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Collection Highlights

Development of Tourism and the Hospitality Industry in

Southeast Asia 1st Edition Purnendu Mandal

The Appropriation of Religion in Southeast Asia and Beyond

1st Edition Michel Picard (Eds.)

Populism in Southeast Asia 1st Edition Paul D. Kenny

The Postcolonial Moment in South and Southeast Asia Gyan

Prakash
Democracy Rights and Rhetoric in Southeast Asia Avery
Poole

The Illegal Wildlife Trade in China: Understanding The

Distribution Networks Rebecca W. Y. Wong

Climate Change in Southeast Asia and Surrounding Areas

Song Yang

Comparative Politics of Southeast Asia An Introduction to

Governments and Political Regimes 1st Edition Aurel
Croissant

Exploiting People for Profit: Trafficking in Human Beings

Simon Massey
 Pierre-Arnaud Chouvy is a geographer and leading specialist in the politics
of illegal drugs in Asia. He is currently Research Fellow with the Centre
National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS-Prodig) in Paris. He has
travelled extensively in southwest and southeast Asia and created and edits
www.geopium.org. He is the author of Opium: Uncovering the Politics of the
Poppy (I.B.Tauris, 2009).

00-AtlasTraffic-Prelims-i-x.indd 1 05/04/2013 12:11

00-AtlasTraffic-Prelims-i-x.indd 2 05/04/2013 12:11
 AN ATLAS OF
TRAFFICKING
IN SOUTHEAST ASIA
The Illegal Trade in Arms, Drugs, People, Counterfeit Goods
and Natural Resources in Mainland Southeast Asia

Edited by
Pierre-Arnaud Chouvy

00-AtlasTraffic-Prelims-i-x.indd 3 05/04/2013 12:11

 The Research Institute on Contempory Southeast Asia (IRASEC, www.irasec.com), based in
Bangkok, Thailand, calls on specialists from all academic fields to study the important social, political,
economic and environmental developments that affect, together or separately, the eleven countries
of the region (Brunei, Burma, Cambodia, Indonesia, Lao, Malaysia, Philippines, Singapore, Thailand,
Timor-Leste and Vietnam).

The Observatory has been in charge since 2008 of analyzing illicit cross-border movements within
mainland Southeast Asia. It supports research projects and publishes both academic and policy oriented
works. It is based within the Research Institute on Contemporary Southeast Asia.

Published in 2013 by I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd

6 Salem Road, London W2 4BU
175 Fifth Avenue, New York NY 10010
www.ibtauris.com
Distributed in the United States and Canada Exclusively by Palgrave Macmillan
175 Fifth Avenue, New York NY 10010
Copyright © 2013, IRASEC – The Observatory
Copyright Editorial Selection © 2013, Pierre-Arnaud Chouvy
Copyright Individual Chapters © 2013, David Capie, Pierre-Arnaud Chouvy, David A. Feingold,
Vanda Felbab-Brown, Bertil Lintner
Maps by Geneviève Decroix (CNRS-Prodig)
The right of Pierre-Arnaud Chouvy to be identified as the editor of this work has been asserted
by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patent Act 1988.
All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review, this book, or any part thereof, may not
be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any
means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior written
permission of the publisher.
International Library of Human Geography: 17
ISBN: 978 1 84885 815 2
A full CIP record for this book is available from the British Library
A full CIP record is available from the Library of Congress
Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: available
Designed and typeset by 4word Ltd, Bristol
Printed and bound in Great Britain by T.J. International, Padstow, Cornwall

00-AtlasTraffic-Prelims-i-x.indd 4 11/04/2013 12:18

 Contents

List of Mapsvii
Note on Contributorsix

1 Introduction: Illegal Trades Across National Borders 1

Pierre-Arnaud Chouvy
2 Drug Trafficking In and Out of the Golden Triangle 29
Pierre-Arnaud Chouvy
3 Trafficking, Trade and Migration: Mapping Human Trafficking
in the Mekong Region 53
David A. Feingold
4 Arms Trafficking in Mainland Southeast Asia 89
David Capie
5 The Jagged Edge: Illegal Logging in Southeast Asia 113
Vanda Felbab-Brown
6 The Illegal Trade in Wildlife in Southeast Asia and Its Links
to East Asian Markets 137
Vanda Felbab-Brown
7 The Trade in Counterfeit Goods and Contraband in Mainland
Southeast Asia 155
Bertil Lintner

Notes175
Index207

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00-AtlasTraffic-Prelims-i-x.indd 6 05/04/2013 12:11
 maps
(appear between pp. 112–3)

1 Political Mainland Southeast Asia (Chapter 1)

2 Physical Mainland Southeast Asia (Chapter 1)
3 Ecological Mainland Southeast Asia (Chapters 1, 5)
4 Roads of Mainland Southeast Asia (Chapter 1)
5 Colonial Mainland Southeast Asia (1831–1914) (Chapter 1)
6 Ethnolinguistic Mainland Southeast Asia (Chapter 1)
7 Major Haw Caravan Routes in the Nineteenth Century (Chapter 1)
8 Corridors and Highways of the Great Mekong Sub-region (Chapters 1, 2)
9 Border Liaison Offices (Chapters 1, 2)
10 Drug Trafficking Routes from Burma into India and China (Chapter 2)
11 Drug Trafficking Routes Across the Thai–Burmese Border (Chapter 2)
12 Drug Trafficking Routes in Southern Thailand, Laos and Cambodia
(Chapters 1, 2)
13 Main Drug Trafficking Routes (Chapters 1, 2)
14 Human Trafficking (Chapter 3)
15 Arms Trafficking (Chapters 1, 4)
16 Reptile Trafficking Routes (Chapter 6)
17 Bird Trafficking Routes (Chapter 6)
18 Pangolin Trafficking Routes (Chapter 6)
19 Big Cat Trafficking Routes (Chapter 6)
20 Elephant Trafficking Routes (Chapter 6)
21 Ivory Trafficking Routes (Chapter 6)
22 Exotic Meat Trafficking Routes (Chapter 6)
23 Wood Trafficking Routes (Chapter 5)
24 Counterfeit and Contraband Trading Routes (Chapter 7)

vii

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 An Atlas of Trafficking in Southeast Asia

