state was more
ostensibly secular than it had been under the Sunni–Islamic hegemony of the
caliphs and those claiming their delegated authority that preceded the Mongol
invasions, and was again under the charismatic Shi‘i–Sufi rule introduced by
the Safavids that followed the fall of the Timurids. Religion, of course, did not
disappear. The Mongols’ conversion to Islam after 1295 provided government
with one plank of its legitimacy, but the rulers themselves claimed no spiritual
authority and relied, apart from their military powers of coercion, on their
Chinggisid descent or primacy within the essentially nomadic structures
imported from the Inner Asian steppes.
Whatever the value of such a perspective on the nature of rule in the
Mongol and Timurid periods, the concept of an ‘intermezzo’ did not find
favour; for a start, 250 years is too long for an interval and perhaps the Timurid
century likewise, though Vladimir Minorsky’s celebrated ‘Iranian intermezzo’,
identifying the brief period between the Arab and Turkish monopoly of rule on
the Iranian plateau, lasted 110 years.1 Hans Roemer’s proposal of a ‘Turkmen
intermezzo’2 is now considered to be rather dated. More importantly, recent
work has shown how a significant element of the fusion of Perso-Islamic and
Mongol traditions that emerged in the Ilkhanid and Timurid era was the
formulation of a sacral kingship that endowed the rulers with a universal
heaven-derived kingship, starting with Ghazan Khan, which allowed ‘divinized
forms of kingship to inhabit the Islamic monotheistic world’.3 And indeed,
there are much greater continuities in this and other aspects of the times
between and within the pre-Mongol and post-Mongol periods than are
generally acknowledged.
Beatrice Manz’s chapter in this volume highlights many recurring patterns
of succession practices, of interactions between rulers and their bureaucracies,
the military contributions of the Iranians alongside the warlike Turks, centre–
periphery relations and the geographical delineations of power, not to mention
a shared ‘mythical’ past of very long-term encounters across the Oxus as
2 THE TIMURID CENTURY

expressed in the Shahnama. These can be found equally in the Safavid period
that followed. Daniel Zakrzewski’s examination of the role of Tabriz as a
capital, perceived as bestowing power over the whole kingdom of Iran on
whoever controlled the city, regardless of the actual extent of territorial control,
also focuses on one specific aspect of this question. At the same time, he nicely
links the patronage of religious complexes and monuments with the projection
of royal splendour: again, hardly something novel or unique to the Timurid era.
It is perhaps easier to imagine Persian history as a slowly evolving
continuum, cut up into ‘dynastic periods’ or centuries for convenience, and the
‘Idea of Iran’ likewise. A thematic, rather than a chronological, framework
would no doubt stimulate many refreshing insights into the essence of Persian
government, religion, economy, art, language and literature as cultivated in
Iran’s diverse landscapes over the centuries. Nevertheless, in the current
scheme of things, we are starting to leave the Mongols and the turbulent, blood-
soaked fourteenth century behind and to contemplate a new era, often regarded
as marking a high point of artistic achievements. Were there distinctive
elements about the Timurid century and were they apparent to its
contemporaries?
The fifteenth century saw the slow disintegration of the empire roughly
assembled through the military conquests of Timur (d. 1405), ultimately
dividing Iran (as so often in the past) into independent realms to the East and
West of the central kavir. While the Timurids retained their hold on Khorasan
and Transoxiana, the west was lost to the Qara Qoyunlu and Aq Qoyunlu
Turkmen regimes. Both polities were the heirs of the Chinggisid dispensation
and, despite their political rivalries, grappled with the same questions of
legitimacy and exemplify the same process of combining the ‘steppe’ notions
of rule with Perso-Islamic concepts and a centralized bureaucracy with
powerful autonomous apanage holders. The period also witnessed popular
challenges to Sunni religious orthodoxy and a renewed emphasis on the
scholarly achievements of the past. In the meantime, a great cultural
florescence, partly born of the rivalry of competing courts, notably at Herat,
Samarqand, Tabriz, Shiraz and Baghdad, make the fifteenth century a byword
for great artistic, literary and scientific activity.
What does the Idea of Iran mean at this period? Can we discern the ways
that contemporaries viewed their traditions and their environment (natural or
built); what was the view of outsiders, and how does modern scholarship define
the distinctive aspects of the period? These are some of the questions explored
in the symposium dedicated to this rich and highly productive interval that was
the springboard for the formation of new imperial Ottoman, Safavid, Mughal
and Ozbek orders of succeeding centuries.
Historiographers carry a heavy load in recording their era, in their choice of
material and the way it is reported. Many of them were bureaucrats and literati,
usually attached to a court and importantly, therefore, writing for a patron.
 INTRODUCTION 3

