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Collection Highlights

Theodore Roosevelt and the Art of American Power: An

American for All Time William R. Nester

Robert Mugabe and the Will to Power in an African

Postcolony 1st Edition William J. Mpofu

Understanding Business The Core 1st Edition William G.

Nickels

The Routledge Companion to American Literary Journalism

1st Edition William E. Dow
Human Services in Contemporary America William R. Burger

Understanding Business 12th Edition William G. Nickels

African Americans in the Colonial Era: From African

Origins through the American Revolution 4th Edition Donald
R. Wright

The Hermetic Tree of Life 2nd Edition William R. Mistele

A History of Socially Responsible Business, c.1600–1950

1st Edition William A Pettigrew
Upon These Shores

2
 Upon These Shores

THEMES IN THE
AFRICAN-AMERICAN EXPERIENCE

1600 TO THE PRESENT

Edited by

William R. Scott & William G. Shade

3
Published in 2000 by
Routledge
711 Third Avenue
New York, NY 10017

Published in Great Britain by

Routlege
2 Park Square, Milton Park
Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN

Copyright © 2000 by Routledge

Design: Jack Donner

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic,
mechanical, or means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information
storage or retrieval system without permission in writing from the publishers.

Library of Congress cataloging-in-Publication Data

Scott, William R. (William Randolph), 1940–

Upon these shores : themes in the African-American experience, 1600 to the presen / William R. Scott and William G.
Shade.
p.cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 0–415–92406–5
ISBN 0–415–92407–2 (pbk.)
1. Afro-Americans—History. 2. Afro-Americans—Histroriography.
I. Shade, William G. II. Title.
E185.S416 2000
973’.0496073—dc21
99–034688

4
 To the students and staff
of the
United Negro College Fund
and
Andrew W. Mellon Minority Fellows Program

5
… voyage through death
to life upon these shores.
—From “Middle Passage”
by Robert Hayden

6
 contents

Foreword
William H. Gray III

Chronology of African-American History

Introduction
The Long Rugged Road
William R. Scott and William G. Shade

part 1. out of africa

1. Africa, the Slave Trade, and the Diaspora
Joseph C. Miller

part 2. this “peculiar institution”

2. Creating a Biracial Society, 1619–1720
Jean R. Soderlund

3. Africans in Eighteenth-Century North America

Peter H. Wood

4. In Search of Freedom
Slave Life in the Antebellum South
Norrece T. Jones Jr.

5. “Though We Are Not Slaves, We Are Not Free”

Quasi-Free Blacks in Antebellum America
William G. Shade

part 3. the reconstruction and beyond

6. Full of Faith, Full of Hope
The African-American Experience from Emancipation to Segregation
Armstead L. Robinson

7. Blacks in the Economy from Reconstruction to World War I

Gerald D. Jaynes

8. In Search of the Promised Land

Black Migration and Urbanization, 1900–1940
Carole C. Marks

7
 9. From Booker T. to Malcolm X
Black Political Thought, 1895-1965
Wilson J. Moses

10. Rights, Power, and Equality

The Modern Civil Rights Movement
Edward P. Morgan

part 4. african-american identity and culture

11. The Sounds of Blackness
African-American Music
Waldo F. Martin Jr.

12. Black Voices

Themes in African-American Literature
Gerald Early

13. Black Religious Traditions

Sacred and Secular Themes
Gayraud S. Wilmore

part 5. family, class, and gender

14. African-American Family Life in Societal Context
Crisis and Hope
Walter R. Allen

15. From Black Bourgeoisie to African-American Middle Class, 1957 to the Present
Robert Gregg

16. The New Underclass

Concentrated Black Poverty in the Postindustrial City
John F. Bauman

17. Black Feminism in the United States

Beverly Guy-Sheftan

part 6. the postwar agenda

18. African Americans and Education since the Brown Decisions
A Contextual View
Stephen N. Butler

19. After the Movement

African Americans and Civil Rights since 1970
Donald G. Nieman

8
20. The Quest for Black Equity
African-American Politics since the Voting Rights Act of 1965
Lawrence J. Hanks

21. Black Internationalism

African Americans and Foreign Policy Activism
William R. Scott

Afterword
The Future of African Americans
Charles V: Hamilton

Notes on Contributors

9
Foreword
William H. Gray III

T GIVES ME GREAT PLEASURE to write this foreword to an important I and timely book on

I Americans of African descent. This anthology on I various aspects of the black

experience, past and present, appears toward the end of an era of enormous change in
the status of America’s largest racial minority. The essays in this collection are informed by a
deep sense of the long journey our people have traveled since being forcibly brought to these
shores in chains. It is fitting that this book should appear at the end of the twentieth century
because these are both triumphant and troublesome times for black Americans. We must
pause at this point and reflect on both our trials and our triumphs and how we must confront
remaining challenges.
As we try to judge the position of African Americans in today’s world and look toward
reaching the goal of a truly color-blind society, we must begin with a clear view of the
vibrant history of the African-American community and the diversity of African-American
experience. When one looks at the images of black America carried around the globe by the
miracle of television, it is easy to forget that these powerful images fail to represent the lives
of the vast majority of African Americans and consequently who we really are.
During my lifetime legal segregation has ended and wide areas of opportunity have
opened. In the last twenty-five years, for instance, African Americans gained far greater equal
access to education. The result was more equitable opportunities in kindergarten, in
elementary school, in junior high and high school that permitted considerably larger numbers
of African Americans to earn college degrees. Yet in numerous ways, both large and small,
white racism remains to constrict the aspirations of black Americans and cast a shadow on
the American dream. The combination of economic and educational deprivation has had
devastating consequences for African Americans— consequences that can’t be erased in a
few decades.
But we have come a mighty long way in the half century since I was born. I can remember
having to ride in the back of the bus. I can remember drinking from a “colored” water
fountain. But when I recall the past, I marvel at how far we’ve come. Think: in the year I was
born, more than 90 percent of all African Americans were living below the poverty line. As
this decade began that level was about one-third. But that is still too high, particulary when
the national average is less than 15 percent. We still have a long way to go.
African Americans make up 10 percent of the workforce—but comprise only 2 percent of
the scientists and engineers. African-American seventeen years olds read, on average, at the
level of white thirteen year olds. While African-Americans’ scores on the college board
exams went up 45 points in the 1980s, the total number earning bachelor’s degrees fell 8
percent. The reason is no mystery. In the 1980s the cost of higher education increased 50
percent, but spending on support of education, at least at the federal level, decreased 50
percent. And African-American families, whose assets average a tenth of that of white
families, simply can’t afford to send their children to college without help.
Fortunately, the 1990s witnessed new and sustained growth in the black student
population. African Americans continued to improve their SAT scores, and the gap between
the scores of white students and black students narrowed considerably. In the first half of the