25 Drugs Source and Destination Countries (Chapter 2)

26 Arms Source and Destination Countries (Chapter 4)
27 Wildlife Source and Destination Countries (Chapter 5)
28 Wood Source and Destination Countries (Chapter 6)
29 Humans Source and Destination Countries (Chapter 3)
30 Counterfeit and Contraband Source and Destination Countries
(Chapter 7)
31 Overview of Trafficking Routes (Chapters 1–7)
32 Table of Source and Destination Countries

viii

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 Notes on contributors

David Capie is Senior Lecturer in International Relations at the Victoria

University of Wellington, New Zealand. His research interests focus on
conflict and security issues, particularly in the Asia-Pacific region, and New
Zealand’s foreign relations. He has authored or co-authored three books
and numerous articles and book chapters. His research has been supported
by the Rockefeller Foundation, the East-West Center and the Royal Society
of New Zealand’s Marsden Fund. In 2007, he was Visiting Scholar at the
Weatherhead Center for International Affairs at Harvard University.

Pierre-Arnaud Chouvy is a geographer and leading specialist in the politics

of illegal drugs in Asia. He is currently Research Fellow with the Centre
National de la Recherche Scientifique (CNRS-Prodig) in Paris. He has
travelled extensively in southwest and southeast Asia and created and edits
www.geopium.org. He is the author of Opium: Uncovering the Politics of the
Poppy (I.B.Tauris, 2009).

David A. Feingold is a research anthropologist and filmmaker. Trained

in anthropology and Southeast Asian Studies at Dartmouth, Yale and
Columbia, he has conducted extensive field research in Southeast Asia over
four decades, particularly among the Akha and Shan people. He served as
head of the HIV/AIDS and Trafficking Project at UNESCO, Bangkok, from
1997 to 2012. He is currently Director of the Ophidian Research Institute.
His documentaries include the award-winning film, Trading Women.

ix

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 An Atlas of Trafficking in Southeast Asia

Vanda Felbab-Brown is senior fellow at the Brookings Institution. She is an

expert on illicit economies, organized crime, and international and internal
conflicts and their management. She is the author of Afghan Aspirations,
American Ambivalence: Strategies and Realities of Counterinsurgency and State-
building and Shooting Up: Counterinsurgency and the War on Drugs.

Bertil Lintner was a senior writer for the Far Eastern Economic Review for
more than 20 years, covering Burma and related issues. He now writes for
Asia Times Online, the Swedish daily newspaper Svenska Dagbladet and Jane’s
Information Group in the UK. He is a recognized expert on Burmese issues
as well as ethnic minorities, insurgencies and narcotics in Southeast and
South Asia.

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 1
Introduction: Illegal Trades
Across National Borders

Pierre-Arnaud Chouvy

Mainland Southeast Asia – or Indochina as it has long been known owing

to its position between India and China (see map 1) – has been marked by
decades of trafficking in illegal goods. Illegal trades in mainland Southeast
Asia are numerous, highly diverse and increasingly complex. Of course,
two of the most prominent illegal trades defining the area are human
trafficking and drug trafficking. Human trafficking feeds an extensive regional
prostitution market, with Thailand being infamous the world over for that
reason; and in terms of drug trafficking, opium and heroin are produced
in bulk within the similarly ill-famed Golden Triangle. Complexity arises
from the fact that human trafficking and drug trafficking can be said to be
linked in some places and, to some extent, from whether drug consumption
by prostitutes – and by many of their clients – is concerned or whether
economic havoc created by excessively brutal and rapid eradication of illegal
crops pushes women into prostitution. However, as we will see, complexity
is likewise increased by the fact that many other illegal trades feed off these
two major trafficking activities and their sometimes congruous networks.
Some of these trades may, at some point, contribute to one another;
they may also proceed, to some extent, from propitious specific regional
dynamics (trafficking in drugs and arms in the context of armed conflicts,
for example). It is this great diversity and complexity of illegal trading

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 An Atlas of Trafficking in Southeast Asia

across mainland Southeast Asia that this book addresses, focusing on five of
its most pervasive phenomenon: drug trafficking, human trafficking, arms
trafficking, wildlife and timber trafficking, and the trade in counterfeit goods
and contraband.
As might be expected, the peninsular mass of mainland Southeast Asia is
not only one of Asia’s historical major crossroads (hence ‘Indochina’ and the
French Indochine). It is also famous worldwide as the site of the so-called
Golden Triangle, one of the two main areas of illegal opium production
in Asia and one of the largest in the world. But, insofar as illegal activities
are concerned, contemporary mainland Southeast Asia is known not only
as a locus of illegal drug production but also as a drug trafficking hub
and a significant drug consumer market. Heroin and methamphetamine
are produced mainly in Burma (also known as Myanmar since 1988) and
trafficked heavily throughout the region. Heroin and methamphetamine may
be consumed regionally (both in mainland and in insular Southeast Asia),
or may be exported to China (via the province of Yunnan), to India (via its
northeastern states) or overseas, mostly to Japan, Australia, and North and
South America (see map 13).
However, many other trafficking or smuggling activities have long
occurred in and throughout mainland Southeast Asia while others are now
in the process of being developed. One of them, constantly increasing both
regionally and worldwide, is human trafficking. This activity shares many
features with drug trafficking and, although statistics are unreliable and
trustworthy studies remain scant, it is frequently mentioned as becoming the
world’s largest illegal economy. Again, though, the assertion is unverifiable
since no one can reasonably provide a precise estimate of the global value
of drug trafficking alone.1 In any case, Southeast Asia also experiences many
other major smuggling and trafficking activities, from the international
trade in small arms and in nuclear and other radioactive materials, to the
international trade in illegally logged timber, forest products and wildlife.
It is worth noting that some of these traffics can be distinguished from
many others insofar as they constitute instances of environmental harm and
predatory activities or both.
However, while seizures conducted throughout the region attest to the
existence of various and numerous smuggling and trafficking activities,