They are, naturally, among the main sources for our own ideas of Iran at the
time they were writing. Shahzad Bashir reviews two history books, written at
either end of the Timurid century: Taj-e Salmani’s history of ca. 1410, covering
the five turbulent years after the death of Timur, and Fazlollah Khonj-
Esfahani’s Mehman-nama-ye Bokhara, written a century later, concerning his
sojourn in Ozbek Transoxiana. Although both are works of history, recording
events of the time through a particular lens – a highly personal one in the case
of Khonji-Esfahani, writing far from home – what is striking is their literary
quality, their use of language to emphasize moral, religious or political precepts
and the highly selective nature of their narrative of events.
The Persian language is indeed a crucial ingredient of Iran’s cultural
identity – how could it be otherwise? The awareness of the works of past
masters and the deeply felt need to be embedded in the same strong literary,
artistic and scientific traditions, through emulation, translation or expropriation,
can be found in vigorous existence throughout the Timurid century. It is
expressed in the production of ‘universal’ histories and biographical
dictionaries of poets and saints, the compilation of albums of painting and
calligraphy and production of scientific texts in Persian. Admiration for the
ghazals of Hafez of Shiraz and their mystical richness, developed in the Sufi-
infused context of the court of Soltan-Hoseyn-e Bayqara in Herat, was
articulated in emulations of his poetry in both Persian and Turkish, as Marc
Toutant reveals in connection with the famous opening ghazal of Hafez’s
Divan. Maria Subtelny’s chapter examines how the same court environment
witnessed the sustained effort of Hoseyn Va‘ez Kashefi in translating into
Persian and rewriting the works of his predecessors across a range of religious,
literary, ethical and esoteric subjects, to the point of what would now be
considered plagiarism but at the time could be viewed as a legitimate attempt to
absorb and surpass them, preserving them in a form appropriate for new late-
Timurid audiences. At the same time, as shown by Elaheh Kheirandish, an
effort of translation of a classic Arabic work on practical geometry also speaks
of the continuing vitality of Iranian contributions to this field of scientific
investigation, as well as the desire to make it accessible to Persianate
scholarship.
As in science and literature, so in the arts of the book, and particularly the
illumination and beautification of poetic and literary texts: that is, awareness of
a tradition – relatively recent, with antecedents in the previous century – taken
forward and developed to an extraordinary pitch of refinement under the
impetus of Timurid patronage. Eleanor Sims’ chapter identifies the scale and
proportions as one distinctive element of Timurid manuscript production. Her
dissection of the celebrated single-page painting of Homay meeting Homayun
in a beautiful (and ‘typical’) Persian garden notes its timeless qualities,
enhanced indeed by the lack of certainty as to when and where it was actually
created. Elements and models from across the Persianate cultural zone are
4 THE TIMURID CENTURY