10
decade the number of bachelor’s degrees awarded, which had remained practically static in
the 1980s, jumped by nearly 40 percent. Clearly some African Americans—primarily the
black middle class—have benefited from the economic boom of the 1990s, and as we
approach the end of the decade and the twentieth century, the number of African Americans
enrolled in higher education—two-year and four-year colleges and graduate school—nears
the two million mark.
Another figure captures the pathos and pain that many black Americans have experienced.
In 1991, there were 136,000 African-American males between eighteen and twenty-four in
prison, and 378,000 black males the same age in college. The number of black youths in
higher education exceeds those in jail, but just think what the cost of such a high rate of
incarceration means not to one community, but to this great society that must compete in a
new world reality in the twenty-first century.
Looking at those trends, and also looking at where this country needed to go, I decided to
leave government and devote my life to promoting black education. Historically black
colleges still graduate one-third of all African Americans with baccalaureate degrees. At
United Negro College Fund schools, forty-one of them private, enrollment has increased by
20 percent in the past five years—twice the national rate. Ninety percent of the UNCF
students receive financial aid. But the average endowment per student at our colleges is only
one-third the average for private four-year colleges.
And the cost of education has gone up across the board. Again, fortunately, the general
economic situation and the support provided higher education by the recent administration
has changed the picture. While unemployment has reached new lows, young black men
continue to struggle. The inability to find work, often a direct result of poor primary
education that plagues our hyper-segregated inner cities, blights the lives of too many and
adds to the swelling prison population. Nonetheless, earlier reports turn out to have been
exaggerated and the positive college enrollment trends of the 1990s have produced a situation
in which the black male college population is two and a half times the black prison
population. Aside from the increasing numbers of African Americans attending and
graduating from colleges and universities (most of which are public institutions), a larger
proportion are in four-year schools, and there is only a modest difference in the proportion
going to graduate school, thanks in part to programs such as that sponsored by the Mellon
Foundation at private black colleges and universities.
In the next century, we will face keen competition from abroad. A united European
community has become a political reality. Economic goliaths on the Pacific rim will be our
major economic competitors. America cannot afford to enter the twenty-first century without
applying all of its brainpower. That means making sure that underprivileged, disadvantaged,
and yes, the underclass, locked in our urban inner cities and in our rural poor areas, get a
chance to become competent, productive, and contributing members of our society.
If we do not broaden our nation’s opportunities, then we will fail in our mission. John
Akers, president of IBM, has accurately stated, “If we are to be competitive in the next
century we must have competent workers.” And in the next century more than 80 percent of
all the new workforce will come from three groups: women, minorities, and new immigrants.
It just makes good sense to invest in education and provide opportunity for a new generation
if we are to have growth and opportunity for all Americans.
There is a significant threat, though, to these institutions, and a threat to our society in
working together to redress the past inequities of our society. It’s what I call the “color-blind”
argument, which goes something like this: we must have a color-blind society. Was that not
the goal of the Civil Rights movement? Was that not the goal and the dream of Martin Luther
King Jr., where all would be judged by individual merit and by “the content of their
character”? Wasn’t that the dream and the ultimate goal? Therefore, the argument says that

11
today we must eliminate all race-conscious and race-specific remedies such as affirmative
action and hiring goals for the private and public sectors. Code words, such as “quotas,” are
devised to imply that unfair advantages are being given to unqualified minority candidates.
The underlying assumption is that after three and one-half centuries of slavery and
legalized segregation, in the last three decades enough progress has been made to balance the
playing field and thus there is no longer need for any compensatory action. In fact, such
compensatory actions may in and of themselves be the root cause of future discrimination.
Well, most Americans believe that we should strive for a color-blind society. And all of us
believe ultimately that should be the goal. But there is a question: Can we seriously believe
that in thirty years we have been able to undo all the effects of more than three hundred and
fifty years of degradation?
I want you to understand, I agree with Martin Luther King Jr. that our goal should be a
color-blind society. But I also know that it was just thirty years ago when black citizenship
rights were curtailed by law in this country simply because of skin color. And if all
compensatory remedies are stopped today, you would still leave in place many of the
centuries-old inequities. There are examples of progress, but the fact remains that if we stop
struggling for justice, then we will fail to produce a society with true equality of opportunity
and turn our backs on the promises of the Declaration of Independence.
One must recognize that it was only thirty-five years ago when Congress passed the public
accommodations bill and made it possible for me to stay in the Holiday Inn in Mississippi.
And it was not until 1965 when Congress guaranteed that someone of my color in Alabama
could go to the polls and vote for elected officials. I think that it is obvious that you can not
reverse three and a half centuries in one-quarter of a century. It takes time to redress past
inequities.
Are there new methodologies that we may have to employ to make greater progress? Why,
yes, we have to do that, and we have to work those out together as a people and not play upon
the fears of one another. If we play upon the fears of each other, then we will allow those
who’ve become battered and embittered in both of our communities to take center stage. That
would be a great tragedy. We must reach a common agenda, an agenda that binds us as close
as we were in the struggle for equal justice thirty and forty years ago. We may have
disagreements on strategies, but we can never disagree on the ultimate goal of a color-blind
society.
Within our country, working through the churches and schools, we need to build bridges of
understanding between the diverse ethnic and religious communities that comprise the United
States by educating each community about the other. Understanding is based upon education.
We must learn another community’s background if we are to understand its people. We must
strive to appreciate their sufferings and achievements. We must hasten to comprehend both
the simplicity and the complexity of their lives and open our minds to imagine seeing their
world as they see it, whether they are rich or poor, or of high station in life or low. We must
try to dream their dreams and suffer their disappointments and misfortunes.
This book offers the opportunity for knowledge, education, and understanding. It allows
the opportunity for African Americans, my brothers and sisters, to look into their past and
examine the complexity of their community and thus better understand themselves. It
presents information and guidance for those from other communities and cultures that make
up our vast multicultural nation to open their minds to our history, open their hearts to our
afflictions, and open their eyes to our achievements.
These essays enable the readers to penetrate deeply into our experience by studying its
profundity and its complexity. They will be able to confront the essentially paradoxical nature
of the black condition expressed by W. E. B. DuBois as our “double consciousness.” As he
wrote, nearly a century ago in The Souls of Black Folk:

12
The history of the American Negro is the history of this strife,—this longing to attain self-conscious manhood, to
merge his double self into a better and truer self. In this merging he wishes neither of the older selves to be lost. He
would not Africanize America, for America has too much to teach the world and Africa. He would not bleach his
Negro soul in a flood of white Americanism, for he knows that Negro blood has a message for the world. He simply
wishes to make it possible for a man to be both a Negro and an American, without being cursed and spit upon by his
fellows, without having the doors of opportunity closed roughly in his face.

