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Electoral Politics in Punjab

This book examines electoral politics in the state of Punjab, India as it has
evolved since the colonial period. It underlines the emergence of the state as
a singular unit for electoral analysis in the last three decades.
This book:

• Charts the common trends and developments that have dominated

politics in Punjab, and those that continue to play an important role in
the government of the state;
• Examines state parties and their leadership in the context of party
alliances, campaigns and electoral verdicts;
• Presents a comparative study of the assembly and Lok Sabha elections
held in the state after reorganisation in 1966 with the objective of
highlighting differences in electoral issues taken up by the parties.

An important intervention in the study of state-level politics in India, this book

will be of great interest to students and researchers of politics, especially
comparative politics and political institutions, political sociology and social
anthropology, and South Asian studies.

Ashutosh Kumar is Professor at the Department of Political Science, Panjab

University, Chandigarh, India. He has been associated with the Lokniti
Network, CSDS, Delhi, India as state coordinator for Punjab. He was
previously visiting faculty at the University of Tampere, Finland and Maison
des Sciences de l’Homme, Paris, France. His research centers around state
politics, with a focus on the issues related to elections, identities, and development.
He is the editor of Rethinking State Politics in India (2011) and co-editor of
Globalisation and Politics of Identity in India (2008) and How India Votes:
A State-by-state Look (2019). He has also published extensively in various
international journals such as India Review, EPW, South Asia Research,
Japanese Journal of Political Science, Asian Ethnicity, International Journal
of Punjab Studies, Journal of Sikh & Punjab Studies, and Journal of Asian
and African Studies, among others.
Electoral Politics in Punjab
Factors and Phases

Ashutosh Kumar
First published 2020
by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN
and by Routledge
52 Vanderbilt Avenue, New York, NY 10017
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2020 Ashutosh Kumar
The right of Ashutosh Kumar to be identified as author of this work
has been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of
the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or
reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical,
or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including
photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or
retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks
or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and
explanation without intent to infringe.
British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data
A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Kumar, Ashutosh, 1963– author.
Title: Electoral politics in Punjab : factors and phases / Ashutosh
Kumar.
Description: Abingdon, Oxon ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2020. |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2019044281 (print) | LCCN 2019044282 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Elections—India—Punjab. | Political campaigns—
India—Punjab. | Political parties—India—Punjab. | Punjab
(India)—Politics and government.
Classification: LCC JQ578 .K86 2020 (print) | LCC JQ578 (ebook) |
DDC 324.954/552—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019044281
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019044282

ISBN: 978-1-138-54481-9 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-1-003-01128-6 (ebk)

Typeset in Sabon
by Apex CoVantage, LLC
Contents

Acknowledgements vi

1 Framing state-level electoral politics: an introduction 1

2 Punjab politics in comparative perspective 19

3 Politics of colonial Punjab 30

4 Politics of Punjab after partition 37

5 Assembly elections in Punjab: 1997–2017 50

6 Lok Sabha elections in Punjab: 1999–2019 77

7 Conclusion: looking ahead 104

References 108
Index 115
Acknowledgements

The author wishes to thank the CSDS-Lokniti team led by the centre’s direc-
tor Sanjay Kumar and consisting of Vibha Atri, Jyoti Mishra, Shreyas Sarde-
sai, and Himanshu Bhattacharya for making available the post-poll surveys
data concerning Punjab. Thanks also go to the fellow Lokniti network mem-
bers from universities/research centres from across India, especially to Jagrup
Singh Sekhon with whom I have collaborated in conducting the surveys, and
also have co-authored a couple of papers based on the survey data which are
cited in the volume. I am also thankful to the students of Panjab University
who have participated in the election surveys since the 2002 Assembly elec-
tions, going into the field and not only collecting the data but also coming
out with insights. I am beholden to my present and former colleagues in
the Department of Political Science, Panjab University and University of
Jammu for most fruitful academic comradeship. Malkit Singh and Hardeep
Kaur, researchers in the department, deserve special mention as they super-
vised these post-poll surveys. The monograph draws very extensively from
the earlier published works in academic journals, national newspapers and
book chapters on the subject by the author, cited in the text.
1 Framing state-level electoral
politics
An introduction