drawn together into a fortunate synthesis that could itself be taken as one of the
hallmarks of the Timurid century.
While the majority of chapters in the volume to hand speak of the Iranians’
engagement with their own unfolding history, operating within the broad
confines of the Persian-speaking Eastern Islamic world, there are a few hints of
interactions beyond this already wide region. In the case of the sciences, there
is evidence of an awareness of developments in the European West, specifically
in mechanical clock making. Western appreciation of the contributions of
Ologh Beg’s observatory and team of astronomers at Samarqand lay well in the
future, but some exchange of knowledge and a recognition of technical skills
enjoyed by Iranian scholars certainly existed. We have few other indications of
the perception of Iranian society at this time in the eyes of contemporaries, but
two Iranian travel narratives discussed by John Woods give us a brief insight
into encounters with the wider world beyond Iran’s territorial borders. Both
journeys were essentially pilgrimages and took the authors to the Arab lands
and the Ottoman Empire, where one of them, Sayyed Mir ‘Ali Tusi (a native of
Mashhad) remained. Sayyed Kamal al-Din Abivardi, on the other hand,
returned to Herat after his travels had taken him to the other capital cities,
Constantinople, Cairo and Tabriz. His journey seems to have been as much in
pursuit of love as for any more formal reason, and his anecdotes reflect
something of how the Iranians (the ‘Ajamis) were perceived by those he
encountered in what turned out, it seems, to be an unsuccessful quest.
Regrettably, Michele Bernardini’s contribution to the symposium, ‘The
exaltation of Iran by others: The Turks as promoters of the Idea of Iran’, and
Elena Paskaleva’s presentation of her fresh archival discoveries relating to the
architecture of Timurid Samarqand, are not included in this volume. The eight
remaining chapters nevertheless reflect the richness of the period and scope of
topics discussed, justifying the unprecedented extension of the symposium into
a second day, though some gaps remain to be filled, notably connections with
India at this period.
I am grateful to the authors for addressing the issues set out at the start,
where possible, concerning the Idea of Iran, which I felt had been lost sight of
in some earlier volumes in the series: this is not just another conference on the
Timurids, so much as an aim to get below the surface of events in an attempt to
understand the nature of the age as seen and lived by its contemporaries. The
book departs from previous volumes in other small ways, such as a modified
transliteration scheme and format for the chapters, and the inclusion of an
Index, which I hope will set a pattern for the future explorations of the Idea of
Iran as we approach more modern times.
 INTRODUCTION 5

Notes:
1. V. Minorsky, ‘Persia: Religion and history’, in Iranica. Twenty Articles (Tehran:
University of Tehran, 1964), pp. 242–59 (at p. 245).
2. Hans R. Roemer, ‘Das turkmenische Intermezzo – Persische Geschichte zwischen
Mongolen und Safawiden’, Archäologische Mitteilungen aus Iran 9 (1976), pp.
263–97.
3. Jonathan Brack, ‘Theologies of auspicious kingship: The Islamization of Chinggisid
sacral kingship in the Islamic world’, Comparative Studies in Society and History
60, no. 4 (2018), pp. 1143–71 (quotation at p. 1170), building on recent ground-
breaking work by A. Azfar Moin, The Millennial Sovereign. Sacred Kingship &
Sainthood in Islam (New York: Columbia University Press, 2012), see chap. 1 on
Timur; also Evrim Binbaş, Intellectual Networks in Timurid Iran: Sharaf al-Dīn ‘Alī
Yazdī and the Islamicate Republic of Letters (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 2016), on the development of this theme under Shāhrokh.
 1

Arbiters of Iran: Chroniclers and Patrons in

an Age of Literary Bounty
Shahzad Bashir
(Brown University)

T o reconstruct how people alive in circumstances vastly different from

our own may have understood their surrounding world is a complicated
matter. We must begin the task by examining available verbal and
pictorial descriptions, but any interpretations we can provide must also account
for the invisible but crucial framework that led to the production of the
surviving artefacts. And we have also to imagine the producers as having
complex lives that went beyond the bits of evidence they have left for us.
Although the authors were embedded within societal structures, their personal
predilections and stakes must remain opaque to us to one degree or another.
What significance, if any, did the idea of Iran hold for those from the past
whose work we scrutinize today to address our interests? I believe it is best to
regard this as an open question. The suspense created by such a posture allows
us to examine evidence without overdetermining its meanings based solely on
our present-day valorizations.
In as much as the subject is Iran as an idea – and not a territory or a people
– the viewpoint must be that of hindsight. Iran is always a place and time
located in the past, whose continuously changing narration in the ephemeral
present makes it into an idea. And the past is conditioned by anticipation of the
future, which determines, in great part, what is deemed worth recounting. I
venture that these observations are true universally when considering a
complex notion such as Iran, although in this chapter I will explore the
suggestion by concentrating on the specific period that is the subject of this
volume. The Turko-Timurid era provides abundant materials regarding the idea
of Iran, which we must approach with mild mistrust for our interpretive
instincts, if we wish to accord the material its due. The vast volume of texts and
paintings at our disposal exhibits great internal diversity. There are surely many
different, even contradictory, ideas about Iran to be found here, enmeshed with
much besides. Scholarship over the past few decades has generated numerous
authoritative studies from these materials, many by colleagues who are
contributors to this volume. As is often the case in historiography, the
abundance of sources is no guarantee of certainty of information or
8 THE TIMURID CENTURY