13
Chronology of African-American History

900 Rise in West Africa of the kingdom of Ghana.

1203 Conquest of Ghana by Sumanguru, king of the Sosso empire.
1230 Rise of Mali, the successor state to Ghana, and accession of Sundiata,
who defeated the Sosso and ruled over the Sudanic area of West Africa
until his death about 1260.
1305 Reports of expeditions sent across the Atlantic by Abu Bakari II, king of
Mali.
1324–1325 Pilgrimage to Mecca of Musa I, the most renowned mansa of Mali.
1415 Portuguese military expedition captures Ceuta, the northern terminus of
several trans-Saharan caravan routes in Morocco.
1442 Portuguese bring first African slaves to Europe.
1444 The first Portuguese contacts are made with sub-Saharan Africa initiating
the seizure and enslavement of West Africans in Europe.
1450s Portuguese establish trading posts along the West African coast.
1464 Accession of Sonni Ali of Songhai.
1468 Mali is conquered by Sonni Ali and absorbed by Songhai, the largest of
the West African empires, which lasted from 1450 to 1800.
1486 The Portuguese start a settlement at São Tomé in the Gulf of Guinea and
import African slaves as sugar plantation laborers.
1488 Bartholomeu Dias rounds the Cape of Good Hope.
1492 Columbus reaches the New World and claims it on behalf of Spain.
An African, Pedro Alonso Nino, is among Columbus’s crew. Other
Africans later accompanied Balboa, Ponce De Leon, Cortez, Pizarro, and
Menendez.
1493 Pope Alexander VI issues a proclamation dividing newly discovered
lands in the Americas, Africa, and Asia between Spain and Portugal,
which is ratified a year later by the Treaty of Tordesillas.
1501 Spanish merchants receive licenses from the Crown to import African
slaves to the Caribbean island of Hispaniola, thus starting the slave trade
to the Americas.
1538 Estevanico, an African employed in Spain’s service, explores and claims

14
 for Madrid the area of the United States that is now Arizona and New
Mexico.
1619 The first African slaves taken to Jamestown, Virginia, and sold as
indentured servants.
1641 Massachusetts becomes first mainland colony in British North America to
recognize slavery in its legal code. Connecticut followed in 1650;
Virginia in 1661; Maryland in 1663; New York and New Jersey in 1664;
South Carolina in 1682; Rhode Island and Pennsylvania in 1700; North
Carolina in 1715; and Georgia in 1750.
1676 Bacon’s Rebellion occurs in Virginia.
1688 Quakers and Mennonites in Germantown, Pennsylvania, make first
antislavery protest in Western Hemisphere.
1712 Slaves revolt in New York City.
1739 Slaves rebel along the Stono River in South Carolina.
1741 Slave revolt scare in New York City leads to execution of thirty-one
slaves and five whites.
1770 Crispus Attucks killed in the Boston Massacre.
1773 Phillis Wheatley’s book, Poems on Various Subjects, Religious and
Moral, published.
1775 Continental Congress bars Blacks from serving in Continental Army.
Lord Dunmore offers freedom to slaves who will support the Crown.
First American antislavery society is founded in Philadelphia.
1776 Continental Congress approves George Washington’s order to encourage
enlistment of free blacks in the Continental Army. Declaration of
Independence accepted after the Continental Congress removed
Jefferson’s protest against the slave trade.
1777 Vermont becomes the first state to abolish slavery; followed by
Massachusetts in 1780 and New Hampshire in 1783.
Connecticut and Rhode Island bar slavery in 1784.
1780 Pennsylvania provides for gradual emancipation. Similar gradual
emancipation plans were adopted by New York in 1799 and New Jersey
in 1804, although there were as a consequence still slaves in New Jersey
when the Thirteenth Amendment was passed in 1865.
1787 Northwest Ordinance passed outlawing slavery in the territory north of
the Ohio River.
Richard Allen and Absolom Jones found Philadelphia’s Free African
Society.
Prince Hall establishes African Lodge No. 459, the first Black Masonic
Lodge in the United States.
United States Constitution written with no direct reference to slavery, but

15
 clauses providing that: the slave trade could exist until 1807; provision
could be made for the rendition of fugitive slaves; and that three-fifths of
the slaves would be counted in determining the number of delegates to
the House of Representatives from each state and the number of
presidential electors.
1791 Revolt led by Toussaint L’Ouverture begins in San Domingue to
overthrow French rule.
1793 Eli Whitney invents the cotton gin making possible the development of
the Cotton Kingdom of the Lower South.
Congress passes the first Fugitive Slave Law.
1794 Absolom Jones, the first black ordained Episcopal minister in America,
founds First African Church of St. Thomas in Philadelphia.
Richard Allen and his followers organize Bethel African Methodist
Episcopal Church in Philadelphia.
Zion Methodist Church established in New York City.
Boston African Society founded.
1800 Gabriel Prosser’s slave conspiracy uncovered in Richmond, Virginia.
1804 Jean Jacque Dessalines proclaims the independence of Haiti as the second
republic established in the Western Hemisphere.
Ohio enacts the first of the northern Black Laws, which restricted the
rights and movement of free blacks.
1808 United States ends the legal importation of slaves.
1811 Largest slave revolt in the United States takes place in Louisiana.
1816 African Methodist Episcopal Church is organized at a general convention
in Philadelphia.
The American Society for the Colonization of Free People of Color,
commonly called the American Colonization Society, is organized in
Baltimore to transport free blacks to Africa.
1820 Missouri Compromise admits Missouri as a slave state and Maine as a
free state and prohibits slavery in that portion of the Louisiana Purchase
above 36 30’.
1822 Denmark Vesey’s slave conspiracy in Charleston, South Carolina, is
uncovered and suppressed. The South Carolina legislature passes in
response the first Negro Seamen’s Act.
1827 Freedom’s Journal, the first African-American newspaper, established in
New York City.
1829 Publication of David Walker’s Appeal to the Coloured Citizens of the
World.
1830 First National Negro Convention meets at Philadelphia’s Bethel Church.
1831 Abolitionists William Lloyd Garrison establishes The Liberator.