India for a long time has been hailed worldwide for being a successful democ-
racy. Its success, however, is being viewed and judged primarily in its mini-
malist form, encompassing nothing but a multiparty system, periodically
held free elections, high levels of participation, and contestation that result in
the peaceful and regular transfers of political power on a periodic basis. As
a ‘new’ democracy, India has an uninterrupted history of holding free elec-
tions over more than seven decades now (even the emergency imposed in the
mid-seventies did not disturb this, it only delayed it for a year).1 In its seven-
decades old democratic career, the country has been witness to 17 Lok Sabha
elections and nearly 400 Assembly elections, not to mention the countless
local bodies’ elections which have got their own salience after the seventy-
third and seventy-fourth constitutional amendment (Kumar, 2019c, p. 1).2
India has become a far more representative democracy in recent decades,
as demonstrated by increased level of participation and representation. The
impressive size and scale of social and cultural identities along the regional
lines have contributed to the presence of political parties of different hues,
each having distinct claims to represent these identities. It is not only the
sheer number of parties but also the variety of these parties in terms of
their ideologies, the social and spatial support base that easily makes Indian
democracy akin to ‘an electoral laboratory’. Adam Ziegfeld (2016) considers
India ideal for studying party systems in comparative mode on two grounds:
First, India is comparable to western democracies for having a ‘lengthy
democratic history and record of free and fair elections’ with its many par-
ties, which are ‘short-lived, non-ideological, highly personalistic, and poorly
organised’, also compares with the party systems of the ‘new’ democracies.
Second, India also presents an ‘unparalleled setting’ to study the ‘puzzling
variation’ in the success of regional/state level parties as they ‘vary in their
age, ideological orientation, and support bases’ (Ziegfeld, 2016, p. 6).
What has also impressed the political analysts is the sheer scale3 at which
the people’s participation takes place in India’s elections involving so many
candidates from diverse social and economic backgrounds in the fray. India’s
electorates constitute one-sixth of the global electorates. Arguably, India quali-
fies to be considered ideal for studying an impressive range of elections-related
2 Framing state-level electoral politics
issues like the electorates’ attitudes and behaviour, manifestos and cam-
paigns, and leadership models that these elections and contending parties
throw up. Indian voters stand out for not only that the voters from the
marginal social and economic background vote in almost equal percentage
than the privileged voters unlike the western democracies but also there has
been a sharp decrease in the gender gap and an increase in women turnout
in both the Lok Sabha and Assembly elections, especially since 2002, as
per the election commission of India data (Kumar and Gupta, 2015, p. 8).
Indian ‘exceptionalism’ also is reflected in the voting behaviour of the Indian
voters as almost half of them firm up their voting choices even before the
commencement of the election campaign thus underlining their political
attentiveness (CSDS-Lokniti national election studies data). This is unlike
the western democracies where ‘time of vote choice’ data reveal that an
increasing number of voters are making their voting choices only after the
start of the election campaign (Sardesai and Mishra, 2017, p. 84).
Speaking of leadership, India has had ‘many more political leaders than
other countries—leaders who have won and lost elections, run and mis-run
governments, and exercised the political imagination of their constituents
in myriad other ways’ (Guha, 2010, p. 288).4 The list includes not only the
national but also the other leaders who in their political life remained con-
fined to a particular state or a sub-region within a state and yet were able to
play a significant role at the national level (Kumar, 2019c, p. 265).5
Arguably, elections form the ‘central institution’ of India’s democracy
(Lama-Rewal, 2009, p. 2). The centrality argument gets credence when one
thinks in procedural/ institutional terms. At a time when there is a percep-
tible trust deficit even for the constitutional bodies and functionaries (not to
mention the statutory bodies), the Election Commission of India (ECI) has
done fairly well to retain the confidence of the citizens. The ECI has been
globally recognised for holding ‘free and fair’ elections. Also, it has pushed
successfully for electoral reforms (Kumar, 2019c).
Deepening trust deficit in formal democratic institutions along with lack
of effective ‘non-electoral’ democratic procedures, forums, and peoples’
movements on the ground6 persuade some political analysts to even suggest
that the meaning of democracy in India is getting ‘menacingly narrowed
to signify only elections’, as elections not only ‘legitimise and authorise the
democratic rule but does much more than this’ (Khilnani, 1997, p. 193;
Palshikar, 2013, p. 165).7 Connected to almost every aspect of the demo-
cratic polity in a significant way, elections in India carry ‘the entire society’s
aspirations to control its opportunities’ to the extent that as the ‘sole bridge
between state and society, they have come to stand for democracy itself’
(Khilnani, 1997, p. 58).8
What has brought the institution of elections still closer to the citizens in
the last three decades is the introduction of local bodies’ elections as a result
of 73rd and 74th constitutional amendments. It has added yet another level
of competitive electoral system extending it effectively to the grass-roots
 Framing state-level electoral politics 3
level, making it much more inclusive and competitive.9 Arguably, local elec-
tions now held every five years in every state under the supervision have fur-
ther strengthened and provided legitimacy to the basic framework of India’s
democratic regime (Kumar, 2019c).10
Not surprisingly, then, the study of elections,11 electoral system and elec-
toral politics12 along with the study of parties and party system holds great
significance13 in the study of Indian politics. Significant social and political
upheavals taking place in India, having their impact over the electoral arena,
especially since the momentous 1990s, has been of great interest to the ana-
lysts (Kumar, 2019c).14
Given the vibrancy of electoral democracy in India, greater academic focus
has been on the role of processes like politicisation, mobilisation and asser-
tion involving socially and politically dormant groups.15 Academic attention
has been drawn to the way the social basis of the power structure, especially
in village India, has undergone a shift through electoral route (Yadav, 1999,
p. 2393).