interpretation. Indeed, stories we can tell become ever more complicated as

sources increase in number and are treated comparatively.
Through these overarching comments I wish to emphasize the specific
approach to sources that I am adopting for this chapter. Instead of processing
information in such a way that we would be led to a synthesis, I am inclined to
privilege unknowability as a productive analytical stance.1 What we do not, or
cannot, know is not a detriment to analysis but a valuable datum. It tells of what
our interlocutors from the past did not care to record, due to immediate political
expediency, or because it was not of interest or was quotidian enough not to
deserve comment. Moreover, what we may consider missing indicates our
presumptions, revealed when different cosmologies are juxtaposed with our
own. The task of critical historiography is to create accounts that bridge the gap
between the obvious and the unknowable by employing intuition, comparison
and plausibility. Texts and other materials from the Turko-Timurid era are ripe
for such an approach because excellent baseline histories of the period have
already been produced over the past few decades.
In the discussion below, I move through a series of topics that I see
operating in understandings of the past in materials produced during the Turko-
Timurid period. Ideas about Iran run through these topics since the producers of
the material wrote in literary Persian and had origins in Iran and Central Asia.
While my view derives from reading widely across genres and sources, I have
decided to exemplify the topics through reference to only two works, to avoid
making this short treatment a litany of citations. The sources I highlight are
relatively well known, although they are also decidedly atypical. I see them as
signposts for broader patterns due to the richness of expression found in them.2
The Tarikhnama of Taj-e Salmani (d. after 1411) was composed around
1410 and claims to report on political events connected to Timurid courts in
Samarqand and Herat during the short period 1404–9. Written in high literary
style and teeming with poetic citations in Persian and Arabic, this extended
work pertains to the beginning of the Timurid era. It speaks of the tumultuous
time after Timur’s death in 1405 and, I argue, is an attempt at controlling the
past in the interests of its sponsor. The author was employed initially by
Timur’s grandson Khalil Soltan (d. 1409), Timur’s immediate successor in
Samarqand, but wrote his work under the patronage of Mirza Shahrokh (d.
1447) and his son Ologh Beg (d. 1449). At the time the work was written,
Shahrokh and Ologh Beg were parties in an uncertain and highly contested
political field, although their lineage eventually came to dominate Timurid
dynastic politics during the first half of the fifteenth century. The Tarikhnama
allows us to think about relationships between elite patrons and the scholars
and secretaries who formed the administrative backbone of Iranian political
structures throughout the medieval period. It indicates also how literary
narratives about the past were deployed as components of socio-political
legitimacy.
 ARBITERS OF IRAN 9

The Mehman-nama-ye Bokhara of Fazlollah b. Ruzbehan Khonji-Esfahani

(d. 1521) was composed around 1510 and thus comes from the end of the
Turko-Timurid era. This lengthy work reports on a period of about 14 months
over the years 1509 and 1510, during which the author was a scholar and
advisor at the court of Shibani Khan Ozbek (d. 1510). As an erstwhile
chronicler to the Aq Qoyunlu Turkomans, Khonji-Esfahani forms a link
between the Turko-Timurid period and the age of Safavid–Ozbek rivalry during
the early sixteenth century in Iran and Central Asia. His reports on travels
through parts of this region in the company of Ozbeks create a picture of the
world that is tied to his understanding of his present time as a tragedy. Behind
the topsy-turvy world he describes stands the sense of an idealized past where
scholars such as him occupied positions worthy of their talents. By Khonji-
Esfahani’s time, the chaotic world described in Salmani’s work had become a
desirable stable past. I utilize this work to understand notions of order and
disorder contemporary with it. Because the work is an account of travels, it
provides us with a sense of the lay of the land in the Iranian world during this
period.
Although mined on occasion for details of events and for observations on
groups and persons, the two works I utilize have not been the subject of
sustained analysis.3 I have chosen to concentrate on them for a mix of reasons:
they bookend the period and are connected to a variety of interests important
for the topic covered by this volume; both authors were renowned and multi-
talented intellectuals of their times and their cultural and ideological
investments give us glimpses into the milieu of classes that produced all the
materials we possess; and the narratives contained in the texts are idiosyncratic,
transgressing customary genres. The authors narrate their immediate
circumstances under the shadow of idealized pasts and with an eye to the
future. Understood as artefacts of their contexts, their representations can be
seen to telegraph ideas pertaining to Iranian senses of history and society as
experienced in the Turko-Timurid period.