16
 Nat Turner leads a slave revolt in Southampton County, Virginia, killing
56 whites. Turner was executed and skinned and over two hundred
African Americans were killed.
1833 American Antislavery Society organized in Philadelphia.
Parliament passes the act abolishing slavery in the British Empire the
following year.
1836 House passes the Gag Rule, which restricted debate on petitions relating
to slavery. It was reenacted with each new congress until December,
1844.
1839 The Liberty Party, which was the only antebellum party dedicated to the
abolition of slavery and the protection of the rights of free blacks,
organizes in Warsaw, New York.
1845 Publication of the Narrative of the Life of Frederick Douglass: An
American Slave.
1846 The Wilmot Proviso to restrict slavery from territory acquired as a result
of the Mexican War is introduced into Congress.
1848 Free Soil Party organized in Buffalo, New York.
1850 Compromise of 1850 passes, bringing California into the Union as a free
state and outlawing the slave trade in the District of Columbia, but also
opening Utah and New Mexico territories to slavery and enacting a new
pro-slavery fugitive slave law.
1851 Christiana “Riot” in Pennsylvania in which a slaveholder was killed
attempting to apprehend several fugitive slaves under the new law.
1852 Publication of Uncle Tom’s Cabin by Harriet Beecher Stowe.
1853 Publication ofWilliam Wells Brown’s Clotel: The President’s Daughter,
the first novel published by an African American.
1854 Anthony Burns, a fugitive slave, is returned from Boston to Virginia by
U.S. Army, Marines, and Navy under orders from President Franklin
Pierce.
Kansas-Nebraska Act repeals the Missouri Compromise and opens the
Louisiana Purchase area to slavery.
1855 John Mercer Langston is elected clerk of Brownhelm Township in Lorain
County, Ohio, the first African American elected to political office in the
United States.
1857 Dred Scottv. Sanford denies that free blacks were ever citizens and
declared the Missouri Compromise unconstitutional opening the
territories to slavery.
1859 John Brown raids the Harper’s Ferry arsenal in Virginia hoping to start a
broad slave revolt. He was hanged for treason against the state.
1860 Abraham Lincoln elected president.

17
 South Carolina secedes from the Union.
1861 Confederate States of America is established following the secession of
the other states of the Lower South.
The Confederate government attacks Fort Sumter beginning the Civil
War. Lincoln’s call for troops to suppress the rebellion provokes the
secession of Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, and Arkansas.
Serfdom is abolished in Russia by Czar Alexander II.
1862 African-American soldiers enlisted in the Union Army.
Slavery is abolished in the territories of the United States and the District
of Columbia.
1863 Lincoln issues the Emancipation Proclamation freeing the slaves held in
the areas in rebellion against the United States.
1865 Civil War ends.
The Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands (Freedmen’s
Bureau) established.
Black Codes passed by all-white governments of the southern
Thirteenth Amendment ending slavery in the United States is ratified.
1865–1866 The Ku Klux Klan, the most important of the several white, racist
paramilitary groups created by ex-rebels is founded by ex-Confederate
General Nathan Bedford Forrest in Pulaski, Tennessee.
1866 Congress passes Civil Rights bill over veto of President Andrew Johnson.
Congress passes Supplementary Freedmen’s Bureau Act over veto of
President Johnson.
Riots in Memphis and New Orleans.
1867 Congress gives Black men the vote in the District of Columbia.
Congress passes initial Reconstruction acts.
Constitutional conventions chosen by universal manhood suffrage meet in
the former Confederate states. The proportion of black members of
conventions ranged from 10 percent in Texas to 61 percent in South
Carolina.
1868 House of Representatives impeaches Andrew Johnson. The Senate
acquits him by one vote.
Arkansas, North Carolina, South Carolina, Louisiana, Alabama, and
Florida readmitted to the Union.
Fourteenth Amendment nationalizing American citizenship and
guaranteeing federal protection of the Freedmen’s civil rights is ratified.
1870 The remaining ex-Confederate states—Virginia, Mississippi, Texas, and
Georgia—are readmitted to the Union.
Hiram R. Revels of Mississippi becomes the first African-American U.S.
Senator.
Fifteenth Amendment prohibiting the states from denying African
Americans the vote is ratified.

18
 The first of three acts—sometimes termed the Ku Klux Klan Acts—
passed to enforce the Fifteenth Amendment.
Joseph H. Rainey of South Carolina becomes the first African American
elected to the House of Representatives.
1872 Frederick Douglass presides over Colored National Convention.
1874 Democrats win a majority in the House of Representatives.
Gradually the white Democrats were taking over the ex-Confederate state
governments and undoing Reconstruction in the South, achieving
majorities in Tennessee (1869); Virginia (1869); North Carolina (1870);
Georgia (1871); Texas (1873); Arkansas (1874); Alabama (1874);
Mississippi (1875); South Carolina (1876); Louisiana (1877); and Florida
(1877).
1875 The “Lame-Duck” Republican Congress passes the Civil Rights Act
guaranteeing equal rights in public places and prohibiting restriction of
African Americans from juries.
1876–1877 Republican Rutherford B. Hayes elected over Democrat Samuel Tilden in
a disputed election marred by violence against Blacks in the South.
1877 Troops are withdrawn from South Carolina and federal attempts at
Reconstruction ends.
1881 Tennessee passes the first Jim Crow railroad-car law.
1886 Slavery abolished in Cuba.
1888 Slavery abolished in Brazil.
1890–1908 Mississippi and South Carolina followed by Louisiana, North Carolina,
Alabama, Virginia, Georgia, and Oklahoma amend constitutions with poll
taxes, literacy tests, and property qualifications, effectively excluding
blacks from political life in the South.
1895 Booker T. Washington delivers “Atlanta Compromise” speech at the
Cotton States and International Exposition.
Black feminist and women’s club leader Mary Church Terrell founds the
National Association of Colored Women (NACW).
1896 In a landmark decision, Plessy v. Ferguson, the Supreme Court upholds
the doctrine of separate but equal public facilities for whites and blacks.
1898 Black military contingents see service in the Spanish American War,
distinguishing themselves in battle at El Caney, Las Guasimas, and San
Juan Hill.
1900 The First Pan-African Congress is held in London, England.
1903 W. E. B. DuBois publishes the “Souls of Black Folk” and formally rejects
the leadership of Booker T. Washington.
1905 The Niagara Movement, led by W. E. B. DuBois and Monroe Trotter, is
established at Niagara Falls, New York, to renew public agitation for