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 Introduction: Illegal Trades Across National Borders

the scope, diversity, nature and mechanisms of the overall phenomenon

are far from being satisfactorily studied and understood. In fact, the very
complexity of the phenomenon goes beyond its diversity and fast-evolving
trends as the extent of the illegal trades undoubtedly exceeds what is known
and understood from open or even restricted sources. This condition is
due largely to the relative failure of concerned authorities and bodies, both
at the national and international level, to monitor illegal movements across
national borders. Yet it is also the result of a general deficit in academic
research on these issues and of the segmentation of most of the research
that has been undertaken. The various studies of illegal trades do not
provide a regional and systemic understanding of the variety of smuggling
and trafficking activities. Even less is known of the synergies that are likely
to exist between drug trafficking, human smuggling and trafficking, arms
trafficking, wood smuggling, etc. As Itty Abraham and Willem van Schendel
explain, there is a:

problem of compartmentalization, as specialists in small arms and drugs

rarely communicate, and scholars of smuggling, trafficking, and money
laundering have no common forum to share their insights, all preventing
a comprehensive landscape of the scale of illegal activities from being
visualized.2

Still, smuggling and trafficking activities have been drawing increased

attention during the past decade or so, as globalisation further opened and
deregulated national and regional markets. Trafficking is increasingly being
presented as a growing threat in the media as well as in governmental
and non-governmental reports. This is not only because, as Itty Abraham
and Willem van Schendel put it, ‘individuals and social groups that
systematically contest or bypass state controls [...] flout the letter of the
law’ and sometimes jeopardise public health (illegal drugs, counterfeit
pharmaceuticals), the environment (illegal logging and poaching), social
fabrics (human smuggling and trafficking) or even peace (arms trafficking).
In fact, states see trafficking activities as a major threat also because
smugglers and traffickers ‘bring into question the legitimacy of the state
itself by questioning the state’s ability to control its own territory’.3 Whether

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 An Atlas of Trafficking in Southeast Asia

smuggling and trafficking activities are clearly on the rise or whether greater
attention has been paid by national and international authorities, the
phenomenon nowadays is more and more presented as a major multifold
and worldwide threat.
But, while globalisation has undoubtedly and increasingly transformed
the phenomenon during recent decades, the historical and geographical
approach of notions such as borders, frontiers and routes shows us that the
phenomenon is far from being entirely new. History shows that the rise of
the nation-state and its multiple regulations have directly affected various
types and ways of trading by rendering them illegal. Thus, to shed some
light on what is, by essence, a complex and shadowy world made of illegal
and therefore absconded activities, one must first understand how ‘the
4
politics of access and of its denial’ have been deeply affected by the modern
modification of frontiers, borders, routes and regulations. But, firstly, the
widely used notions of smuggling and trafficking need to be distinguished
from each other and explained, in order to show that although both
activities amount to illegal trading, smuggling is not trafficking.

Smuggling or Trafficking?
One major distinction must be made between the different activities that
amount to illegal trading. Illegal trades can be distinguished according to the
nature of the goods that are exchanged as well as to the nature of the trade
itself. Therefore, distinguishing between smuggling and trafficking enables
us to dissociate two major types of illegal trading and to overcome the
confusion of two terms that are frequently used interchangeably and without
distinction. To that effect, one can build on the work of David Bevan
et al.,5 who separate what they call ‘black goods’ (goods that are illegal)
and ‘black parallel markets’ (where legal goods are being traded illegally).
Another interesting and useful distinction has been made by Abraham and
van Schendel, who ‘build up a distinction between what states consider to
be legitimate (‘legal’) and what people involved in transnational networks
consider to be legitimate (licit)’. As the authors explain, this distinction is
most useful in the context of an ‘approach to issues of legality and illegality
which does not take the state as its point of departure’.6 Yet raising issues of

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 Introduction: Illegal Trades Across National Borders

legitimacy in this book would have made things even more complicated than
they already were (rights of individuals to consume drugs, own guns, poach,
log, mine, illegally and willingly across international borders, etc.) and it was
thought here that focusing on what made some cross-border activities illegal
according to national laws was a better choice. This does not mean that the
perceptions of borders and borderlanders have been dismissed altogether.
Hereafter, ‘smuggling’ will describe the importation and/or exportation
of legal goods contrary to the law of at least one country, especially when
duties are not paid or when part of a regulation is not observed. ‘Trafficking’
will describe a trade in goods that are illegal per se – that is, a trade
therefore illegal by definition. Thus trading in heroin differs greatly from
trading in cigarettes, since heroin is an illegal product and cigarettes are
produced and sold legally. Nevertheless, cigarette smuggling is rampant in
the world – for instance, in the European Union – owing to great variation
in duties and ages of legal consumption from country to country. Therefore,
duties, regulations and prohibition partly determine the extent to which
goods are smuggled or trafficked, whether locally, regionally or globally.7 Of
course, goods that are considered ‘licit’ by people involved in transnational
networks are more likely to be smuggled and/or trafficked than goods
deemed ‘illicit’, whether they are legal or not.
Usually, the difference between smuggling and trafficking is made
only concerning the trade in human beings. According to the United
Nations Office on Drugs and Crime (UNODC), human smuggling and
human trafficking are similar in some respects, but bear several important
differences. The United Nations Protocol Against the Smuggling of
Migrants by Land, Sea and Air, Supplementing the United Nations
Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime, defines the ‘smuggling
of migrants’ as:

the procurement, in order to obtain, directly or indirectly, a financial or

other material benefit, of the illegal entry of a person into a State Party of
which the person is not a national or permanent resident.