History’s Two Voices

Taj-e Salmani was a learned court secretary compelled to become a chronicler
due to the force of circumstances. This is as viable a way as any other to
understand his surviving work and the other meagre information available to
us. He recounts moving from Shiraz to Samarqand in the year 800/1397–98,
probably as a part of the process by which scholars from regions conquered by
Timur were directed to head to the imperial capital.4 His name appears in lists
of court officials and we also have evidence that he crafted letters and decrees
as a secretary and was a renowned calligrapher.5 He composed his only major
work, the Tarikhnama, in 813/1410, and his account of the request that led to it
is interesting for its details. He recounts that one day, as he sat on the sidelines
in Shahrokh’s court, the discussion turned to the ‘qualities and benefits of
10 THE TIMURID CENTURY

knowing truth and loyalty, and the damage and harm owing to disloyalty and
maliciousness’. The king then turned to the author to say that:
continuation of the history of the era of rule of Hazrat-e Khaqan [Timur] …
has become a constricting knot due to the ravages of time and the march of
events, turning [the matter] into distracting shackles. You must write it up in
pleasant and illuminating expression, in correct and wise words that are
easy to understand, entirely free of odd similes, artificialities, and strange
diversions — [hemistich] this work is yours and of no one else.6
Salmani says that he resisted taking up the task, citing lack of ability, but
Shahrokh persisted by praising his literary capabilities. He then launched the
excuse that he was not aware of the relevant events in detail and did not know
who to ask to get reliable information. Shahrokh responded that this was not a
problem: he himself had an excellent memory and knew all details of what had
come to pass. He would provide the correct information while Salmani’s job
would be to turn this into eloquent narrative.7
A patron’s request followed by an author’s initial protestation and eventual
acceptance of the commission are familiar topoi in Persian literature. Salmani’s
purported dialogue with the king adds particulars that illuminate the
relationship between rulers and scholars. The initial request attributed to
Shahrokh draws a direct connection between historical narration and the socio-
political order. He is saying that the troubled political situation of the time –
rife with internal warfare between various claimants to Timur’s throne – is
coterminous with the fact that the recent past has not been made the subject of a
veracious narrative. The writing of history is thus being presented as the same
thing as the passage of the events themselves, leading to the contention that a
truthful telling of the story would rectify the circumstances. This is obviously
not an innocent request to be taken at face value. Shahrokh was a major
contender in the struggles of the time and he is asking for the creation of a
historiographical narrative that would support his claims. As things came to
pass, Salmani’s work is the most detailed source to provide information about
the years it covers. But all its contents are refracted through the patronage
signalled in the story about the narrative’s origins.8
Salmani’s report makes Shahrokh stand as the ultimate guarantor of the
information conveyed in his work. This is a relatively rare direct instantiation
of the fact that narratives such as the Tarikhnama contain the braiding of two
mutually interdependent agencies. The rulers are the narratives’ subjects and
sponsors, while the words belong to authors who can produce the complex
literary prose and poetry that was synonymous with the notion of history in this
context. Complexity caused by the fact that ‘history’ refers to both events from
the past and narratives about such events creates a productive ambiguity that
continues to mark our work as modern historians. The dialogue between
Salmani and Shahrokh cited in the Tarikhnama is an iteration of this issue
 ARBITERS OF IRAN 11