19
 black constitutional rights.
1908 Race riot in Springfield, Illinois, on the 100th anniversary of Lincoln’s
birthday leads to founding in February 1909 of the National Association
for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP)
1911 The National Urban League is founded under the leadership of George E.
Haynes and Eugene Kinkle Jones to improve conditions for urban blacks.
1914–1929 The great migration of nearly 500,000 black workers from the South to
the North.
1915 Carter G. Woodson founds the Association for the Study of Negro Life
and History and the “Journal of Negro History.”
1916 Jamaican immigrant Marcus Garvey organizes the Universal Negro
Improvement Association (UNIA) in Harlem, New York.
1917 The United States enters World War I; 3 370,000 black soldiers and 1,400
officers serve in the American Expeditionary Force.
1919 In the Red Summer of 1919, more than twenty-five race riots in which
African Americans resort to armed defense erupt in major U.S. cities.
1920 The important literary and artistic movement called the Harlem
Renaissance is born.
1923 Marcus Garvey is convicted of mail fraud and sentenced to five years
imprisonment in Atlanta penitentiary. In 1927 he is released and deported
to Jamaica.
1926 Carter G. Woodson inaugurates Negro History Week.
1930 Nation of Islam is founded in Detroit, Michigan.
1935 Educator Mary McLeod Bethune establishes the National Council of
Negro Women
African Americans launch massive protests against Italy’s invasion of
Ethiopia.
1936 Jesse Owens wins four medals in track and field at Berlin Olympics.
1937 Joe Louis wins world heavyweight boxing championship.
1941 March on Washington Movement organized by A. Philip Randolph,
president of the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters, causes President
Franklin Roosevelt to issue Executive Order 8802 barring discrimination
in defense industries and creating a Fair Employment Practices
Commission to investigate complaints of discrimination.
1942 The Congress of Racial Equality (CORE) is founded.
1943 President Roosevelt proclaims a state of emergency and sends troops to
restore order in Detroit, site of the war period’s most serious race riot.
1945 An estimated 1 million black men and women serve in U.S. armed forces
during World War II.

20
1947 Jackie Robinson of the Brooklyn Dodgers integrates major league
baseball.
1948 President Harry Truman desegregates armed forces.
1950 The Korean War of 1950–1953 is first U.S. war fought with fall
integration of the American military.
1954 The Supreme Court in Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka rules
racial segregation in public schools unconstitutional, overthrowing Plessy
v. Ferguson.
1955 Emmett Till, a 14-year-old black youth, is abducted and lynched in
Money, Mississippi.
Rosa Parks, a seamstress and civil rights activist, is arrested after refusing
to give her seat to a white passenger sparking the Montgomery, Alabama
bus boycott.
1957 The Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC) is organized in
New Orleans and names Martin Luther King Jr. president.
Congress passes first federal Civil Rights Act since 1875, creating a
federal civil rights commission and civil rights division in the U.S. Justice
Department.
President Eisenhower sends 1,000 federal troops to Little Rock,
Arkansas, to prevent interference with the integration of Central High
School.
1960 Students at North Carolina A & Tin Greensboro, North Carolina, begin
the “sit-in” movement against segregated lunch counters.
The Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (“Snick”) is organized
at Shaw University in Raleigh, North Carolina.
President Eisenhower signs Civil Rights Act that provides greater
protection of black voting rights.
1961 CORE begins freedom bus rides throughout the South to challenge
segregated interstate public transportation.
1962 Twenty-Fourth Amendment to U.S. Constitution bars poll tax in federal
elections.
Twelve thousand federal troops sent to University of Mississippi to
ensure admission of James Meredith.
1963 Martin Luther King Jr. leads major civil rights protests in Birmingham,
Alabama, to desegregate the city.
Medgar Evers, local NAACP field secretary, is murdered in Jackson,
Mississippi.
Two hundred and fifty thousand participate in March on Washington, the
largest civil rights demonstration in U.S. history.
1964 Riots in Harlem, Jersey City, Philadelphia, Rochester, Chicago.
Martin Luther King Jr. is awarded Nobel Peace Prize.
Three civil rights workers murdered in Philadelphia, Mississippi.

21
 Civil Rights Act bans discrimination in education, employment, and
public accommodations.
1965 Malcolm X is assassinated at Audubon Ballroom in Harlem, New York.
President Lyndon Johnson signs Voting Rights Act, which authorized
intervention of federal examiners when state officials refused to register
eligible black voters.
The term “affirmative action” is developed as part of Executive Order
11246, which prohibited discrimination by firms doing business with
federal government and gave federal agencies power to enforce minority
hiring.
Fifty thousand marchers, led by Martin Luther King Jr., participate in
Selma-to-Montgomery civil rights march.
A six-day riot erupts in the Watts section of Los Angeles.
1966 James Meredith is wounded leading a voter registration march from
Memphis to Jackson, Mississippi.
During continuation of the Meredith march, Stokely Carmichael, SNCC’s
leader, calls for “Black Power.”
Bobby Seale and Huey Newton found the Black Panther Party in
Oakland, California.
Edward Brooke, a Massachusetts Republican, becomes first African
American elected to U.S. Senate since Reconstruction.
1967 Thurgood Marshall, the U.S. solicitor general, becomes first African
American appointed to the Supreme Court.
Riot in Newark, New Jersey, the worst outbreak of urban violence since
Watts.
1968 Martin Luther King Jr. assassinated in Memphis, Tennessee.
1971 Congressional Black Caucus is formed.
1972 Shirley Chisholm, a black congresswoman from Brooklyn, runs for U.S.
president.
1976 President-elect Jimmy Carter appoints Georgia house representative
Andrew Young ambassador to the United Nations.
1977 A televised version of Alex Haley’s novel, Roots, is viewed by more than
130 million Americans.
1978 Supreme Court’s rules in Regents of University of California v. Allan
Bakke that the University violated the equal protection clause of the
Constitution, thus violating Bakke’s civil rights, giving support to
position that affirmative action constituted reverse discrimination.
1983 President Reagan signs bill making the third Monday in January a federal
holiday honoring Martin Luther King Jr.
1984 Trans Africa’s anti-apartheid protests at the South African Embassy in
Washington lead to creation of nationwide Free South Africa Movement
(FSAM).

