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Collection Highlights

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Global Histories 1 1st Edition Christian

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Forests 1st Edition Gianfranco D. De Grandi

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1st Edition Theodore De Bruyn

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Complex Networks Principles Methods and Applications 1st

Edition Vito Latora
 Edited by Christian G. De Vito
and Anne Gerritsen

MICRO-SPATIAL HISTORIES OF

GLOBAL
LABOUR
Micro-Spatial Histories of Global Labour
Christian G. De Vito · Anne Gerritsen
Editors

Micro-Spatial
Histories of Global
Labour
Editors
Christian G. De Vito Anne Gerritsen
School of History Department of History
University of Leicester University of Warwick
Leicester, UK Coventry, UK

ISBN 978-3-319-58489-8 ISBN 978-3-319-58490-4 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-58490-4

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 Preface

In May 2015, the Institute of World History of the Chinese Academy of

Social Sciences in Beijing invited the historian Hans Medick to give a lec-
ture, drawing on his work on the remote Swabian village of Laichingen,
located in the mountainous region of Württemberg in southern
Germany.1 Medick’s 1996 masterpiece features the daily struggle for
survival of the weavers and farmers of Laichingen, and forms part of an
approach known as Alltagsgeschichte or the history of the everyday. But
Medick’s approach is also explicitly a micro-historical one: he reads the
history of Laichingen through a micro-historical lens to reveal a view on
the past as a whole, or general history (allgemeine Geschichte).2 The lec-
ture in Beijing was well-received, as Medick describes in a recent publica-
tion.3 There were questions that connected the proto-industrial labour
practices of Laichingen to the pattern of development in the Yangtze
delta between Nanjing and Shanghai, and an observation by Institute
Director Zhang Shunhong that ‘world-history exists in micro-histories
and what happens in a village might be of a global meaning’.4 Zhang’s
comment and Medick’s reflections in a recent volume of Historische
Anthropologie point in the same direction this edited volume seeks to
travel, namely, to draw on the methodologies of micro-historical studies
in combination with the broad spatial approaches of global and world
history.
We will explain in more detail below what we understand micro- and
global historical approaches to mean, but first it may be worth expanding
briefly on why this direction of combining the two seems prudent at this

v
vi Preface

particular moment in time. Whether we take the field of global history

to have started with the writings of Thucydides (460–395 BCE) in the
ancient Greek world and Sima Qian (c. 145 or 135–86 BCE) of the Han
dynasty (206 BCE to 220 CE) in China, or with Kenneth Pomeranz’
2000 publication of The Great Divergence, there can be little doubt that
in the last two decades, the field of history has been inundated with pub-
lications that espouse a global approach.5 Appearing more or less in tan-
dem with the first publications in this field were critical voices: those who
felt a history could only be called ‘global’ if it covered the entirety of
the globe;6 those who felt global history was by necessity so general that
it failed to deliver anything concrete or new;7 those who thought the
study of the global could never do justice to any primary sources, and
thus did not merit the term ‘history’;8 those who feel that the agency
of human entities is left out of a story ruled by macro-level structures
and institutions, etcetera.9 Of course, micro-historians have also received
their fair share of critiques, from those who claimed the micro-level
of analysis rendered the results irrelevant for anything other than the
micro-unit it purported to study, from those who felt the scarcity of the
sources invited too much historical imagination, or from those who felt
approaches like thick description and close observation should be left to
the anthropologists.10
In recent years, perhaps since 2010, the idea of combining the two
approaches, micro and global, has started to attract attention. Scholars
like Francesca Trivellato, Lara Putnam, John-Paul Ghobrial, Tonio
Andrade, Filippo de Vivo, Sebouh Aslanian, and Cao Yin, amongst oth-
ers, have begun to explore ways in which the two approaches can be
brought together.11 They have experimented with a number of different
terms—Ghobrial, Andrade, and Cao Yin describe their work as ‘global
microhistories’, fewer have used the term ‘micro-global history’—but
the intent of combining both is clear.12 Within the same period, sev-
eral of the gatherings of the professional associations in the field of his-
tory addressed this combination, including the European Social Science
History Conference and the congresses of the European Network in
Universal and Global History and the American Historical Association.13
Most recently, Maxine Berg (University of Warwick) and John-Paul
Ghobrial (University of Oxford) organised a conference in Venice in
February 2016, entitled ‘The Space Between: Connecting Microhistory
and Global History’.14
 Preface vii