particular to premodern Persian historiography. The encounter also

emblematizes the highly contested political circumstances that characterize the
whole Turko-Timurid era.
The period saw a boom in the production of narratives about the past –
chronicles, prosopographical narratives such as genealogies and tazkeras,
hagiographies, and so on – because of an abundance of patrons who needed
narratives that would legitimize them in the face of competitors. The socio-
political imperative expanded the ranks of classes that would meet the demand,
with the eventual works exhibiting ever greater literary showmanship due to the
contested circumstances. The patrons required that authors process the past
with an eye towards the futures they desired as sponsors. Shahrokh’s complaint
that things had not gone right since Timur’s death is simultaneously wistful and
aspirational. The narrative he seeks from Salmani is expected to portray
Shahrokh in the image of his incontestable father. Salmani’s telling of the story
acquiesces to the request since the work is clearly biased towards Shahrokh’s
faction among the Timurids. But, by casting Shahrokh as the guarantor of the
details, Salmani also takes a step away from the work’s contents. I think he is
asking to be judged for the quality of his language rather than the veracity of
reports on events, which he knows can be narrated from many perspectives.
The result is an eminently complex account in which two voices – those of the
author and the sponsor – are intimately intertwined without either one
subsuming the other in its entirety.
In the beginning of this section I suggested that we think of Salmani as an
accidental historian. This is warranted based on the way he describes the
genesis of the Tarikhnama, the only historical work attributed to him that is,
moreover, concerned with a very short period of recent memory. As in most
Persian historiography of this period, the account progresses without overt
chronological tethering to a calendar or a clear genealogical order. The
narrative moves from one incident to the next on the basis of loosely implied
causality, and lengths of sections tally the ideological import of the matter
being conveyed. The longest section in the work (running to 78 pages in print)
is devoted to Timur’s death. Salmani’s representation of this event, the
narrative’s clear centrepiece, is kaleidoscopic in its colourfulness and
complexity. The information provided here is not simply that Timur had died,
something conveyed in a sentence that is preceded by a relatively small section
on his illness. The vast majority of the section consists of expressions of regret
in poetry and prose attributed to the author himself and many others. The point
then is the emotional and material disorder unleashed on the world as a result of
the death.9 Salmani’s description of Timur stands apart from that of his
descendants quite starkly. While he is portrayed as a world conqueror – his
dominions stretching from the borders of China to Byzantium10 – all the
coverage of the activities of his sons and grandsons are limited to events in Iran
and Central Asia over the course of four years (1405–9). The narrative’s
12 THE TIMURID CENTURY

geographical scope is inflected in favour of the major cities, the centres of

power and literary activity. This includes encomiastic poetry on Samarqand,
Turkestan, Shiraz, Isfahan, Yazd and Herat.11 While Shahrokh had requested a
work that would seamlessly continue the story from Timur’s time, the account
Salmani produced contains a qualitative break. The conqueror’s death changes
the historiographical scope from an account of his perpetually expanding
Eurasian empire to skirmishes between his descendants limited to Iran and
Central Asia.

The Magic of Language

In his survey of Timurid historiography, John Woods describes Salmani’s work
as a grandiloquent account, overstuffed with Qur’anic and verse quotations, and
characterized by an ‘almost gossipy undertone’ that includes ‘remarks on the
social roots, family backgrounds, and character traits of various opponents of
Shahrukh’s policies’.12 If my understanding of the functions of the work is
correct, the capacity for literary flourish that strikes us as superfluous in a
chronicle today may have been the very reason why Shahrokh chose Salmani as
the historiographical mouthpiece for his political ambitions. The work’s
purpose was not to preserve information for posterity but to give the recent past
a colouring suited to the patron’s imminent aims. The force of the prose was, in
turn, expected to inspire loyalty among power holders in a highly contentious
situation. The task needed a wordsmith rather than a forensically inclined
historian, a suggestion that can be corroborated from Salmani’s general views
on the capacities of language and those who can best manipulate it.
In one section towards the work’s end, Salmani describes the political
interplay between Shahrokh and his nephew ‘Omar (d. 1407), a son of
Shahrokh’s older brother Miranshah who seems to have been favoured by
Timur in his lifetime. At various points, he was left in charge of the imperial
capital, Samarqand, and was the governor of Azerbaijan and adjacent lands at
the time of Timur’s death. As a prominent member of the dynasty, he was a
vigorous participant in the internecine struggle after the conqueror’s death. His
career indicates occasional coalition with his father and his brother Khalil
Soltan, but he also changed his allegiance to Shahrokh, their main opponent, at
one point. Salmani states that, during the time ‘Omar accepted Shahrokh’s
overlordship, he was shown great consideration. Made the governor of
Mazandaran, he went from a state of indigence to affluence and power. But this
treatment did not garner Shahrokh his long-term loyalty and he rebelled soon
after finding his footing. Shahrokh’s first instinct was to send him conciliatory
messengers who extolled the virtues of family filiation. This tactic having
failed, Shahrokh eventually confronted him in battle, which ‘Omar lost handily.
Compelled to flee the scene, he was gravely injured in an altercation with
another group. He was brought to Shahrokh’s camp in a sorry state and was
 ARBITERS OF IRAN 13

