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 Decolonizing
International Relations

Edited by
Branwen Gruffydd Jones

ROWMAN & LITILEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC.

Lanham • Boulder • New York • Toronto • Plymollth, UK
ROWMAN & LmLEFIELD PUBLISHERS, INC.

Published in the United States of America

by Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.
A wholly owned subsidiary of The Rowman & Littlefield Publishing Group, Inc.
450 I Forbes Boulevard, Suite 200, Lanham, Maryland 20706
www.rowmanlittlefield.com

Estover Road
Plymouth PL6 7PY
United Kingdom

Copyright © 2006 by Rowman & Littlefield Publishers, Inc.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval
system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic. mechanical,
photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without the prior permission of the publisher.

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Information Available

Library of Congress Cataloguing-in-Publication Data

Decolonizing international relations / edited by Branwen Gruffydd Jones.

p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN-13: 978-0-7425-4023-1 (cloth: alk. paper)
ISBN-lO: 0-7425-4023-5 (cloth: alk. paper)
ISBN-13: 978-0-7425-4024-8 (pbk: alk. paper)
ISBN-lO: 0-7425-4024-3 (pbk.: alk. paper)
1. International relations-Congresses. 1. Gruffydd Jones, Branwen, 1972-
JZ43.D.J.3 2006
327.IOI-dc22
2006009987

Printed in the United States of America

@Thl The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of American
National Standard for Information Sciences-Permanence of Paper for Printed Library
Materials, ANSI/NISO Z39.48-1992.
For my parents
 Contents

Acknowledgments ix

List of Acroriyms xi

Introduction: International Relations, Eurocentrism, and

Imperialism
Branwen Gruffydd Jones

PART I EUROCENTRIC ORIGINS AND LIMITS

1 International Relations as the Imperial Illusion; or, the

Need to Decolonize IR 23
Julian Sal/rin
2 International Relations Theory and the Hegemony of Western
Conceptions of Modernity 43
Sandra Halperin
3 Liberalism, Islam, and International Relations 65
Mustapha Kamal Pasha

PART II THE COLONIAL AND R ACIAL CONSTITUTION

OF THE INTERNATIONAL

4 Race, Amnesia, and the Education of International Relations 89

Sankaran Krishna

vii
viii Contents

5 Decolonizing the Concept of "Good Governance" 1 09

Antony Anghie
6 Dispossession through International Law: Iraq in Historical and
Comparative Context 131
James Thuo Gathii

PART III TOWARD DECOLONIZED KNOWLEDGE

OF THE WORLD AND THE INTERNATIONAL

7 Beyond the Imperial Narrative: African Political

Historiography Revisited 155
Alison J. Ayers

8 Mind, Body, and Gut! Elements of a Postcolonial Human

Rights Discourse 179
Siba N'Zatioula Grovogui
9 Retrieving "Other" Visions of the Future: Sri Aurobindo and the
Ideal of Human Unity 1 97
B. S. Chimni

Conclusion: Imperatives, Possibilities, and Limitations 219

Branwen Gruffydd Jones

Bibliography 243

fu�x 2�

About the Contributors 273

 Acknowledgments

The origins of this project lie in a panel organized at the 2003 International
Studies Association conference in Portland, caned International Relations and
"The Rest of the World," which included papers by Mustapha Kamal Pasha,
Sandra Halperin, and Branwen Gruffydd Jones, with Siba Grovogui as dis­
cussant. The panel was organized while I was holding an ESRC postdoctoral
fellowship (no. T02627 1 069) at the University of Sussex, the support of which
is gratefully acknowledged. Thanks to Marc W illiams, Cate Eschle, Sandra
Halperin, Julian Saurin, Alison Ayers, Mustapha Pasha, Mike Sheehan, Martin
Mills, Burak (TIman, and Muhammed A. Agcan for helpful discussions, en­
couragement, and contributions at various stages of the book project.
The papers contributing to the book were presented at a workshop on De­
colonizing International Relations held at the University of Aberdeen in April
2005. The workshop was made possible by a grant from the British Academy,
with additional financial support from the University of Aberdeen Visiting
Scholars Fund, which were greatly appreciated. I thank Peter Wilkin and Marc
Williams for their encouragement and support at that stage of the project. I
also thank Grant Jordan and Steve Bruce in the Department of Politics and
International Relations, Aberdeen, for their advice and support.
Two of the chapters in this book are revised versions of already published
articles. Sankaran Krishna's chapter is revised from "Race, Amnesia and the
Education of International Relations," originally published in Alternatives:
Global, Local, Political (vol. 26, no. 4, October-De.cem�er 2001). Copyright