It is in the same context that the scholars brought together here

embarked upon a series of conversations that eventually led to this pub-
lication. Christian G. De Vito organised a panel at the 2014 European
Social Science History Conference in Vienna, followed by several presen-
tations at a conference in Salvador, Brazil, in the spring of 2015 and the
Cosmopolis seminar in Leiden. And last but not least, in January 2016,
the Global History and Culture Centre at the University of Warwick
hosted all the authors at a writing workshop, where the ideas presented
here started to take their final form. We are grateful for the numerous
funders and organisations that supported these events and our participa-
tion financially, especially the working group ‘Mundos do Trabalho’ in
Brazil, the University of Padua-FIRB 2012 Mediterranean Borders, and
the Global History and Culture Centre.
This volume, then, seeks to participate in the conversations about
global and micro-history, and make a contribution to their combina-
tion as a way forward for historical research. As editors, we offer one
particular model in our introductory chapter, which sets out our vision
for a new way of practicing the craft of global history, but we also pre-
sent a variety of different approaches in the empirical chapters offered
by the contributors to this volume. We have not imposed our editorial
authority to emphasize a singular approach; instead, we have encouraged
a diversity of visions so as to facilitate the debates and discussions that
will undoubtedly follow. In practice, what this means is that in the intro-
duction, we set out our understanding of what we call ‘micro-spatial his-
tory’: an approach that seeks to avoid the ever so common conflation of
the analytical level of the analysis, macro or micro, with its spatial level
(global or local), proposing to combine the tools of micro-analysis with
a spatial approach. We suggest that a mere reduction of scales, which
starts with the necessarily generalised units, standards and measures of
the macro-level and ends with the smallest discernible historical unit,
goes directly against the appeal of micro-historians, which seeks to use
the particular and the exceptional as tools to enhance our understanding
of the unexceptional.
The individual chapters reveal the wide variety of ways in which this
combination of different tools from the micro-historical kit can be put to
use in the historical landscapes of the post-spatial turn. For Canepari, the
connections identified between different historical sites add up to a coher-
ent trans-local vision; for De Vito, the key point lies in the simultaneity
of singularity and connectedness of individual places; for D’Angelo, the
viii Preface

historical landscape can be visualised as a carpet, where the pattern reveals

both the structuring elements of society in the warp of the carpet, and
the varied and multi-coloured stories of individual agency that make up
the weft. Atabaki looks at the consequences of a global event such as the
First World War from the perspective of short- and long-distance labour
recruitment across the Persian region; Gerritsen reverses the perspec-
tive, and focuses on a single locality where the manufacture of a prod-
uct was undertaken for both regional and world markets; in Pizzolato’s
chapter, the focus lies on how a located event was differently appropriated
and acted upon by historical actors and institutions in distinct sites. Of
course, a multitude of other methodologies, conceptualisations and theo-
ries feature in these studies: biography, to tell the story of global lives and
foreground the connected histories of distinct sites (Marcocci); prosopog-
raphy, to reveal the details of social groups where full biographical details
are absent (Tarruell); commodity chains, to follow the traces of com-
modities and the workers who handle them (Caracausi); network analy-
sis to show how people are connected across long distances (Mitsiou and
Preiser-Kapeller); and border studies, to examine short- and long-distance
migrations (Rolla and Di Fiore), to name but a few.
These methodological and theoretical insights are embedded in
research extensively based on primary sources. Ordered chronologically,
the chapters invite the reader to take an ideal voyage from the late medi-
eval Eastern Mediterranean to present-day Sierra Leone, through early
modern China and Italy, eighteenth-century Cuba and the Malvinas/
Falklands, the journeys of a missionary between India and Brazil and
those of Christian captives across the Ottoman Empire and Spain.
Labour is the trait d’union, analysed under multiple perspectives: its
management and recruitment; its voluntary and coerced spatial mobility;
its political perception and representation; and the workers’ own agency
and social networks.15 We very much hope that this volume, and the vari-
ety of approaches on offer in this collection, will be part of continuing
and new conversations about the encounters between local and global
historians, between labour historians and area specialists, and between
medievalists, early modernists and historians of more recent times

Leicester, UK Christian G. De Vito

Coventry, UK Anne Gerritsen
October 2016
 Preface ix

Notes
1. Hans Medick, Weben und Überleben in Laichingen 1650–1900:
Lokalgeschichte als allgemeine Geschichte (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck &
Ruprecht, 1996).
2. These methodological reflections can be found especially in the introduc-
tion of the book: Ibid., 13–37.
3. Hans Medick, ‘Turning Global? Microhistory in Extension’, Historische
Anthropologie 24, no. 2 (2016): 243–44.
4. Ibid., 244.
5. Thucydides, History of the Peloponnesian War, trans. Rex Warner, Rev. ed, The
Penguin Classics (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1972); Sima Qian, Records
of the Grand Historian: Han Dynasty, trans. Burton Watson, Rev. ed. (Hong
Kong: Research Centre for Translation, Chinese University of Hong Kong;
New York, 1993); Kenneth Pomeranz, The Great Divergence: China, Europe,
and the Making of the Modern World Economy, The Princeton Economic
History of the Western World (Princeton, N.J.: Princeton University Press,
2000).
6. Simon Szreter, ‘Labor and World Development through the Lens of
Cotton: A Review Essay’, Population and Development Review 42, no. 2
(2016): 359–67.
7. Douglas Northrop, ‘Introduction: The Challenge of World History’,
in A Companion to World History, ed. Douglas Northrop (Chichester:
Wiley-Blackwell, 2012), 1.
8. T. E. Vadney, ‘World History as an Advanced Academic Field’, Journal of
World History 1, no. 2 (1990): 212–13.
9. Roland Robertson, ‘Globalisation or Glocalisation?’, The Journal of
International Communication 18, no. 2 (2012): 191–208.
10. See the discussion of critiques in Sigurður G. Magnússon and István
Szíjártó, What Is Microhistory?: Theory and Practice (London; New York:
Routledge, Taylor & Francis Group, 2013), 40–41; See also Robert Finlay,
‘The Refashioning of Martin Guerre’, American Historical Review 93, no.
3 (June 1988): 553–71; Steven Bednarski, A Poisoned Past: the Life and
Times of Margarida de Portu, a Fourteenth-century Accused Poisoner, 2014,
12–13.
11. Francesca Trivellato, ‘Un Nouveau Combat Pour L’histoire Au XXIe
Siècle?’ Annales. Histoire, Sciences Sociales 70, no. 2 (April 2015): 333–
43; Lara Putnam, ‘To Study the Fragments/Whole: Microhistory and
the Atlantic World’, Journal of Social History, 39, no. 3 (Spring, 2006):
615–630; John-Paul A. Ghobrial, ‘The Secret Life of Elias of Babylon
and the Uses of Global Microhistory’, Past & Present 222, no. 1 (2014):
51–93; Tonio Andrade, ‘A Chinese Farmer, Two African Boys, and a
x Preface