again treated with kindness and mercy. But he died while on the way to Herat,
having been dispatched there to recuperate on Shahrokh’s orders.13
Salmani’s account of ‘Omar’s story contains an extended digression at the
point where he mentions that Shahrokh decided to send a skilled ambassador to
him to bring him to reason. He extols the qualities of such an emissary as
someone:
Who vanquishes the arrow by (the strike of) his tongue,
with craft and trickery, leads the demon (to be captured) in the bottle.
When his speech reaches land and sea,
a great cry rises from fowl and fish.14
Further, the efficacious ambassador’s extraordinary power to affect the world
is described as being predicated on the art of arranging words into speech:
To assemble words, honing their meanings through intellect
is a magic, no exaggeration—without doubt, a matter revealed.
It’s a jewel-filled treasure, a pearl-laden sea;
secrets you will find in its every subtlety.
A sea, for whose grace, and in whose envy,
the ocean dissipates away, mouth dribbling, skirts drenched in tears.
Sequestered bashfully within it is a key,
the pearl under the sea’s chest, the gem in the mine’s veins.
Its fine points are young girls (behind) the veil of the unseen:
fortifying, fairy faced, heart’s desires—tucked away.
Each feature of theirs contains an enticing charm,
in the bends of their curly hair dwells eternal life.15
These verses encapsulate an ideology of language in which its ablest producers
can act upon those who hear them in magical ways. Their ability to craft
language is akin to the manufacture of spells that beguile. Here this language’s
extraordinary operational capacity is put to the service of inculcating truths,
such as Shahrokh’s purportedly sincere appeal to ‘Omar in the name of family
amity. The verses also imply that a messenger who would say something to an
audience in plain fashion is likely to fail in conveying the message irrespective
of it being true. What is needed is language that, first, ensnares based on its
outer form, and then leads to the truth by inviting rumination. In the verses’
extended metaphors, words made into speech are the surfaces of land and sea,
and their meanings are pearls and gems that are extracted through cogitative
effort. Effective language becomes personified into beautiful bodies, its
pleasures being akin to erotic dalliance.
The verses I have translated match the overall tenor of Salmani’s narrative
in the Tarikhnama. On the side of production, this is the work of someone with
extensive training, a prodigious memory, and a knack for versification and
ornate prose. But importantly, it is also a chronicle reporting on events and not
14 THE TIMURID CENTURY

a narrative allowed creative licence beyond what the work’s patrons would find
acceptable. The work also makes demands on its reader in the form of
familiarity with conventions and prior literature, and patience to piece the
message together on the basis of hints. Shahrokh’s capacity to employ someone
to produce language like this was a part of his royal claim, an aspect of his bid
to become Timur’s successor. In this reading, Shahrokh’s request that Salmani
write in a plain way would have to be treated as disingenuous. But we have to
remember that Salmani is the one who tells us what Shahrokh said, and this in
a narrative dedicated to conveying the message through allusions. The fact is,
we cannot fully resolve the seeming contradiction. His attribution of the
statement to Shahrokh may be the continuation of a convention governing the
way kings make requests to scholars. Or it could be Salmani upending the
king’s intentions, writing in a way that fitted the occasion in his view as a
learned scholar and secretary. The contradiction could be a wry jest,
transmitting ironies of Salmani’s profession to us centuries later. It seems to
me that, for our usage of Salmani’s work, leaving all these (and other
possibilities) open as options makes the source a richer ground for our efforts
at reconstructing the Turko-Timurid period.