22
 Jesse Jackson, head of Operation Push, seeks the Democratic Party
nomination for U.S. president.
1986 U.S. Congress overrides presidential veto and passes the Comprehensive
Anti-Apartheid Act (CAAA), mandating selective sanctions against South
Africa.
1989 Douglas Wilder of Virginia is elected first black governor in the nation.
General Colin Powell is appointed chairman of the armed forces Joint
Chiefs of Staff.
David Dinkins elected as the first African-American mayor of New York
City.
1991 First African and African-American Summit, organized by Reverend
Leon Sullivan, is held in Abidjan, Ivory Coast.
Airing of the videotaped beating by Los Angeles police of black motorist
Rodney King sparks national outrage.
Judge Clarence Thomas is confirmed by Senate to fill the seat vacated by
retiring Justice Thurgood Marshall.
1992 Carol Moseley Braun becomes first African-American woman to serve in
U.S. Senate.
1993 President Clinton appoints five African Americans to his cabinet.
1995 At the call of minister Louis Farrakhan of the Nation of Islam, more than
a million African-American men attend march in Washington, DC.

23
 introduction

The Long Rugged Road

William R. Scott and William G. Shade

We are the children of the black sharecroppers, the first-born of the city tenements. We have
tramped down a road three hundred years long. We have been shunted to and fro by cataclysmic
social changes. We are a folk born of cultural devastation, slavery, physical suffering, unrequited
longing, abrupt emancipation, migration, disillusionment, bewilderment, joblessness, and
insecurity—all enacted within a short space of historical time.
—Richard Wright, 12 Million Black Voices (1941)

A
MERICANS OF have struggled a long time since their ancestors arrived
FRICAN DESCENT
A “upon these shores” to survive and thrive in a democracy originally conceived by and
for Americans from Europe. Plagued by pervasive color proscriptions and prejudices since
their ancestors’ forced passage to the New World nearly 400 years ago, black Americans
have persistently strived to overcome racial adversity and achieve human harmony. Even
now, after victories long ago over slavery and more recently over segregation, vestiges of
discrimination based on white power and privilege persist and repress black progress.
Likewise, demeaning racial myths and stereotypes, dissent over welfare policy and
affirmative action, resistance in some urban and suburban neighborhoods to residential
integration, and ghastly hate crimes committed by white supremacists continue to fan the
flames of racial antagonism. So does the alienation produced by dire poverty and the
reactionary rhetoric of black extremists who castigate whites as a demon race and a variety of
recent immigrant groups as racists.
The marked integration since the 1960s of blacks in fields such as business, law, education,
entertainment, government, sports, television, and the military—sometimes at top levels—
suggests that despite the divisions caused by continuing racial antipathy not an unsubstantial
number of Americans have outwardly and inwardly rejected racism—the belief in the
superiority of one race over another. As President Clinton’s advisory board on race relations
found, racial attitudes among white Americans have improved steadily during the past forty
years. There exists, the panel concluded, “a deep-rooted national consensus to the ideals of
racial equality and integration.” Debate abounds, however, on the best means to achieve
lasting racial peace and how far the nation must still go to erase remaining barriers to black
justice. There’s no public accord on the distance we must still travel to reach the proverbial
“promised land” where one will not be judged by the color of their skin but by the content of
their character.

Out of Africa
W. E. B. DuBois, the prolific black scholar who left the United States at the age of ninety-
three to live the end of his long life in exile in the newly independent African nation of
Ghana, was one of the first historians of the black experience to note the longevity of the
black presence in North America. In his classic work The Souls of Black Folk, DuBois
recognized nearly a century ago that blacks had come to America’s shores far in advance of

24
the ancestors of most Americans. Records of the arrival in the seventeenth century of some
twenty African captives at Jamestown, Virginia, caused him to observe that the Negro had as
much claim to this land as the Anglo-Saxon, that Africans had reached British America even
before the persecuted band of English Puritans had arrived at Plymouth Rock. “Before the
Pilgrims landed aboard the Mayflower,” declared DuBois, “we were here.”
Few Americans are aware, even a century later, that the ancestors of the nation’s 34
million African Americans, almost 13 percent of the population, crossed the Atlantic in
chains in massive waves during the initial European colonization and conquest of the New
World. Aside from scholars, the public is mostly unaware that the black presence in America
antedated the migrations of the Scotch-Irish and Germans in the eighteenth century and long
preceded the arrival of Catholic Irish and Germans in the mid-nineteenth century as well as
the later migration of southern and eastern Europeans in the decades before World War I. As
a result, we have commonly slighted facts that explain the vastly different historical
experiences of black and white Americans.
It is true that a sizable number of white immigrants came to the New World in the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries as indentured servants or as convicts sentenced to
overseas labor. But the majority of Europeans migrated voluntarily. And, although many
endured prejudice and penury, all were extended—in relatively short order—the rights to life,
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness eventually pronounced in America’s Declaration of
Independence. Africans, in contrast, arrived involuntarily and were commonly denied basic
human rights. In fact, blacks were typically discriminated against in England’s American
colonies even before the legal codification of racial slavery. This drastic distinction between
the early experiences of Americans from Africa and those from Europe, which prepared the
pattern for future race relations, was driven by both economic and emotional factors. Among
these was the decision of settler planters to build an agricultural economy based on enslaved
black labor when farmers were faced with a critical shortage of white indentured servants in
the last quarter of the seventeenth century. The pejorative perceptions of blackness prevalent
in the culture of Elizabethan England and Enlightenment Europe also inspired a racial
ideology that starkly divided the world into black and white.
In this volume, Joseph C. Miller reveals the African heritage of African Americans and the
crucial connection between the rise of plantation economies in the New World tropics and the
emergence there of racial slavery. He describes the appearance of a new trading system based
on the sale of human beings between the fifteenth and eighteenth centuries, which brought
Europe, Africa, and America together in a vast maritime and commercial network that
produced far-reaching riches and ruin simultaneously Miller also points out the derivations
and destinations of the slaves. He notes that captured Africans were taken to the Americas
from every inhabited part of Africa’s Atlantic coast and that most—more than 85 percent—of
those Africans who survived the ocean voyage found themselves laboring as slaves on the
sugar islands of the Caribbean or in Portuguese Brazil. Only a small minority—about 6 or 7
percent of the total—were carried to British North America.
A notably controversial aspect of the slave trade is the number of Africans who were
shipped across the Atlantic to the Americas from the European encounter in 1492 to about
1870, when the slave trade effectively ended in North America, and the number who expired
in the course of capture and rupture from home. Estimates vary greatly, but scholars, led by
historian Philip D. Curtin, now generally agree that between eleven and thirteen million
Africans were seized and sold into transoceanic bondage. Students of the slave trade also
speculate that about ten million survived the deadly oceanic crossing to the Americas known
as the “Middle Passage,” which typically took Portuguese, English, French, Spanish, Dutch,
and American slave ships five to eight weeks to complete.
Another contentious point is the fact that the slave trade involved enterprise and exchanges