Warlord: Toward a Global Microhistory’, Journal of World History 21,

no. 4 (2010): 573–91; F. de Vivo, ‘Prospect or Refuge? Microhistory,
History on the Large Scale: A Response’, Cultural and Social History 7,
no. 3 (2010): 387–97; Sebouh David Aslanian, From the Indian Ocean
to the Mediterranean: The Global Trade Networks of Armenian Merchants
from New Julfa, The California World History Library 17 (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 2011); Cao Yin, ‘The Journey of Isser
Singh: A Global Microhistory of a Sikh Policeman’, Journal of Punjab
Studies 21, no. 2 (2014): 325–53.
12. Martin Dusinberre referred to the term “micro-global history” in the
abstract of his paper for the annual conference of the European Social
Science History Conference, held in April 2016. For the programme, see
https://esshc.socialhistory.org/esshc-user/programme [consulted on 22
September 2016].
13. In 2015, the European Network in Universal and Global History held
its biannual conference in Paris, and featured sessions addressing the
issue; the International Institute of Social History, which organises the
European Social Science History Conference, devoted several pan-
els to the topic at its conference in 2016; and the American Historical
Association is using ‘Historical Scale: Linking Levels of Experience’ as the
theme for its 2017 conference in Denver.
14. For details of the conference, and a brief report, see http://www2.war-
wick.ac.uk/fac/arts/history/ghcc/thespaceinbetween [consulted on 22
September 2016].
15. For an example of a fruitful expansion of the labour history of Japan into
a global debate: Martin Dusinberre, ‘Circulations of Labor, Bodies of
Work. A Japanese Migrant in Meiji Hawai‘i’, Historische Anthropologie,
24, no. 2 (2016), 194–217.
 Contents

1 Micro-Spatial Histories of Labour: Towards a New

Global History 1
Christian G. De Vito and Anne Gerritsen

2 Moving Hands: Types and Scales of Labour Mobility in

the Late Medieval Eastern Mediterranean (1200–1500
CE) 29
Ekaterini Mitsiou and Johannes Preiser-Kapeller

3 Catholic Missions and Native Subaltern Workers:

Connected Micro-Histories of Labour from India and
Brazil, ca. 1545–1560 69
Giuseppe Marcocci

4 Prisoners of War, Captives or Slaves? The Christian

Prisoners of Tunis and La Goleta in 1574 95
Cecilia Tarruell

5 Making the Place Work: Managing Labour in Early

Modern China 123
Anne Gerritsen

xi
xii Contents

6 Woollen Manufacturing in the Early Modern

Mediterranean (1550–1630): Changing Labour Relations
in a Commodity Chain 147
Andrea Caracausi

7 Connected Singularities: Convict Labour in Late Colonial

Spanish America (1760s–1800) 171
Christian G. De Vito

8 Keeping in Touch: Migrant Workers’ Trans-Local Ties in

Early Modern Italy 203
Eleonora Canepari

9 Spatiality and the Mobility of Labour in Pre-Unification

Italy (Eighteenth and Nineteenth Centuries) 229
Laura Di Fiore and Nicoletta Rolla

10 Oil and Labour: The Pivotal Position of Persian Oil in

the First World War and the Question of Transnational
Labour Dependency 261
Touraj Atabaki

11 ‘On the Unwary and the Weak’: Fighting Peonage in

Wartime United States: Connections, Categories,
Scales 291
Nicola Pizzolato

12 From Traces to Carpets: Unravelling Labour Practices in

the Mines of Sierra Leone 313
Lorenzo D’Angelo

Index 343
 Editors and Contributors

About the editors

Christian G. De Vito is Research Associate at the University of

Leicester. His current research addresses convict labour and convict
circulation in late-colonial and post-independence Latin America (ca.
1760s to 1898). He has published extensively on global labour history,
social history, and the history of punishment and psychiatry. De Vito is
co-chair of the Labour Network of the European Social Science History
Conference (ESSHC) and co-coordinator of the ‘Free and Unfree
Labour’ working group of the European Labour History Network
(ELHN); he is Vice-President of the International Social History
Association (ISHA) and co-editor of the ‘Work in Global and Historical
Perspective’ series at De Gruyter.

Anne Gerritsen is Professor of History at the University of Warwick,

UK, where she directs the Global History and Culture Centre. She has
published on global material culture, the history of design, and Chinese
history, especially the history of porcelain manufacturing, but also local
religion and gender.

xiii
xiv Editors and Contributors

Contributors

Touraj Atabaki is Honorary Senior Research Fellow at the International

Institute of Social History. Atabaki studied first theoretical physics and
then history, and worked at Utrecht University, University of Amsterdam
and Leiden University. In the last two universities he held the Chair of
Social History of the Middle East and Central Asia. As Guest Researcher
and Professor, Atabaki has been visiting a number of universities and
research institutes in the United States, Europe and Asia. Atabaki’s
earlier research interest encompassed historiography, ethnic studies
and the practice of authoritarianism in Iran and the Ottoman Empire-
Turkey, and everyday Stalinism in Soviet Central Asia and the Caucasus.
However, in the last ten years, his research interest has focused more on
labour history and the history of work and published books and articles
in this field. His latest publication covers the hundred years’ social his-
tory of labour in the Iranian oil industry. For the selected and entire list
of Atabaki’s publication, see:https://socialhistory.org/en/staff/touraj-
atabaki and www.atabaki.nl. At present, Atabaki is the President of the
International Society of Iranian Studies.