Focus on states
Sifting through elections related literature in India, one finds greater recognition
and acceptance of the emergence of states as analytical units in the last three
decades. States are being viewed as having emerged as the platforms where
not only the electoral politics but the whole gamut of political and economic
processes unfolds, which all have national impact (Kumar, 2017b, p. 277).
Why states have emerged as the preferred analytical units rather than
election analysts attempting an ‘all-India’ based election studies needs to
be explained. A foremost factor that has brought focus on the state is the
politics of identity taking the centre stage. The upsurge in identity politics
has reconfigured the democratic politics of India in the last three decades
in a significant way as diverse social groups in India have increasingly been
politicised and mobilised on the basis of social cleavages rather than on
the basis of their common economic interests or ideology. There have been
struggles around the assertiveness and conflicting claims of the identity
groups, and of struggles amongst them, often fought out on lines of region,
religion, language (even dialect), caste, and community. These struggles
have found expressions in the changed mode of electoral representation
that has brought the local/regional into focus with the hitherto politically
dormant groups and regions finding voices. A more genuinely representative
democracy in recent India has led to the sharpening of the line of distinction
between or among the identity groups and the regions. These identity groups
are sought to be collectively recognised and mobilised either on the basis of
caste, tribe, language (script), or dialect. Almost all such social groups are
confined spatially to a particular state or sub-region within it, especially
after the reorganisation of the states on linguistic/ethnic basis undertaken in
the 1950s and 1960s. So invariably, processes of politicisation /mobilisation
4 Framing state-level electoral politics
/participation take place at the state/state sub-regional level, giving primacy
to local/regional over national (Kumar, 2017b).16
That this can be an important ground for undertaking political research
on Indian states was recognised way back by Weiner (1968), much before
the Rath Yatra, Mandal, and the Mandir happened in the 1990s. A pioneer
in the discipline, Weiner had argued: ‘it (is) at the state level that the conflicts
among castes, religious groups, tribes and linguistic groups and factions are
played out’. Inevitably, in recent decades, the greater level of recognition of
constituent states in the Indian Union as the primary units of analyses has
led to the emergence of state politics as an autonomous discipline. Even
in the discipline of comparative politics, state-level variances have of late
received much more focus in the discussion of themes like ethnic move-
ments, party systems, developmental experiences, political institutions, and
democratisation, unlike in the past when India was always referred to in
cross-national perspective (Kumar, 2017b).