The United Nations Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and Punish Trafficking in

Persons defines ‘trafficking in persons’ as:

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 An Atlas of Trafficking in Southeast Asia

the recruitment, transportation, transfer, harbouring or receipt of persons,

by means of the threat or use of force or other forms of coercion, of
abduction, of fraud, of deception, of the abuse of power or of a position of
vulnerability or of the giving or receiving of payments or benefits to achieve
the consent of a person having control over another person, for the purpose
of exploitation. Exploitation shall include, at a minimum, the exploitation
of the prostitution of others or other forms of sexual exploitation, forced
labour or services, slavery or practices similar to slavery, servitude or the
removal of organs.

Thus, trafficked victims, according to the UNODC, ‘have either never

consented or, if they initially consented, that consent has been rendered
meaningless by the coercive, deceptive or abusive actions of the traffickers’.
Another major difference, according to the UNODC, is that ‘smuggling
ends with the arrival of the migrants at their destination, whereas trafficking
involves the ongoing exploitation of the victims in some manner to generate
illicit profits for the traffickers’.
Thus, according to the United Nations, what distinguishes human
smuggling from human trafficking – which are both illegal practices and
designate illegal movements of persons – is coercion (or, alternatively,
absence of consent). While both smuggled and trafficked people are illegal
immigrants, only the first are compliant and complicit, unless, of course,
initial consent is nullified by deception and/or coercion.8 The extreme
complexity of human smuggling and trafficking is notably determined by
the fact that activities fed by illegal migration – as diverse as prostitution,
mining or even begging – can be either coerced or consented activities:
prostitution can be voluntary, while forced labour can be used in mines.
Children, who are increasingly being trafficked, can be abducted to
become beggars in a foreign country. Moreover, as is the case in Southeast
Asia, countries are frequently source, transit and destination areas for
trafficked persons, depending on the segmentation of national and regional
markets.9
Other migrants (emigrants or immigrants) can also be said to be illegal
or to have been illegally moved from one place to another – for example,
refugees (as immigrants) and adopted children (both as emigrants and

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 Introduction: Illegal Trades Across National Borders

immigrants). Refugees often cross international borders without proper

paperwork, but while this kind of illegal immigration is forced, it surely must
not be viewed as being criminal, for a refugee, while not always benefiting
from having refugee status, is frequently exposed to physical violence and
economic exploitation. This is a global phenomenon, despite the United
Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) using the 1951 Geneva
Refugee Convention as its major tool to ensure the basic human rights of
vulnerable persons, particularly toward guaranteeing that refugees will not be
returned involuntarily to a country where they face persecution.
It is worth noting that children, being especially vulnerable, are among
the first victims of human trafficking. For instance, Xin Ren alleges that
‘trafficking in children for sale, sexual exploitation, child pornography,
and slavery labour has become one of the fastest growing global crime
enterprises stretching from the African continent to Europe and from Asia-
Pacific to North and South America’. Children are being ‘sold, abducted,
kidnapped, or lured away from their families, bought, exploited, abused
or even murdered for profits and illicit services’.10 Of course, trafficking in
children can occur in various contexts, with many different push and pull
factors. For example, illegal adoption is an international phenomenon in
which local and global push and pull factors can be closely intertwined.
Whether for domestic or international markets, ‘trafficking in children
in China is largely for domestic illegal adoption that is driven by a deeply
rooted traditional belief that only male heirs can carry on the family name
and sonless marriage is a moral shame that disgraces one’s ancestors’.11 But
since legal adoption may prove extremely difficult in Western countries,
because of strict laws aimed at child protection, and because regulation acts
as a strong incentive for traffickers, worldwide illegal child adoption has
become a highly lucrative market.
Furthermore, children, as well as men and women, can be abducted,
trafficked and killed for forced organ removal for transplant purposes,
as high prices paid for kidneys (as just one example) drive an extremely
profitable global market. However, because sex workers are in such great
demand worldwide, it appears that 50 per cent of trafficked persons in the
world are children, and that 70 per cent are female.12 As stated by Vitit
Muntarbhorn, the former UN Special Rapporteur on the Sale of Children,

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 An Atlas of Trafficking in Southeast Asia