Eleonora Canepari obtained her Ph.D. in History at the University of

Turin (2006) and at the EHESS (Paris, 2012). Her research focuses on
urban mobility during the seventeenth century. She has been a Marie
Curie postdoctoral fellow at the CMH (CNRS, Paris), Gerda Henkel fel-
low at the University of Oxford, and member of the CRRS (University
of Toronto). At present she holds a ‘Rising Star’ packaged chair from
the Fondation A*Midex (Aix-Marseille Université—TELEMME UMR
7303), and is PI of the project Settling in motion. Mobility and the mak-
ing of the urban space (16th–18th c). Her most recent publication is
Mobilhommes, with B. Mésini and S. Mourlane, 2016.

Andrea Caracausi is Assistant Professor of Early Modern History at the

University of Padua. He received a BA in History (University of Padua)
and a Ph.D. in Economic and Social History (Bocconi University). He
was Adjunct Professor in Business History and Economic History at
the University of Trieste, Venice and Verona and at Bocconi University.
His field of research is the social and economic history of Italy and the
Mediterranean world, with a focus on the labour market, guilds, insti-
tutions and legal proceedings in the early modern period. Recent
 Editors and Contributors xv

publications include ‘Information asymmetries and craft guilds in pre-

modern markets: evidence from Italian proto-industry’, The Economic
History Review, and ‘Beaten Children and Women’s Work in Early
Modern Italy’, Past & Present 222, 1 (2014): 95–128.

Lorenzo D’Angelo received his Ph.D. in Human Sciences–

Anthropology of the Contemporary at the University of Milano-Bicocca
in 2011. Since 2007, he has been conducting historical and ethnographic
research on the economic, cultural and religious aspects of artisanal min-
ing in Sierra Leone. In exploring these issues, his study raises key ques-
tions concerning the anthropology of work. For this reason, in 2012 he
became a member of the newly formed Italian Society of Labour History
(SISLav). His areas of interest include also anthropology of mining,
global commodity chains analysis, colonial history of West Africa, ethno-
graphic theory, and political ecology.

Laura Di Fiore is Research Fellow at the University of Bologna. Her

research interests include the making of borders in Europe, global his-
tory, police history and identification practices in British imperial history
(nineteenth and twentieth centuries). She is author of two monographs:
L’Islam e l’Impero. Il Medio Oriente di Toynbee all’indomani della Grande
Guerra (Rome 2015) and Alla frontiera. Confini e documenti d’identità
nel Mezzogiorno continentale preunitario (Soveria Mannelli 2013). With
Marco Meriggi, she published World History. Le nuove rotte della sto-
ria (Rome-Bari 2011) and edited Movimenti e confini. Spazi mobili
nell’Italia preunitaria (Rome 2013).

Giuseppe Marcocci is Associate Professor in Iberian History (European

and Extra-European, 1450–1800) at the University of Oxford and a
Fellow at Exeter College. He was visiting professor at the University of
Lisbon (2009), the École des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales, Paris
(2013) and the European University Institute, Florence (2016). His
research focuses on the Iberian world and Renaissance historiography.
His most recent book is Indios, cinesi, falsari: Le storie del mondo nel
Rinascimento (2016).

Ekaterini Mitsiou (Ph.D. in 2006 in Byzantine History) is currently

a postdoctoral researcher for the Wittgenstein-Prize Project ‘Mobility,
xvi Editors and Contributors

Microstructures and Personal Agency in Byzantium’ at the Institute

for Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies at the University of Vienna
(headed by Prof. Claudia Rapp, Vienna: http://rapp.univie.ac.at/).
Her research interests include economic, social and ecclesiastic history
of Byzantium, (female) monasticism, gender studies, social network
analysis, spatial analysis, GIS, and mobility. Recent publications include
‘Die Netzwerke einer kulturellen Begegnung: byzantinische und latein-
ische Klöster in Konstantinopel im 13. und 14. Jh’ (ed., 2015) and
‘Monastischer Raum und Raumordnung in der byzantinischen Kirche’
(ed., 2016).

Nicola Pizzolato is the author of Challenging Global Capitalism: Labor

Migration, Radical Struggle and Urban Change in Detroit and Turin
(Palgrave, 2013) and of numerous articles that focus on the interplay
between race and ethnic relations, working-class self-activity and political
campaigns. His most recent work is on unfree and precarious labour in
the twentieth-century United States. He is Senior Lecturer at Middlesex
University and Honorary Research Fellow at the School of History of
Queen Mary, University of London.

Johannes Preiser-Kapeller is a Senior Research Associate in the

Division for Byzantine Research at the Institute for Medieval Research
in the Austrian Academy of Sciences and Lecturer at the Institute for
Byzantine and Modern Greek Studies at the University of Vienna. He
uses social and spatial network analysis and complexity theory to map
social, religious, economic and political connections within the medieval
world. Recent publications include ‘Harbours and Maritime Networks
as Complex Adaptive Systems’ (ed., 2015) and ‘Proceedings of the 3rd
HistoInformatics Workshop on Computational History’ (ed., 2016).