25
between the agents of European merchants and monarchies and African princes and
principalities. How could Africans, it is often asked, seize and sell other Africans for sale as
slaves? How could they barter fellow Africans for European cloth, horses, metals, muskets,
and liquor? A part of the answer is that African slave dealers usually shared no cultural ties
with the people they sold. Victims of the slave trade were mostly kidnapped or captured in
war and were normally from other ethnic groups who were viewed as aliens without legal
rights. Until after the European domination of Africa in the nineteenth century, Africans held
no transethnic or continental identity. Between the time of the first and final passage of
captured persons across the Atlantic, Africans viewed themselves as they had for thousands
of years, as members of specific kinship groups, rather than as an African people.
In 1619, African captives arrived in Jamestown, Virginia, the first permanent settlement in
British North America. But it took about a century for a stratified biracial society based on
black slavery to emerge among the English settlers. This early period of provincial America,
as portrayed by Jean R. Soderlund, witnessed the evolution of the legal status of chattel
slavery— essentially new to the English common law—and its codification by colonial
magistrates throughout Britain’s American provinces. The evolving caste system of racial
slavery led to the petrification in the colonies of previous English prejudices toward the lower
classes, outsiders, and darker races and produced the emergence of white racism in the
eighteenth century.
Initially, the black population of colonial society was small, amounting in 1660 to only
about three thousand. It grew rapidly, however, at the end of the seventeenth century when
the British actively entered the slave trade. By 1700 the number of Africans in North America
had leapt to twenty-seven thousand—nearly all of whom were slaves and who constituted 11
percent of the English colonies’ total population. The rising demand for forced labor to
cultivate large-scale cash crops had led to the mass importation of African slaves mostly into
the colonies of the Chesapeake Bay region and the lower South. These huge imports,
combined with the natural increase of the slave population caused by lower death rates and
the high birthrates of native-born slave women, produced a large black presence in provincial
America.
By the middle of the eighteenth century, four different kinds of slave societies had
emerged in colonial America: one in the North where slavery was part of a mixed economy;
another in the Chesapeake Bay region where tobacco was the primary crop; another in the
Carolina low country based on rice and indigo; and another in the lower Mississippi valley
that featured sugar and, later, cotton production. The blacks enslaved within these sundry
colonial economies constituted a critical part of the country’s demography. The English
colonies’ total population of slightly more than one million included some 236,000
Americans of African descent, almost a quarter of the nation’s inhabitants. And, in the fifteen
years before the American Revolution, nearly 40 percent of the 222,000 immigrants who
crossed the Atlantic to British North America arrived as slaves from Africa or the Caribbean.
This swelling black presence along the North Atlantic seaboard played a crucial role in the
development of a distinctly American society in the British colonies.
Peter H. Wood notes that in the English-controlled settlements Africans served as partners
with Europeans in the construction of an evolving American culture. This world that the
colonists—black and white, slave and free— subsequently “made together” in the areas of
work, family, language, and spiritual life came to reflect a strong African ambience. Despite
the enormous constraints of slavery, Africans had an immediate, varied, and lasting influence
on the character of American culture through their numbers, broad geographic distribution,
and customs they strove to remember and adapt to the alien world of the American plantation.
Africans also had a strong impact on the psychology of the American ruling class, which
became increasingly fearful of black resistance and revolt as the nation’s black populace

26
steadily grew.
The American Revolution freed England’s thirteen colonies from control of the mother
country but produced ambiguous results for the new republic’s expanding black populace. As
British critics of the rebellion often noted, those colonists most loudly protesting limitations
of their own freedom within the Empire often owned slaves. And, while the war for
independence was fought with the aid of five thousand black volunteers, the patriots’
successful struggle for freedom never generated the broad emancipation of enslaved African
Americans. The republican idealism that produced the rebellion led the northern states, where
it was economically feasible, to adopt gradual emancipation plans in the two decades
following the American colonists’ victory. Elsewhere slavery remained pretty much
untouched.
The southern states, where the economy was slave-based and 90 percent of the slaves
resided, did little more than make voluntary manumission easier for liberal masters.
Furthermore, the new Constitution of the United States, ratified in 1789, comprised
contradictions and compromises on the issue of involuntary servitude. The Founding Fathers
provided for, but delayed for twenty years, the termination of American participation in the
international slave trade, assured federal support for the capture and return of fugitive slaves,
and, through the famous three-fifths clause, guaranteed the political power of slaveholders by
agreeing to count three-fifths of the slave population for the purpose of representation in
Congress. When the first ten amendments known as the Bill of Rights were added to the
Constitution in 1791, they provided for the protection of the rights of free men from
encroachment by the federal government, but they left the control of slaves up to the
individual states.
By the time of the election of the Virginia statesman and slaveholder Thomas Jefferson to
the American presidency, the country’s black population had grown to more than one million,
just under 20 percent of the nation’s entire population. Nine out of ten blacks were still
enslaved, however, and lived below the Mason-Dixon line, which divided the North from the
South. There, slaves built and tended the homes of their masters, tilled the fields, toiled in
their workshops and factories, and worked as hired-out laborers on public works projects.
Sometimes they bargained with slavemasters to produce extra food for themselves and their
families by raising their own crops or livestock and marketing their own products. The result
was an “internal economy” that reduced the drudgery of plantation life and boosted
bondsmen’s sense of autonomy.
The “peculiar institution” of slavery, which became an exclusively southern practice after
abolition in the North, expanded with the development of the Cotton Kingdom in the early
nineteenth century as the population of the southern states shifted to the south and west from
the original areas of slave concentration around the Chesapeake Bay and the low country of
South Carolina and Georgia. Three-quarters of the region’s slaves were involved in
agricultural labor, and by the mid-nineteenth century more than half worked in gangs on the
cotton plantations of the lower South. Most of the slaveholders owned only a handful of
slaves (five or fewer), but most slaves lived on plantations with more than twenty slaves.
In his examination of antebellum black plantation life, Norrece T. Jones explores the work,
family, and religion of the masses of slaves and the ways forced black laborers struggled to
survive and defy the power of the slaveocracy. He notes that a strong sense of community
often surfaced in the slave quarters, a sequestered part of the plantation where resident whites
rarely tarried. The semiautonomous world the slaves forged there jones writes, became a
fertile ground for subtle and covert forms of day-to-day resistance as well as more dramatic
kinds of defiance that included flight and revolt.
Large numbers of slaves ran away, only to be captured and flogged and frequently sold
away from their families as punishment. Some who fled settled among Indians, like the