Child Prostitution and Child Pornography: ‘the world community is

faced with a rampant and perverse sex market which wreaks havoc on a
multitude of children’.13 Indeed, ECPAT,14 an international non-governmental
organisation working to ‘End Child Prostitution, Child Pornography and
Trafficking in Children for sexual purposes’, reports that there are more
than 1 million child prostitutes involved in sex tourism in Asia, of which
300,000 are in Thailand, 100,000 in the Philippines and Taiwan, and 40,000
in Vietnam.15
In May 2005, in a report that has been termed ‘the most comprehensive
analysis ever undertaken by an intergovernmental organization of the facts
and underlying causes of contemporary forced labour’, the International
Labour Organisation (ILO) revealed that ‘at least 12.3 million people
were trapped in forced labour around the world’ and that ‘children aged
less than 18 years bear a heavy burden, comprising 40 to 50 per cent of
all forced labour victims’. If we refer to the aforementioned definition
provided by the United Nations Protocol to Prevent, Suppress and
Punish Trafficking in Persons, exploitation through forced labour is a
fundamental dimension of human trafficking. This is something that the
ILO report also points to when confirming something that had often
been hinted at by less comprehensive studies: that forced labour, human
trafficking and the sex industry were closely linked. In fact, according
to ILO, at least one-fifth of the world’s 12 million bonded labourers
are victims of illegal human trafficking – mainly for the sex industry.
For instance, the report details: ‘Forced economic exploitation in such
sectors as agriculture, construction, brick-making and informal sweatshop
manufacturing is more or less evenly divided between the sexes.’ However,
‘forced commercial sexual exploitation entraps almost entirely women
and girls’.16
Smuggling and trafficking, then, are different, no matter what trade
(human beings or commercial goods) is concerned. As we will see, the
very dimensions and impact of smuggling and trafficking also differ, mainly
depending on the consequences of the illegal trade on source, transit and
destination countries. However, to understand smuggling and trafficking
activities better, one first needs to learn about borders, routes and their
respective logics. Indeed, smuggling and trafficking consist of illegal border

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 Introduction: Illegal Trades Across National Borders

crossings made via various routes or lines of travel; namely trails, paths,
roads and the like.

Of Routes, Frontiers and Borders: The Politics of Access

A border, through its definition and its delimitation processes, modifies the
very nature of any traditional trading that preceded its imposition. In fact,
for many merchants, activities suddenly termed smuggling or trafficking
are nothing else than traditional trading turned illegal or traditional goods
turned illegal; for instance, ‘what is now called smuggling was normal among
the Pashtun nomads of eastern Afghanistan for many generations’.17 Indeed,
according to a Pakistani Afridi from the Northwest Frontier Province
(NWFP) of Pakistan: ‘You might call what we do smuggling. But to us, it’s
18
just trade.’ Between Afghanistan and Pakistan, as well as between Burma
and Thailand, imposed boundaries cut through frontier zones and tribal
land, changing frontiers into borders and creating de facto jurisdictions – in
effect, bounded legal territories. But boundaries also affect the very nature
or existence of routes. For example, ‘a road through tribal territory is much
more than an avenue of mobility. Here the laws of the state intersect with
19
the laws of the tribe’. As David Ludden explains: ‘Modernity consigned
human mobility to the dusty corners of archives that document the
hegemonic space of national territorialism. As a result, we imagine that
mobility is border crossing, as though borders came first and mobility
20
second.’
As stressed in the work of Mahnaz Ispahani, a route is ‘both a
geographical and a political idea, both an end and a means’. Her study of
‘the politics of access in the borderlands of Asia’ draws on the work of the
French geographer Jean Gottmann, who stated that ‘one of the major aims
of politics is to regulate the conditions of access’. Opposing the route is what
Mahnaz Ispahani calls the antiroute: ‘any natural or artifical constraint on
access’, ranging from mountains and deserts to ‘legal boundaries and tariffs
that raise the cost of crossing them’. Antiroutes, as she rightly observes,
‘may serve the same human purposes as routes’ – that is, to regulate the
conditions of access. Indeed, ‘what routes move, and what antiroutes prevent
from moving, are people and goods within and across frontiers’.21 And routes

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 An Atlas of Trafficking in Southeast Asia

are consubstantial to borders since ‘without land routes, borders cannot be

defined and secured’. Ispahani continues:

Whereas states cannot come into existence without the ability to deny
access, they cannot be physically consolidated and politically sustained
without the ability to expand access – without the extension of the
authority and the legitimacy of the center to the peripheries.22

As Lord Curzon, Governor General and Viceroy of India (1899–1905),

remarked: ‘the earliest frontiers “erected a barrier or created a gap”, that
23
is, restricted movement and access’. What was true in the borderlands
of Southwest Asia, and for its borderlanders, can also be observed in the
frontier area that stretched between Burma and Siam (now Thailand) in
the nineteenth century. When the British raised the question of the western
frontier of Siam, in the early nineteenth century, no document or treaty
identifying and delimitating the boundary could be provided by the local
chiefs, as Thongchai Winichakul explains: ‘as these were friendly neighbors
who shared understanding and trust, one local chief replied, the boundary
24
did not forbid people to trespass or to earn their living in the area’. The
borders were even said to be ‘golden, silver paths, free for traders’ and ‘the
25
tribal people wandering in the mountain forests were subjects of no power’.
Borders were then far from being boundaries: they were frontiers. Lord
Curzon depicted this ‘widely diffused type of ancient Frontier’ that was that
of ‘the intermediary or Neutral Zone’: ‘This may be described as a Frontier
of separation in place of contact, a line whose distinguishing feature is that it
26
possesses breadth as well as length.’
Boundaries were superimposed on transfrontier routes then, since
Southeast Asian frontiers have long been areas linking policies rather than
separating them.27 Colonialism and (later) nationalism required having
boundary lines clearly demarcated: ‘The major principle behind the Asian
frontier system was recognition of the desirability of avoiding direct
contact between the administered territories of the various colonial empires
concerned’28 (see map 5). In Asia, where the power over individuals was
traditionally separated from the power over land, since a subject was bound
first and foremost to their lord rather than to a state, modern boundaries

10

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 Introduction: Illegal Trades Across National Borders

have ‘violently and arbitrarily’ divided ‘ethnic peoples into different

nationals’.29 Hence the ‘external’, or alien, may not really be external, ‘while
the “internal” can be made alien or external’ as various tribal or refugee
people can still experience in Thailand, where many tribal people have spent
decades waiting for Thai citizenship and thus have never ‘belonged’ to any
state or nation.30
As far as the symbiotic relationship between routes and borders is
concerned, Abraham and Van Schendel explain how:

the act of enforcing a selected flow of people and objects across a border,
from border patrols to customs, immediately allows for the possibility of
rents to be charged for circumventing these rules and by the same token
provides opportunities for smuggling of people and objects across these
borders.