Nicoletta Rolla is Senior Research Fellow at the École des Hautes

Études en Sciences Sociales of Paris, Teaching Assistant in Early Modern
History at University of Milan-Bicocca and Research Fellow at Gerda
Henkel Stiftung of Düsseldorf. Her research interests include labour his-
tory, history of construction sites, history of migrations, judicial practices
in civil and criminal courts, consumer credit (seventeenth and eighteenth
century). She is author of the monograph La piazza e il palazzo. I mer-
cati e il vicariato di Torino nel Settecento (Pisa 2010), and of several arti-
cles and essays.
 Editors and Contributors xvii

Cecilia Tarruell is a Newton International Fellow at the University of

Oxford. Her research focuses on the Spanish Empire and the analysis of
Christian-Islamic interactions in the Mediterranean area during the six-
teenth and seventeenth centuries. She is particularly interested in the
processes of (re)integration and assimilation in Europe—and beyond—of
individuals and social groups with extensive experiences both in Christian
and Islamic lands. Prior to her current post, Tarruell was a Max Weber
Fellow at the European University Institute in Florence (2015–2016).
She received a joint doctorate in early modern history from the École
des Hautes Études en Sciences Sociales in Paris and the Universidad
Autónoma de Madrid in 2015.
 List of Figures

Fig. 2.1 The ‘space of possible shapes’ of labour mobility

(graph: Mitsiou and Preiser-Kapeller) 38
Fig. 2.2 The ‘space of options’ of individual agency
(graph: Mitsiou and Preiser-Kapeller) 39
Fig. 2.3 The connections between the port of Tana/Azow and
localities of origin of merchants active there in 1359/1360
(graph: Johannes Preiser-Kapeller, Before European Hegemony) 43
Fig. 2.4 Places of origin of oarsmen serving on the ship sailing
from Venice to Jaffa in 1414 (sites scaled according to the
number of oarsmen coming from there; graph:
Johannes Preiser-Kapeller, Civitas Thauris) 47
Fig. 2.5 The route of the ship sailing from Venice to Jaffa in 1414
and the places of origin of the oarsmen (graph: Johannes
Preiser-Kapeller, Civitas Thauris) 48
Fig. 2.6 The network between localities emerging because of the
mobility of the oarsmen and of the ship sailing from
Venice to Jaffa in 1414 (graph: Johannes Preiser-Kapeller,
Civitas Thauris) 49
Fig. 2.7 The ‘ego-network’ of the ‘Turkish’ slave Ali from Kayseri,
sold by Gandulfus de Staeria (from Genoa) to Palmerio de
Florenzola (from Florence) in Famagusta on Cyprus,
27 July 1301 (graph: Johannes Preiser-Kapeller,
Civitas Thauris) 53
Fig. 2.8 Connections between Famagusta and the Mediterranean
world on the basis of links to the places or origin of merchants
who came there to trade with slaves in 1300/1301

xix
xx List of Figures

(links weighted according to the number of merchants active in

Famagusta from that city; graph: Johannes Preiser-Kapeller,
Civitas Thauris) 54
Fig. 4.1 Duration of detention 106
Fig. 4.2 Areas of detention 107
Fig. 5.1 Blue-and-white glazed moon-shaped porcelain waterjug,
made in Jingdezhen, ca. 1475–ca. 1525. H 15,5 cm x L 21 cm.
Rijksmuseum, AK-RAK-1982-2 124
Fig. 5.2 Porcelain fishbowl‚ decorated in wucai style with
underglaze cobalt blue and overglaze enamels. H 37,8 cm,
D 55,2 cm, weight: 32.3 kg. Jingdezhen, 1567–1572. Inv. no.
PDF.778. © Sir Percival David collection, the Trustees
of the British Museum 133
Fig. 6.1 The Padua-based wool commodity chain, 1550–1630 154
Fig. 8.1 Foreigners’ relatives in the birthplace and elsewhere 212
Fig. 8.2 Percentages of relatives living in Rome, the birthplace
or elsewhere, related to the number of years the migrants
had spent in Rome (tot. 128) 213
Fig. 8.3 Percentages of relatives living in Rome, the birthplace
or elsewhere, related to age at migration (tot. 127) 213
Fig. 8.4 Possession of property at home and years spent in Rome
(tot. 19) 217
Fig. 8.5 Places of origin of the migrants included in the wills sample
(tot. 173) 219
 List of Tables

Table 4.1 Duration of detention 105

Table 6.1 Places of residence of the bobbin spinners, 1530–1669 155
Table 6.2 Places of residence of the wheel spinners, 1530–1669 155
Table 6.3 Survey of the trades of the spinning women’s husbands,
sixteenth century 156
Table 6.4 Places of residence of the weavers, 1530–1669 157
Table 7.1 Composition of the workforce in the construction
sites of Havana, 1763–1777 175
Table 7.2 Population of Puerto de la Soledad, Malvinas, 1767–1785 179
Table 10.1 Employment in the Anglo-Persian Oil Company,
1914–1921 275

xxi
 List of Maps

Map 7.1 Connected Havana: Origins of the convicts, 1760s–1800s 183

Map 7.2 Connected Malvinas: Flows of penal transportation,
late-eighteenth century 186
Map 7.3 Connected Malvinas: New settlements, late-eighteenth
century 188
Map 9.1 Origin of entrepreneurs and construction workers active
in Turin in the eighteenth century 235
Map 9.2 “Carta generale del Regno delle Due Sicilie”, Gabriello
De Sanctis, 1840 238

xxiii
 CHAPTER 1

Micro-Spatial Histories of Labour: Towards

a New Global History

Christian G. De Vito and Anne Gerritsen

Introduction
At first glance, global history and micro-history appear irreconcil-
ably disjunctive in their concerns, scope, and methodology. Is it possi-
ble to bring global and micro-history into a productive engagement? If