State level parties

What has also brought focus on the states as critical political spaces is the
emergence of the state level parties in the last three decades.17 The sizable
presence of state parties in the successive Lok Sabha and the frequency of
coalition governments at the centre after the decline of ‘Congress system’18
has made ‘all-India’/ national polity seem little more than the aggregation of
the state level politics. The ascendancy of the BJP as the dominant party has
not altered the ground situation much. What explains the electoral success
of state parties in recent India?
First, it was the advent of the ‘post-Congress polity’19 that ushered in
the ‘third electoral system’. It was marked by fragmented/regionalised party
system which provided the political space to the new political entrepreneurs/
parties.20
Second, the incentive to set up state parties for the political entrepreneurs
came from coalition/minority governments becoming the norm in the 1990s.
Coalition governments were formed as a result of opportunistic alliances,
marked by tough bargaining among political parties, either preceding the
elections or after, and sometime even much after the government formation.
With the strong-centre framework remaining largely intact, alliances pave
the way through which the state parties hoped to influence decision-making
process at the national level and also to bring resources to their respective
states.21
Third, in its effort to become a polity-wide party,22 BJP especially after its
1996 setback23 entered into state-specific alliances with the state parties like
JD (S), BJD, INLD, AGP, TDP, AIADMK, SAD, and Shiv Sena. To begin with
it accepted to be junior ally. While these alliances helped the BJP, they also
helped the state parties in confronting the weakened Congress and leaders
to gain in stature at the national level.24
 Framing state-level electoral politics 5
Fourth, the long-term ascendance of the state level/sub-state level par-
ties,25 coinciding with an endemic decline of the Congress having ‘rainbow
coalitional social support base’26 is to a great extent due to ongoing collec-
tivisation27 and mobilisation veering around social cleavages.28 These pro-
cesses have helped in the rise of state/sub-state level parties,29 a phenomenon
now visible even in the ‘older’ democracies with the long tradition of hav-
ing only national parties in winning positions.30
Until recently, state parties, especially the ‘ethnic parties’, succeeded more
than the ‘polity-wide’ parties in drawing support from the newly mobilised
identity groups. Of late, however, even the BJP has successfully sought the
support of the numerically weak marginal groups by holding festivals/
resurrecting their community icons like in case of Uttar Pradesh.31 Follow-
ing the state parties,32 it has targeted specially the castes/communities which
have remained ‘sandwiched’ between the upper and middle/intermediate
castes and the Scheduled castes. So the polity-wide parties including the
Congress are no longer averse to play the identity card with impunity.
Fifth, as the state-based parties openly target and cater to the interests of a
particular set of social categories, they show greater potential than the ‘pol-
ity-wide’33 parties in being able to activate voter linkages that are sectarian,
ethnic, and populist in a clientelistic democracy like India. The state-level
parties, particularly if they are ‘ethnic parties’, gain by openly resorting to
identity-based clientelistic politics. National/multi-state parties have to play
‘a coded ethnic card, invoking ethnic identities quietly in its selection of can-
didates but not openly in its identification of issues’, seeking the support of
ascriptive categories through the ‘distribution of patronage but never through
the rhetoric of identity’ (Chandra, 2004, p. 26).
As a result, the state parties have better potential to create and retain a
‘core social constituency’ which in turn becomes a distinct ‘voting commu-
nity’.34 This politics of ‘vote bank’ more often than not gets them electoral
dividend under the single plurality electoral system, especially if there is a
multi-polar contest35 and also that it is a ‘normal election’ and not a ‘wave
election’, a rarity now.36
Sixth, the state parties score over national parties like the Congress37
and the BJP,38 whose leadership especially at the higher echelons has
remained largely with the elite castes due to lack of adequate institutional
mechanism to facilitate the intra-party mobility within their organisa-
tions. As a result, leaders having support among under-represented social
groups have preferred to form their ‘own’ parties. That way they hope to
exert influence as a coalition ally rather being in a marginal position in
the parent party.39
Seventh, state parties tend to claim that they can be trusted more than
the national parties whenever case of any conflict of inter-state dimension
arises, be it over the capital city, highways, airports, trade or over river
water/dams.40 Such claims receive many takers especially as the inter-state
competiveness/conflicts have increased.
6 Framing state-level electoral politics
The emergent phenomenon of the ‘federalisation’ of party system41 under-
lines the need to focus on distinctive character as well as growing autonomy of
the state units of the national parties,42 especially when they have been in the
government43 and in terms of electoral alliances they seek.