Of course:

The weight of enforcement is directly related to the prices that can be

charged for getting around it – the risk, uncertainty and demand for these
flows ‘across the border’ all go into making the border a site for illicitness,
from an economic point of view.

But, it is also important to understand that ‘making borders also makes illicit
31
the life activities of border communities’. Andrew Walker also stresses the
fact that ‘ “open” borders, characterised by flow and passage, usually provide
32
more opportunities for regulation than “closed” borders’.
Not surprisingly, all kinds of smuggling and trafficking flourish in these
old frontier areas that often became buffer zones, as had been and still is
the case between Burma and Thailand. If the border not only affords some
protection to the refugees (from political oppression, economic distress
or even law enforcement) who cross it, it can also help enrich those who
do not travel ‘empty-handed’. Thus, a route and an antiroute can engender
one another: a closed border can engender a route to transgress it and
the rules and restrictions it implies; the presence of a route can call for an
artificial antiroute (a checkpoint, for example) to monitor or restrict access.

11

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 An Atlas of Trafficking in Southeast Asia

Hence the ever-growing diversity of smuggling and trafficking routes and

techniques that arise as a consequence of growing markets and increased
controls.

From Ancient to Modern Routes

That both legal and illegal goods can be traded on the same routes or
even together in the same cargo is made easier by the marked increase in
movements of goods by land, sea and even air, especially during recent
decades. Hiding illegal goods among legal cargo is becoming easier as the
global economy unites national and regional markets and as traded goods
become more numerous. But modernity draws heavily on history and so-
called new routes are often only old routes that have been rediscovered or
revived.33
In mainland Southeast Asia, as Mya Maung stresses, history teaches us
that most of the trading routes between Burma and Thailand are old historic
roads, some of them being ‘the ancient trails used by the Burmese kings
34
when they invaded Thailand’. Mya Maung describes precisely the routes
and trading points that allowed black markets to flourish along the Sino–
Thai–Indo–Burmese borders: he accounts for ‘ten different major black
market routes between Burma and its three neighbours of China, Thailand,
35
and India’.
The most active illegal border trade between Burma and Thailand
occurred and still occurs at three points: Mae Sai, Mae Sot and Ranong.
Goods traded illegally across the Thai–Burmese border were and are
still extremely diverse: according to Mya Maung, it was reported that in
the 1970s, Thailand’s major exports through the border outposts were
‘pharmaceutical products, aluminium, wadding rope-coated fabric, boiler
machinery, synthetic rubber, and man-made fibre’, while in the 1980s, the
dominant exports of Thailand were ‘edible preparations, organic chemicals,
iron and steel, manufacturing articles and wadding rope’. The dominant
imports of Thailand from Burma have been wood and wood articles,
especially teak, and gems.36
As for the trade between China and Burma, it developed considerably
in the 1990s along the famed Burma Road, across Burma’s Shan State

12

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 Introduction: Illegal Trades Across National Borders

toward China’s Yunnan Province. Once again, of course, this road and the
majority of the Shan trading posts ‘were not really new, their existence
dating back to the days of the Burmese kings’. In the thirteenth century,
‘Chinese trading caravans and the invading army of Kublai Khan from China
travelled that route’.37 As with Thailand, goods illegally traded between
Burma and China are manufactured in one direction and natural products
in the other. Another major trading route between Burma and China lies
in Kachin State and was, until the Kachin Independence Army lost control
over the jade mines, ‘the main route for smuggling famous Burmese jade
38
and gems’.
These old trading routes of mainland Southeast Asia, some of them
also linking China to India, have been plied by merchants even when
international boundaries were officially closed. Because clandestine border
crossings are illegal, the increased risk of such actions raises the value of
both the people and goods that accomplish it: having to deal with closed
borders, and as some rarefied goods became more expensive and interesting
to trade, merchants turned into smugglers and/or traffickers. Indeed, as
many have acknowledged, ‘making borders engenders illicitness, or in Janet
39
Roitman’s words, transgression is productive’.
The evolution of drug trafficking in the Golden Triangle has forged new
transport routes in the region and has brought abandoned routes back
into service, such as those previously used by communist guerrillas. Other
pathways were never abandoned. Traditional caravaners such as the Haw of
Thailand and the Hui (Panthay) of Burma are very active in the regional
illicit drug trade, and still use routes today that their forebears used at the
40
end of the nineteenth century (see map 7).
It should be noted here that smuggling and trafficking are old activities
that are consubstantial to trading and date back to the earliest regulatory
practices meant to restrict and tax commerce. Smuggling actually developed
considerably in the context of the British and French colonial tariff regimes.
In his extremely valuable study of regulation, trade and traders in the
borderlands of Laos, Thailand and Burma, Andrew Walker quotes Sidney
Legendre, a visitor to Luang Phrabang in the early twentieth century (1936):
‘The French had placed such a high duty on all goods entering Indo-China
that smuggling has become one of the most essential and profitable if not

13

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 An Atlas of Trafficking in Southeast Asia

the most honourable of the native trades.’ Counterfeiting also dates back a
long time, for Legendre explains that Chinese smugglers ‘have commenced
the importation from China of cheap copies of English, French and
American goods’, and that he himself bought a Waterman fountain pen and
a pair of ‘Keds’ tennis shoes that he found to be ‘the rankest imitations’.41
Opium smuggling also preceded opium trafficking in the context of the
British and French colonial monopolies (see map 5), but also of the Siamese
monopoly; independent trading was prohibited and opium smuggling
became a very profitable enterprise, especially for Yunnanese and Shan
caravaners. The British (who sold only Indian opium in their colonial
possessions) and the Siamese faced smuggling of Chinese opium into Burma
and Siam, while the French faced the same problem in Laos, where they
42
were processing and selling Shan opium from Kengtung in Burma.