Order in a Dissonant World

Advancing a century from Salmani’s time, we find central Iranian lands in
turmoil. But the principals locked in confrontation now are different from
Timur’s successors. Shahrokh has, by this time, become regarded as Timur’s
primary successor, his long reign (which ended in 1447) including sponsorship
of other historiographical works that eclipsed Taj-e Salmani’s endeavours.16
Iran and Central Asia have few Timurids left as overlords, the dynasty
acquiring a new lease of life only a few years later in India when Babor (d.
1529) conquered Delhi in 1526. Herat and Samarqand, earlier ruling seats of
Shahrokh and his son Ologh Beg, are in the hands of Shibani Khan Ozbek (d.
1510) who is locked in a struggle for power with Shah Esma‘il (d. 1524), the
self-declared king of Iran who defeated the Aq Qoyunlu Turkomans in 1501.
And to understand aspects of the Turko-Timurid cultural world, we can turn to
the work of another man from Shiraz.
Fazlollah b. Ruzbehan Khonji-Esfahani (d. ca. 1521) was born into a family
of scholars and secretaries and travelled to the Hejaz, the Levant and Egypt as
a youth in the company of his Sufi master Pir Jamal al-Din Ardestani (d. 1474–
75). He received the commission to write a chronicle of the reign of Soltan
Ya‘qub Aq Qoyunlu (d. 1490) as a young man, completing the work in 1491.
His affiliation with the Aq Qoyunlu and the strident Sunni identity visible
throughout his works, made it inopportune for him to remain in western Iran
after the rise of the Safavids in 1501. This led to, first, a stint at the Timurid
court of Soltan-Hoseyn-e Bayqara (d. 1506) in Herat. Shibani Khan Ozbek
conquered Herat in 1507, leading local scholars like Khonji-Esfahani to shift to
 ARBITERS OF IRAN 15

his retinue. He composed the Mehman-nama-ye Bokhara in this capacity, while

shadowing Shibani Khan’s movements across various regions of Iran and
Central Asia during the period 1509–10. This ruler was defeated and killed by
Shah Esma‘il in 1510 but Khonji-Esfahani stayed with the Ozbeks in the areas
they controlled in Central Asia. He composed a Mirror for Princes entitled
Soluk al-moluk for the later Ozbek ruler ‘Obeydollah Khan (d. 1539) in 1514.
His activities towards the end of his life are unclear and the date of his death is
placed variously between 1519 and 1521.17
As in other chronicles, Khonji-Esfahani’s Mehman-nama-ye Bokhara is
predicated on the dual authority of a king and a scholar. But unlike Salmani’s
work, the balance of power in this instance is quite equal between the two
parties. In his introduction, the author remarks that he had originally intended
to name the work the Travelogue of Bukhara (Safarnama-ye Bokhara),
signifying his own travel in the company of the city’s ruler. However, when his
intention to write became known to the king, he requested that the name be
changed to the Guest Narrative of Bukhara (Mehman-nama-ye Bokhara).18
While both names are centred on the author himself (he is the traveller or the
guest), only the second one has the king, as the presumptive host,
acknowledged in the title. The work has a decidedly autobiographical tone,
although its stated purpose is to describe and celebrate the king’s activities.
Overall, the narrative comes across as a chronicle of the interactions between
the scholar and the king, the two being able to assert themselves independently.
The pair also stand above everyone else since, among people alive at the time,
the work’s remarks of praise are limited entirely to members of the Ozbek
dynasty. Other scholars with whom the author interacts are presented invariably
as simpletons or prone to error. The likely audience of the work were not
scholars but the political elite, since whenever Khonji-Esfahani cites a religious
text in Arabic he provides the Persian translation prior to using it for an
argument. This would be superfluous for the scholarly classes in Central Asia
but was a necessity for the rulers.19
The Mehman-nama-ye Bokhara proceeds by describing life at the court as
the king makes political decisions, engages in intellectual debates, and travels
to confront enemies at the edges of his domains. The ostensible basis for this is
the passage of time, the narrative reporting on approximately 14 months of the
court’s activities without following a chronological order. But a consideration
of the matters Khonji-Esfahani chooses to discuss suggests that more than
description is at stake. The narrative is imbued with a moral urgency directed at
the ruler that can be pinned to the author’s circumstances. Although describing
himself as part of a glittering court, he is riven with anxiety regarding the
present and future of what he holds dear in terms of land, society and normative
principles.
From the very beginning, Khonji-Esfahani’s references to Shibani Khan are
especially grandiose: the Imam of the age, God’s caliph, reviver of the ways of
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