Draft versions of this article were discussed during the session on ‘Translocal-
and micro-histories of global labour’ at the European Social Science History
Conference 2014 (Vienna, 25 April 2014), at the Cosmopolis seminar
(Leiden, 13 October 2014) and at the writing workshop held at Warwick on
23–24 January 2015. For their insightful feedback, we would like to thank all
participants, together with the following colleagues (in random order): Simona
Cerutti, Juliane Schiel, István M. Szijártó, Andrea Caracausi, Lara Putnam,
Franco Ramella, Jos Gommans, Tom Cunningham, Valentina Favaró, Henrique
Espada Lima, Evelien de Hoop, Eloisa Betti, Sigurđur Gylfi Magnússon, Piero
Brunello, Jesús Agua de la Roza, Michele Nani, Lorenzo D’Angelo. Many thanks
to Emma Battell Lowman for her excellent work as copy-editor.

C.G. De Vito (*)

University of Leicester, Leicester, UK
e-mail: [email protected]
A. Gerritsen
University of Warwick, Coventry, UK
e-mail: [email protected]

© The Author(s) 2018 1

C.G. De Vito and A. Gerritsen (eds.), Micro-Spatial Histories
of Global Labour, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-58490-4_1
2 C.G. De Vito and A. Gerritsen

so, which streams in these sub-disciplines might be relevant or open to

such an interaction? What might be the theoretical and methodological
implications of such an engagement? These questions present the central
concern of this essay: to identify the significant opportunities that arise
from combining the global historical perspective with micro-analysis. We
would argue that it is possible to overcome the binary division between
global and local by combining micro-analysis with a spatially aware
approach. We propose to use the term ‘micro-spatial history’ to refer to
this combination.
This essay begins by (re)defining ‘global’ and ‘micro’ from the per-
spective of their interaction. It then moves to an exploration of how the
perspective of micro-spatial history relates to periodisation and concep-
tualisations of time. The final section addresses the potential of micro-
spatial history for labour studies in particular. We close by framing this
approach as an alternative perspective on global history.

The ‘Global’ and the ‘Spatial’

The move away from Euro-centrism and nation-based histories, which
defines the field of global and world history as a whole, has produced a
fundamental reorientation of historiography and of the historian’s craft
during recent decades.1 However, as the field expanded and became
institutionalised, new conceptualisations and practices of global history
have been included in the discipline, while the debate on its epistemol-
ogy has lagged behind. Scholars have recently highlighted the conflict-
ing nature of some of the approaches within the field.2 Lynn Hunt, for
example, has contrasted the ‘top-down’ approach of macro-analytical and
economics-driven global history with the ‘bottom-up’ perspective that
defines globalisation as ‘a series of transnational processes in which the
histories of diverse places become connected and interdependent’.3 From
a different angle, Angelika Epple has insisted on the distinction between
global histories that stand in the tradition of universal history and seek
to cover the whole world, and those which are influenced by the spatial
turn and conceive space as ‘socially constructed and not as a geographi-
cal fact’.4 Partly overlapping with these interpretations, we contend here
that the most important divide within the field of global history exists
between the interpretation that conflates the concept of ‘the global’ with
 1 MICRO-SPATIAL HISTORIES OF LABOUR … 3

a macro-analytical perspective, and the view of the global as a spatially

aware mindset and methodology. In other words, there are those who
mean ‘analysis on the macro level’ when they say ‘global’, and those who
mean ‘connections that stretch across cultural boundaries’. We argue
that these are not complementary but mutually exclusive alternatives.
Consequently, after a brief exploration of the limitations of the macro-
analytical version of global history, we provide an epistemological basis
for our alternative vision.
For the purposes of this essay, we define the macro-analytical approach
as the perspective by which the researcher predetermines the catego-
ries, spatial units, and periodisations that shape the topic of research, as
opposed to seeing these as emerging from within specific historical pro-
cesses and as the products of the agency of historical actors. For exam-
ple, the macro-analytical approach might imply fitting the heterogeneous
datasets and practices yielded by the sources into standardised taxono-
mies, prioritising continuities across space, and establishing teleological
connections between events across time. Within the field of global his-
tory, this approach is usually, though not exclusively, combined with a
spatial focus that covers the whole planet. Some global historians build
databases that span the globe, as in the case of the Collaborative for
Historical Information and Analysis (CHIA), which brings together a
broad number of databases organised around predetermined variables
concerning population and migration, commodities, government systems
and actions, climate and health.5 Other global historians seek to reach
across the globe by comparing large spatial units and civilisations—most
typically within Eurasia. In both cases, generalisations are made on the
basis of qualitatively diverse phenomena, brought together through spa-
tial units and conceptual categories constructed by the researchers them-
selves, with scarce attention to contextual differentiations and to the
agents’ own multiple perceptions and representations. For the same rea-
sons, discontinuities and other connections and interpretations are often
underplayed, elided, or omitted.
The focus on comparisons and relationships between macro-regions
has helped to overcome traditional geographical divisions that domi-
nate national historiographies and area studies, and revise (or ‘provin-
cialise’) Europe’s role in history.6 Key works in the field illustrate the
impact of this approach: Janet Abu-Lughod’s study on the formation of
4 C.G. De Vito and A. Gerritsen