Resurgence of state-level leaders

Emergence of states and state-level parties in an increasingly decentred pol-
ity, as discussed previously, has led to the resurgence of state leaders, remi-
niscent of ‘Nehru era’ satraps in the Congress era. However, unlike them,
the new crop of state leaders almost singlehandedly makes crucial policy
decisions and their decisions actually affect political happenings in their
respective states.44 As such they leave an indelible imprint over the states’
politics. Resurgence of this new crop of state leaders can be attributed to the
following factors (Kumar, 2017b, pp. 282–3; Kumar, 2019).
First, with the mode of democracy remaining ‘patrimonial’ in India, ‘patron-
age’ and ‘clientelism’ catering to primordial identities continue to play a role
despite all rhetoric of ‘inclusive growth’ (Chandra, 2004; Ziegfeld, 2016).45
State-level leaders in particular playing the role of the ‘transactional lead-
ers’46 directly represent and serve the specific needs, ‘not only of territorial
constituencies, but frequently the more tangible ones of primordial groups’
(Wood, 1984, p. 2) (Burns, 1978). These leaders ensure the direct/visible
transfer of public resources to the targeted social constituency in exchange
of the electoral support received. Clientelism ensures that the electorates
identify themselves with not only the party in power but more so with the
party leader as the benefactor/patron.47 As a result, castes/communities act-
ing as ‘political/ voting’ categories tend to cling to the leader they consider
as their ‘own’ in a ‘realistic’ hope of having access to public resources as well
as protection, provided the leader comes to power.48
Second, given the ascendance of politics of ‘presence’ and dignity, having
their ‘men’ (hardly any women) in the seat of power also brings ‘feel good/
psychic good’ factor to the concerned community the leader belongs to,
more so if the community in question has been historically on the margin
in social and political terms. Even the proven excesses/extravagance of such
leaders is condoned/disbelieved by their followers/loyalists.
Third, what explains the power and influence of the state parties’ bosses
is the sheer size in terms of the territory and population of states that they
lord over. Most states are comparable or even bigger than countries in
the west. It allows the leaders, especially when they are in power, to gain
access to massive ‘political resources—organisation, money, votes’ besides
the bureaucracy if they are in power. This partly explains, more so now than
three decades ago as to why ‘it is in the states . . . where many of India’s
most ambitious politicians concentrate their energies’, at least in the begin-
ning of their career though they all aim at moving to the centre’ (Wood,
1984, p. 2). So, unlike the ‘Congress era’ when political leaders were able to
 Framing state-level electoral politics 7
‘move directly into national politics’ after doing stint at the state level, now
an increasing number of political leaders have to graduate to ‘national’ poli-
tics only after having had a successful career at the state level. As was then,
even now states have been ‘training grounds for national politicians’ like
Narendra Modi (Weiner, 1968, p. 3). With the ascendance of states, however,
most of the powerful state-level leaders from the national parties are reluc-
tant to move to the centre as mere union ministers. It was evident in the case
of Manohar Parrikar who went back to Goa as chief minister leaving the
powerful portfolio of the Defence Minister of India. Shivraj Singh Chauhan,
Raman Singh, and Vasundhara Raje, outgoing BJP popular chief ministers
have preferred to remain in the state politics.
Fourth, the steady decline in terms of organisational structure and pres-
ence49 and the inability to present ideological alternatives to the electorates
afflicting political parties further underlines the criticality of local leader-
ship factor. This is especially true for ‘new’ parties whose founder-presidents
and their ‘natural heirs’ cultivate their personal community-based support.50
Depending more on their personal charisma and sphere of influence than
deliberately weakened party machinery, these resourceful leaders make and
unmake the parties on their own terms. As such, they are instrumental in
shaping the form and content of ‘their’ parties’ agenda/manifesto, tenor of
election campaigns and also deciding about the important matter of alli-
ance-building. In a democracy like India where ‘mass politics’ trumps the
‘elite politics’, it is through the leader and his public speeches during the
campaign rather than reading the manifestos or following the party’s action
that electorates come to know about the party’s ideological position on the
issues and the reasons behind making or breaking the alliances. Also, given
the electoral volatility which is due to weak loyalties/identification of a siz-
able number of voters to a particular party, the leader plays a crucial role not
only to ensure the turnout of the staunch supporters of his party to vote but
also swing these floating/indecisive voters’ vote. Since Indian states witness
high turnout elections, ‘lower probability voters (who tend to be younger,
poorer, and less educated) make up a larger share of electorate’ rather than
pro-statuesque core voters having traditional loyalty to a party (Vaishnav
and Guy, 2018, p. 73). For these voters the leadership factor plays an impor-
tant role. This, however, depends as there are many examples when a ‘popu-
lar’ leader has left the parent established party and formed his (all male)
‘own’ party in the fervent hope of all this but has failed miserably in swing-
ing the vote. Then for these ‘transactional leaders’, it becomes impossible for
them to singlehandedly build the party structure/lower level leadership and
keep the loyalists having multiple and competing interests. Yeddiyurappa,
Keshubhai Patel, both powerful ethnic leaders belonging to dominant castes
from Karnataka and Gujarat, respectively, are some recent examples.
Fifth, thinking in economic terms, the introduction of neo-liberal market-
oriented economic policies presented an opportunity to dynamic state lead-
ers like Chandrababu Naidu, Chimanbhai Patel, S. M. Krishna, Narendra
8 Framing state-level electoral politics
Modi, among others, to take early advantage of the new economic climate
to think of the innovative ways to induce growth in the states under their
command, instead of looking towards the centre for the policy directions
as well as all the funds like in the old ‘socialist’ days. Significantly, it was in
the 1990s that the states under such dynamic leadership grew much faster
than others, drawing attention to the leadership impact at the state level in
the economic domain. An ambitious and theatrical leader like Modi could
deftly use ‘Gujarat model’ of growth to emerge as a national leader without
ever having been situated in the capital in his entire political life.
Sixth, many present-era state leaders have also managed to remain nation-
ally visible not because they are ‘national’ in their orientation or due to
all-India presence of their party, or because their parties are in coalitional
government at the centre but also because of the positions they take and issues
they articulate and champion, which receive traction in different socio-
economic and political contexts other than the state to which they belong.51