27
Seminoles of Florida, with whom they intermarried. Perhaps as many as 100,000 fugitives
successfully escaped slavery for freedom in the northern states or Canada with the aid of the
“Underground Railroad,” an informal network of free blacks and white abolitionists. Others,
such as Gabriel Prosser, Denmark Vesey, and Nat Turner and their followers, took up arms to
end slavery.
Studies of slave resistance have revealed some 250 slave revolts and conspiracies from the
early seventeenth century through the Civil War. Unlike black rebels in the Caribbean or
South America, however, rebellious North American slaves never had ample unity, numbers,
weapons, or safe refuge to organize successful armed opposition to the slaveocracy.
Furthermore, as scholars have shown, slaves in the American South were so widely dispersed
and so carefully policed that rebellion was virtually impossible. In addition, owners carefully
cultivated family formation and familial ties as a further means of control over potential
rebels.
Southern slavery as constituted in either the Chesapeake Bay, the Carolina low country, or
the lower Mississippi valley was never simply an agrarian institution. On the eve of the Civil
War the slave population had grown to nearly four million. Of those between 160,000 and
200,000 slaves worked in industry and about 6 percent lived in cities and towns. In areas
outside the countryside discipline was notoriously lax, however, undermining urban slavery
and creating broad mingling of the races that produced large concentrations of racially mixed
people known as mulattoes. Around Charleston, South Carolina, and New Orleans,
Louisiana, manumitted and free-born mulattoes formed a separate caste and some, as the
Federal censuses reveal, were even slaveholders, but most of the 260,000 legally free blacks
living in the slave states were dirt poor.
Only a thin line separated freedom from slavery in antebellum America. William G. Shade
contends that free blacks before the Civil War were only nominally free. A mostly destitute
group, they were barred by law and custom from many of the rights that whites typically
enjoyed. While some free persons of color prospered despite the prevalence of white
prejudices, they were generally perceived by whites of all classes as social pariahs. As Chief
Justice Roger B. Taney wrote in the majority opinion in the 1857 freedom suit of Dred Scott
v. Sanford, “negroes of the African race” could not be citizens and “had no rights which the
white man was bound to respect.”
Consequently, legally free African Americans, even those who lived north of slavery in
states where human bondage was ended after the American Revolution, were regularly
denied citizenship rights and frequently forced into separate black enclaves in the nation’s
cities. It was partly in response to the rising racial segregation they experienced in northern
urban centers that free blacks built autonomous economic, social, and religious institutions.
These associations—especially the black church, the convention movement, and abolitionist
societies—not only fostered moral and social development but also provided the institutional
basis in the free states for African-American resistance to slavery and discrimination.

Up from Slavery
The devastating Civil War that erupted in 1861 after decades of sectional dissension over the
western expansion of slavery ended in defeat for the Confederacy and prompted ratification
of amendments to the Constitution that ended the long nightmare of black bondage. By the
war’s end, the transplanted Africans who had endured slavery and grown in great numbers
had been transformed as a body from assorted African identities into a new people—an
amalgam of black, white, and red humanity. By the time of emancipation, most African
Americans had ceased to dream of a return to their ancestral lands. They had become
acculturated, absorbed with an American consciousness and attainment of the “American
dream.” The black masses and leaders—the politicians, ministers, teachers, independent

28
farmers, and small businessmen— had become with the proclamation of their freedom
quintessential advocates of the democratic principles passionately preached, but poorly
practiced, by the larger society. Moved by the gospel of equality under God espoused by
evangelical Christianity, to which many of them were converted in colonial times, and human
rights tenets in the Constitution, African Americans embarked after captivity on a campaign
to achieve complete equality in America and rejected periodic calls for either separatism or
mass migration back to Africa.
Historians still contest, more than a century after its announcement, the importance of the
Emancipation Proclamation issued by Abraham Lincoln in 1863. Because the order was
restricted to slaves in rebel-controlled territory where it was rejected by Confederate
authorities and left unaffected some 800,000 bondsmen in loyal border states, scholars
dispute the proclamation’s impact and Lincoln’s credentials as the “great emanicipator.” To
clarify its significance, Armstead L. Robinson discusses the edict’s impact on black
Americans of the war era. He shows that the proclamation, despite its limitations, temporarily
filled most blacks—even those who had seriously considered emigration to another land—
with faith in the promise of America. He reveals too that black hope gradually faded as new
forms of white supremacy emerged.
With the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution, which formally ended
slavery in 1865, and subsequent ratification of the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments
guaranteeing black citizenship and voting rights, African Americans held great hope that the
day of “Jubilee” had arrived, that the dark night of racial degradation was forever over. These
beliefs were buttressed by black participation first as Union soldiers in the war itself and then
in the political process during Reconstruction when for the first time blacks were elected to
public office at the local, state, and national levels.
Trust that they had been essentially relieved of racist repression was shortlived. The train
of fatal events following passage of the Fifteenth Amendment and the readmission to the
Union of the seceded southern states led relentlessly to the resurgence of race domination and
the establishment of segregation throughout the South in the 1890s. The account of black
advancement in the South after slavery and the subsequent revival of white supremacy
constitutes a sad chapter in American history. In the postbellum era, the nation’s white
leadership grew tired of “the Negro question” and became far more committed to sectional
reconciliation than the protection of African Americans’ newly granted rights. Compromises
made between white politicians in both sections of the country led to the end of
Reconstruction in 1877 and the resumption in the former Confederacy of white “home rule.”
As Gerald D. Jaynes shows, the four million newly emancipated slaves mostly remained in
the rural South from the end of the Civil War until World War II and worked the land as
sharecroppers and tenant farmers. The freedmen’s hope was to achieve property and
autonomy, but black economic independence based on landownership was frustrated as
planters and their partners, resolved to reinstate white supremacy in the postbellum South,
drove black workers from the political process and prevented African Americans from using
collective efforts to improve their economic status. As black political power and economic
development waned, the plight of rural labor worsened and many blacks abandoned agrarian
life, first moving to the growing cities of the New South, which promised improved economic
opportunities. Others looked west to Kansas and Oklahoma, and a few even considered
migration and colonization in Africa. Eventually huge numbers turned to the urban centers of
the industrialized North in search of the promised land.
Carole C. Marks stresses the significance of urbanization and migration at the time of
World War I. These twin processes doubled the proportion of blacks living in cities between
1900 and 1940 and began the dramatic shift of the African-American population northward
that would reach its pinnacle in the decades following World War II. The dramatic

29
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