a world-system between 1250 and 1350, i.e. ‘before European hegem-

ony’; the new visibility acquired by Central Asia, both in relation to the
decisive formation of the Mongol Empire, and regarding the vast region
away from any polity control that Willem van Schendel and then James
C. Scott namedZomia; Andre Gunder Frank’s study on the historical
centrality of Asia, and especially China; and Kenneth Pomeranz’ ‘great
divergence’ between Chinese and European history.7 However, the
exclusive focus on the big scale also produces fundamental distortions.
To begin with, it accentuates economic and political-institutional issues
at the expense of social and cultural aspects, leaving little room for the
study of historical agency and rendering differentiations around space,
class, ethnicity, and gender barely visible. Moreover, from a spatial per-
spective, this approach tends to create a hierarchy between ‘centre’ and
‘periphery’, relegating ‘the local’ to the ranks of case studies that merely
serve to illustrate the interaction of predefined factors. Therefore, the
macro-historical approach also tends towards an ethnocentric perspec-
tive, albeit one that substitutes Euro-centrism with Eurasia-centrism. The
exclusive focus on the global scope also usually implies the juxtaposition
of contradictory insights from the secondary literature, and a move away
from in-depth study of primary sources.
An alternative approach might take ‘the global’ to mean a spatially
sensitive mindset. This makes the historian aware of the role of spatial
dimensions in the construction of history, the ways in which multiple
connections among places and temporalities construct spatiality, and the
need for methodologies that overcome the local/global divide. We con-
sider that three research strands belong to this approach, which we refer
to collectively as spatial history.8 The first strand includes studies that
have sought to deconstruct the idea of the nation state as a homoge-
neous and ‘natural’ object, either by historicising its formation and ide-
ologies—focusing on cross-border economic and cultural exchanges—or
by exploring the tension between centralising projects of territorial state-
building and sub-national spatial units.9 The second strand, the ‘new
imperial histories’, have focused on the intra- and inter-imperial circula-
tion of individuals, objects, ideas, and imaginaries, and have questioned
the centre/periphery model by showing the limits of imperial govern-
mentality, the impact of colonies on the metropole, and independent
connections among the colonies themselves.10 The third strand includes
studies that have explicitly addressed the connection between ‘the local’
 1 MICRO-SPATIAL HISTORIES OF LABOUR … 5

and ‘the global’, and in some cases have revealed the need to overcome
the very local/global divide.11
Such approaches, in connection with the growing awareness of the
role of spatiality in history referred to as the ‘spatial turn’, characterise
the majority of publications in the field of global history.12 However,
they are largely under-represented in surveys of the discipline, perhaps
because their fragmented nature and lack of strong epistemological foun-
dations make their contributions to broader historiographical issues less
visible.13 Indeed, most of this literature pays scant attention to analytical
issues such as the relationship between individuals and structures, power
inequalities, representativeness/generalisation, the structure of archives,
and the historian’s craft. We argue that micro-history can offer precisely
this epistemological basis, while benefiting from the methodological
insights offered by spatial history.

Micro
Pourquoi faire simple si on peut faire compliqué?14 It seems to us that the
anti-reductionist approach of micro-history, captured above by Jacques
Revel, can provide spatial history with a solid epistemological basis. It is
not our intention to write the complete history of the vast and complex
field of micro-history.15 We draw here mostly on the Italian microstoria,
since this field has foregrounded some issues that are especially relevant for
the establishment of micro-spatial history.16 In particular, microstoria has
highlighted the need to define categories, spatial units, and periodisations
by the perspectives and actions of historical subjects themselves.17 Hence,
Italian micro-historians have on the one hand pointed to the importance
of the intensive study of primary sources and the attention to apparently
meaningless ‘traces’ within them, and on the other hand stressed the exist-
ence of multiple temporalities across various geographical and social con-
figurations, and refused teleological interpretations of history.
Building on these bases, particularly Maurizio Gribaudi has insisted
that differences and changes in social practices are ‘the natural dimension
of historicity’, and that the fabric of history can be described as ‘a con-
figuration of moving points, organised according to specific local forms.’
According to this perspective, each context is unique, and its unique-
ness is constructed at the intersection of infinite and ever-mobile con-
nections, to which, in turn, each context contributes. This view of the
6 C.G. De Vito and A. Gerritsen

past as a series of locally configured connected points calls for overcom-

ing both the global–local and the structure–agency divides. Indeed, as
Carlo Ginzburg has written, ‘any social structure is the result of inter-
action and of numerous individual strategies’18: structures and agency
intersect at all scales, rather than being conflated with, respectively, the
global and the local scales.19 By ‘following the traces’ of distinct groups
of people, objects, and ideas across the spaces and times they relate to,
we can address broad historical questions.
It is this epistemology of difference and connectedness wherein lies
the most important contribution of micro-history to spatial history.
Yet, in turn, spatial history can be beneficial to micro-history, particu-
larly with regard to methodological concerns. Indeed, micro-historians
have traditionally focused on individuals and communities within specific
places or relatively small regions, and have postulated the need to ‘reduce
the scale’ in order to maintain complexity. In so doing, they have fallen
into the same logical problem as their macro-analytical colleagues: just
as some global historians equate macro approach and global scope, they
conflate the micro level of analysis and the local spatial scale.20 However,
it is not the case that a micro-analytical approach can only be applied
to single and/or small spatial units. In fact, neither the intensity of the
archival research per se nor the awareness that ‘all phases through which
research unfolds are constructed and not given’ necessarily imply a focus
on one place or a single archive.21 Rather, they point to the need for a
high level of reflexivity on the part of the researcher, who should have
the latitude to make multiple choices and be aware of each.
Micro-historians’ conflation of the micro and the local reveals a lim-
ited conceptualisation of space, and of the connections between different
contexts. It implies that ‘the local’ is a close and inward-looking unit,
and prioritises the social relations that take place within certain locali-
ties as represented in records held exclusively in locally based archives.
Conversely, a spatial history centred on specific contexts could benefit
from a micro-analytical approach, provided that it is based on a dynamic
conceptualisation of spatiality. As Doreen Massey already noted: ‘the spa-
tial’ is ‘constructed out of the multiplicity of social relations across all
scales’, and ‘the local’ can be understood as an open space, whose speci-
ficity stems from the unfinished process of the construction of interre-
lations across spaces rather than through bounded and self-referential
‘identities’.22 This perspective has three major consequences for our
micro-spatial research.
 1 MICRO-SPATIAL HISTORIES OF LABOUR … 7