State leadership: then and now52

While focusing on the state leaders, one comes across distinctive forms of
political leadership over the period. As mentioned at the outset, there was
never a dearth of state leaders in India having their distinctive leadership
styles. There was, of course, an interim period defined by person-centred
centralising leadership of Indira Gandhi when state leadership was not
allowed to flourish. In this interim period state leaders were shuffled at will
and were expected to remain low-profile/self-effacing53 for their survival
so that they did not appear like a threat to the Congress ‘high command’
(read the Nehru-Gandhi family). Those who appeared gaining or becoming
ambitious politically like Kamalapati Tripathi, Hemwati Nandan Bahuguna,
among others, were swiftly purged. Dissenters like Devraj Urs had to leave
the party though they remained important leaders. Even then, with the threat
of president rule hanging on their head, non-Congress parties did have a
string of state leaders who could deal with the central state and were dif-
ficult to be dislodged like Jyoti Basu, Ramakrishna Hegde, N. T. Rama Rao,
as well as Dravidian leaders like Karunanidhi and M.G. Ramachandran.54
How does one compare the emergent state leaders in ‘new’ India, mostly
belonging to the state-level parties and drawing support from the middle/
lower castes with the ‘old’ generation of state-level party bosses and ‘machine-
men’ like the ones within the Congress, often referred as ‘regional satraps’
in Nehruvian ‘socialist’ India? Has not the old ‘Congress era’ politics of
patronage continued unabated in the form of distribution of goods, services,
funds, loans, government contracts through networks of clients to the tar-
geted social constituency by the leader in the fervent hope of winning the
electoral support (Kumar, 2019c)?
Drawing from the classical literature on political leadership in Indian
context may be helpful in reflecting about the two different generations of
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fanatics

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Romans Assaimaras character

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favourite 69

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Oxford

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24

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Mass is was

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52

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