Diversity and Complexity of Smuggling and

Trafficking Activities
As we have seen, smuggling and trafficking differ according to the (il)
legality of the traded goods. Since the trading activity is basically the
same – sending goods illegally across a border – networks and techniques
can alternatively or concurrently be used. A great diversity of goods can
be legally traded, smuggled and trafficked along one specific route, either
separately or concurrently. Trafficking of various illegal goods almost
invariably occurs along a single route, in the same cargo or not. This, of
course, is not a new phenomenon; for example, drugs-for-arms deals have
long been in existence across the world. Obviously, successful smuggling
and trafficking routes are very much prone to multiple traffics: in mainland
Southeast Asia, as this book shows, most smuggling and trafficking activities
appear to occur on the same routes. Overall, the same routes are used for
the trafficking in small arms, the trade in illegally logged timber, forest
products and wildlife, for people smuggling, drug trafficking, the trade
in counterfeit goods and for contraband. The coexistence, both in time
and space, of various smuggling and trafficking activities, concurrent or
congruent, is frequent since illegal trading, as an activity, is not always
segmented according to the goods that are illegally traded.

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 Introduction: Illegal Trades Across National Borders

But while a certain degree of coexistence of trafficking activities is

evident, some of the activities, such as trafficking in nuclear or radiological
materials, are at most only suspected. Activities such as drug trafficking are
much better known. Indeed:

although there is little evidence of involvement of organized criminal groups

in nuclear trafficking worldwide, the success with which criminals have
smuggled other contraband in South and Southeast Asia – such as narcotic
drugs and conventional arms – suggests that nuclear trafficking might be
carried out with relative ease, along some of the same routes, by the same
43
criminals, with little hindrance by authorities or permeable border controls.

In fact, according to Lyudmila Zaitseva and Kevin Hand:

because of the ease with which organized crime can avoid detection of
their illicit activities... [n]etworks trafficking in drugs, weapons, and other
illicit commodities are well suited for nuclear smuggling. Their experience
in avoiding detection, knowledge of safe routes, protection by corrupt
authorities, and established infrastructures can be utilized for trafficking in
44
nuclear and other radioactive material.

Another well-known fact is that arms can be exchanged for illegal drugs by
using the same networks and corridors (especially when rebel armies are
involved in production and/or trafficking of drugs), as has been the case in
Afghanistan, in Burma and in northeast India. Human beings – for instance,
Chinese women – are also smuggled and trafficked into Southeast Asia
on the same routes used for drug trafficking to feed, for example, a well-
established regional prostitution market (chiefly, Chinese women go south
while Burmese heroin goes north). Logically, if drugs can be more or less
safely trafficked across certain borders and territories, then other items can
also follow the same trails, either hidden into large legal cargo and transited
across legal entry points, or more or less discretely smuggled and trafficked
over long and porous borders, through mountain passes, across rivers or
even by unauthorised or unchecked helicopter flights (antiques from Burma
being one example). In mainland Southeast Asia, smuggling and trafficking

15

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 An Atlas of Trafficking in Southeast Asia

is made easier not only by the area’s often mountainous and heavily forested
relief but also by its large number of extremely diverse ethnic groups, many
of them tribal and semi-nomadic, who straddle international borders (see
maps 2, 3 and 6).
The number and diversity of drug trafficking routes enable other types
of smuggling and/or trafficking activities, sometimes by notorious drug
traffickers themselves. For example, trafficking in counterfeit goods has
recently increased across the Thailand–Burma border. Based near Thailand’s
northern border with Burma, some key drug traffickers such as Wei Hsueh
Kang have diversified their activities into producing and trafficking pirated
pornographic Video Compact Discs (VCDs). This proves interesting since
it brings another category of traffickers to the fore: those taking advantage
of legal touristic migrations between Tachileck, in Burma, to Mae Sai,
in Thailand. The result is an upsurge of trafficking in pirated VCDs.
Considering that pirated copies of Hollywood, Thai, Chinese and Taiwanese
films can be found everywhere in Tachileck and that ‘about 1000 tourists
cross the border from Thailand to Tachileck every day, rising to 6000 a day
during a holiday’, Thai authorities estimate that about 80 per cent of these
tourists buy pirated VCDs in Burma and bring them back to Thailand.45
Also widely available at Tachileck markets are Chinese-made sex stimulants
that are not approved by Thailand’s Food and Drug Administration and that
end up being seized by customs officials from returning tourists. As far as
counterfeited goods are concerned, a new trend is emerging in Southeast
Asia, where drug-resistant malaria is widespread and is ‘fuelling a roaring
trade in counterfeit drugs, including the new and effective Artemisinin-based
Combination Therapy (ACT) drugs’: ‘Even the Artemisinin compounds –
touted as the solution to drug resistance – are being faked in Southeast Asia.
The counterfeiters follow where people are buying these drugs, counterfeit
the drug and put it in the market.’46 This is a clear and recent example of
how drug-trafficking routes can be used for other trafficking activities. In
this case, a famous drug trafficker diversifies its production and trafficking
activities thanks to the networks and routes they control. But such routes
are being widely used by other smugglers and traffickers, either for the same
trades or for different ones.