First, circulations can be addressed that exist behind the scene of

even apparently static localities, and in relation to individuals who have
not themselves travelled. In fact, from this perspective, each place can
be seen as a contact zone, no matter whether it is Denys Lombard’s
‘Javanese crossroads’,23 Mulich’s ‘inter-imperial microregion’, a world
city like Massey’s present-day London or Kapil Raj’s eighteenth-century
Calcutta,24 or a small village in a remote borderland.25 No individual
ever lives in totally isolated contexts: even if a whole life is spent in a
single place, objects, ideas, and people around him/her come from and/
or deal with other places. Each person is also part of multiple networks
of power extending into space, constantly interacting with all of these.
Moreover, each individual develops his or her own perceptions and rep-
resentations of space, of ‘otherness’ and of the world. Finally, all these
configurations of material and symbolic spatialities inevitably change
across time, and each person does not simply react to these changes, but
also shapes them.
Second, because places are hubs of multiple networks and intersec-
tions of multiple areas of influence by individual and institutional power,
the ways in which places are connected with one another require atten-
tion. To quote the insightful metaphor recently proposed by Kirwin
Shaffer, ‘the lines’ (the circulations) and ‘the dots’ (the contexts) should
be kept together in historical writing.26 The concept of trans-locality,
used in several disciplines, seems especially appropriate for this task for it
draws attention to the fact that connections, before linking large regions
and polities, put specific sites in contact with each other.27 Therefore,
trans-locality highlights the need for an integrated study of short-,
medium-, and long-distance connections within and across political,
administrative, linguistic, and cultural borders; and it enhances the ques-
tioning of the global/local divide through detailed analysis of the entan-
glements among sites, on the nature of connections, and on the reasons
and relevance of disconnections. Migration studies are one of the areas
for which the refreshing potential of trans-locality can best be glimpsed.
Historical studies on the topic still tend to be framed in macro-analyt-
ical and (at most) trans-national perspectives, by the idea of ‘sending’
and ‘receiving’ countries, and the exclusive focus on top-down exclu-
sion/integration dualism.28 Conversely, a trans-local insight demands
analysis of specific places and contexts implicated in migration, includ-
ing consideration of sources and destinations of actual and other places
that prove relevant in the migrant’s extended networks and imaginary.
8 C.G. De Vito and A. Gerritsen

This also directs attention to the power relationships of which each

migrant is part, and with the multiple identities imbricated in the pro-
cess. Finally, because of this deep insight into the spatiality of migrations,
the relevance of traditional distinctions such as ‘internal’ and ‘interna-
tional’ migrations is not taken for granted, but addressed from a con-
text-bound perspective and from the standpoint of the migrants’ own
strategies.
Besides addressing the circulations in apparently static localities and
lives and paying attention to trans-local connections, a third consequence
stems from an open conceptualisation of place. It is possible to envis-
age a more dynamic comparative history, one that addresses distinctive
processes of ‘production of locality’ through the connections and con-
flicts that operate within and beyond each place.29 In this perspective,
the units to be compared are no longer taken for granted, and no prede-
termined ‘factor’ is being compared; rather, the key issues and the ever-
changing configurations are selected according to historical questions
and through the intensive study of primary sources. For instance, regard-
ing what they have termed ‘second slavery’, Dale Tomich and Michael
Zeuske have conceptualised ‘comparative microhistories’.30 They envis-
aged ‘a different method than the comparison of apparently independ-
ent and commensurate (national) units’ and therefore chose an Atlantic
plantation zone as the unit of observation; they sought to examine the
‘formation of relations in particular local time-place settings and theoret-
ically [to reconstruct] the complex and multiform processes that produce
the difference between them’; and explored ‘the conditions, possibilities,
and limits of agency’ at the cross-roads of ‘social relations that are spa-
tially and temporally complex and diverse’.
Comparisons then become possible in and across spatial units spe-
cifically related to the topic under research, or suggested by the histori-
cal sources. They might involve places that have not been in contact
through space, or belonged to different historical periods. Moreover,
as the borders of each place become porous under the action of mul-
tiple exchanges, direct and indirect entanglements between the units
that are being compared are taken into consideration. Some research
strategies are, therefore, particularly relevant. Examples include Sanjay
Subrahmanyam’s ‘connected histories’, because they foreground how
multiple local and regional interactions across different sites in the
world gave rise to historical phenomena;31 Sandra Curtis Comstock’s
‘incorporating comparisons’, so far as they incorporate the awareness
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