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 Introduction: Illegal Trades Across National Borders

The Scope of Illegal Trades in Mainland Southeast Asia

Various examples of smuggling and trafficking activities show that these drug
trafficking routes are conducive to multiple trafficking. Mainland Southeast
Asia has experienced decades of wars and conflicts: from the Indochina
wars, including the Vietnam War, to the internal conflicts in Burma and
Cambodia. The armed violence and numerous human rights violations of
the Rangoon junta and its army in Shan State, for example, have increased
an already constant inflow of Burmese refugees into Thailand. During the
past four decades, Thailand has become a major country of asylum, receiving
some 1.3 million refugees.47
Yet armed conflicts have not only thrown waves of refugees on the roads
and across international borders, they have also spurred an international
and regional trade in small arms that is still very active and regionally
integrated. In the 1990s, Cambodia emerged as a regional market for small
arms: ‘Myanmar rebel groups, secessionists from Sri Lanka and supporters
of Acehnese independence movements in Indonesia were among those
groups that were buying weapons from Cambodia’s well-established black
48
market.’
Arms shipments from Cambodia could reach all the way to India, as was
allegedly the case in the late 1990s when arms consignments comprising ‘AK
series rifles, mortars, landmines, Sten guns and high-powered explosives’,
meant for various insurgent groups in northeastern India, were said to be
coming from Bangladesh, where illegal drugs from Burma and arms from
Cambodia crossed their paths:

The drug shipments head towards Jaffna and from there to various
destinations in West Asia for entry into the European and US markets.
According to intelligence sources, Ranong Island off the coast of Thailand
is the staging point for arms shipments that originate from Cambodia and
take the sea route through the Andaman Sea to the major receiving point at
Cox’s Bazar, Bangladesh’s southernmost tip.

While this route has been used by arms dealers and their end-users for a
number of years, the alleged ‘drug trafficking by the LTTE has added a new

17

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 An Atlas of Trafficking in Southeast Asia

dimension’.49 This maritime route has also clearly been used for trafficking
drugs, as the January 2001 seizure of heroin and methamphetamine off
Surin Island (Thailand) has shown: via the Irrawaddy River, Burmese
heroin reached the Andaman Sea where fishing boats took it to Ko Surin
and unloaded it south of Ranong (see maps 12 and 15). Ranong is thus not
only one of the main trading points for the Burmese black market, but also
a drug-trafficking node and a well-known passage for human smuggling, as
testified by its rampant prostitution.
But India’s eastern borders with Bangladesh and Burma have also
‘witnessed smuggling incidents – some of which involved nuclear material of
indigenous South and Southeast Asian origin – which since the late 1990s
have led authorities to suspect the operation of organized nuclear smuggling
50
rings in the India-Bangladesh border area’. Indeed:

cesium-137, a radioactive material that could fuel a potent Radiological

Dispersal Device, was smuggled into Bangkok, Thailand, in 2003. The
material was reported to have entered Thailand across the Laotian border
and was said to have been of Russian origin. In 2001, equipment stolen from
a public works facility in Bangkok contained radioactive material, including
cesium-137. In addition, [...] in 1993, police in Hanoi, Vietnam, arrested a
Vietnamese man for smuggling 10 kg of uranium from his former workplace
51
in the former Soviet Union.

Southeast Asian borders are also known for other thriving smuggling and
trafficking activities. Burmese teak (Tectona grandis), for example, has long
been increasingly logged and exported to Thailand, some of it smuggled,
since in 1989, Thailand forbade its own teak from being cut. Farther north,
on the China–Burma border, it is the Wa hills that are being deforested,
for the economic benefit of China and in the context of a hastened opium
suppression programme.52 Much has been said on Burma’s balance of
payments and the fact that it shows hundreds of millions of dollars in
unexplained foreign financial inflows. The most widely accepted explanation
was that heroin exports were the largest contributor to the country’s
economy. However, illegal timber exports are likely to have contributed tens
of millions of dollars to these financial inflows:

18

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 Introduction: Illegal Trades Across National Borders

As well as deliberately concealed exports, another explanation for the

export-import discrepancies … is that substantial timber exports are
taking place from territories outside the control of the Forest Department.
Both explanations are probably valid. Burma’s biggest customers (China,
India, and Thailand) are not only its neighbours, thus facilitating unofficial
cross-border trade, but also report the greatest differences between their
imports and Burma’s declared exports. Thailand reported more than four
times Burma’s declared exports in 1994 and double the declared exports in
1995; India did not provide any statistics for 1994, but in 1995 its declared
imports were 30 times greater than Burma’s declared exports. Burma
reported no exports to China in 1995, though China declared imports of
3 53
more than 500,000 m .

According to the Chiang Mai-based Lahu National Development

Organisation: ‘There is hardly any teak forest remaining [in Eastern Shan
state, Burma], but other kinds of hardwood, pinewood and fragrant
sandalwood are still in great demand.’ The LNDO also reports that ‘[m]ost
of the ceasefire groups and militia are involved in logging in their areas,
some in conjunction with wealthy businessmen from the cities’ and that:

[t]he UWSA’s Hong Pang company is currently the main organisation

in eastern Shan State carrying out logging. They have their own logging
equipment, and also sub-contract other local or foreign (Thai or Chinese)
54
loggers with equipment to carry out the logging.

More of Burma’s natural resources are being plundered in the country’s

peripheries as numerous non-timber forest products are also being removed
from Burma’s luxurious forests. The LNDO also mentions that:

There is a huge demand from China for wildlife and forest products, mainly
for medicinal purposes. These include tortoises, bears’ gall bladders, snakes,
otter skins, pangolin scales and wild orchids. Despite the fact that many
of these species are endangered and trade in them is prohibited in Burma,
there exists a thriving black market network to locate and export the
various items. The main dealers are Chinese businesspeople living in towns

19

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