ix
x Acknowledgments

© 2001 by Lynne Rienner Publishers. James Thuo Gathii's chapter is revised

from the original article "Foreign and Other Economic Rights upon Conquest
and under Occupation: Iraq in Comparative and Historical Context," published
in University of Pennsylvania Journal of International Economic Law (Vol­
ume 25, Number 2, Summer 2004). Copyright by University of Pennsylvania
Journal of International Economic Law. Both are used here with permission,
which is gratefully acknowledged.
I wish to express warm thanks to Renee Legatt at Rowman & Littlefield.
From her initial enthusiastic reception of the book proposal to her enduring
patience through various delays and extended deadlines, she has provided a
close interest in the project and friendly, helpful support. Thanks to Jessica
Gribble and Jehanne Schweitzer for seeing the book to completion. Thanks
also to the anonymous reviewer for constructive and encouraging comments.
I offer thanks and also apologies to my family and friends who have had
to put up with endless responses of the form "I'm sorry I haven't called for
a while, I've been so busy" and who, regardless, have continued to provide
invaluable support, which is deeply appreciated. Finally, thanks as ever to Elly
Omondi for his loving support and solidarity.
 Acronyms

AAPS African Association of Political Science

AAWORD Association of African Women for Research and
Development
AIDS acquired immune deficiency syndrome
BBC British Broadcasting Corporation
CIDA Canadian International Development Agency
CODESRIA Council for the Development of Social Science Research
in Africa
DAC Development Assistance Committee
GATS General Agreement on Trade in Services
GNP gross national product
IFIs international financial institutions
IMF International Monetary Fund
IPE international political economy
IR international relations
ICZs Islamic cultural zones
NGO nongovernmental organization
NIEO new international economic order
OECD Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development
OED Oxford English Dictionary
OSSREA Organization for Social Science Research in Eastern and
Southern Africa

xi
xii Acronyms

CPA Coalitional Provisional Authority

SAPES Southern Africa Political Economy Series
TWAIL Third World approaches to international law
UK United Kingdom
UN United Nations
UNDP United Nations Development Program
US United States
USA United States of America
 Introduction: International Relations,
Eurocentrism, and Imperialism
Branwen Gruffydd Jones

We are at a point in our work when we can no longer ignore the empires
and the imperial context in our studies.
-Edward Said'

"Education was so arranged that the young learned not necessarily the truth,
but that aspect and interpretation of the truth which the rulers of the world
,,
wished them to know and follow. 2 These words were written by W. E.
Burghardt Du Bois in 1 946, about European society in the early twentieth
century. His concern was to understand the reasons for the collapse of Europe
in the first decades of the twentieth century. His inquiry focused on the history
of European expansion, slavery and colonialism, and the devastating implica­
tions, for Europe and the whole world, of the contradictions of Europe's global
imperial "civilization." His concern to emphasize these histories was in part
because "certain suppressions in the historical record current in our day will
lead to a tragic failure in assessing causes." These suppressions arise from "the
habit, long fostered, of forgetting and detracting from the thought and acts of
,,
the people of Africa. 3
Has the education of international relations improved since then? This
volume is concerned with the education of international relations and world
history today. It seeks to expose enduring suppressions in the historical record,
to break out of long-fostered habits of distorted Eurocentric thought. Interna­
tional Relations (IR) scholarship and teaching, over the decades since Du Bois
2 Branwen Gruffydd Jone s

was writing, has remained concerned predominantly with relations between

and issues of concern to the great powers, the hegemons, the large and pow­
erful in the global political economy. The standard historical reference points
of the discipline's rendering of international relations are drawn almost exclu­
sively from Europe's "internal" history. The acknowledged disciplinary canon
of modem IR consists of European classical thought. For much of the twen­
tieth century and into the twenty-first, the field of IR has been dominated by
North American, European, and, to a lesser extent, Australian scholars. Thus,
the majority of literature in the discipline of IR is written by and about only
some of the peoples of the world-predominantly Americans and Europeans.
IR remains guilty of forgetting and detracting from the thought and acts of not
only the people of Africa but also "the rest" of the non-Western world.
The modem discipline of IR and its twentieth-century trajectory is pre­
sented to the newcomer in a huge number of textbooks and compilations.
What is remarkably absent from IR's self-presentation-so starkly apparent
to Du Bois-is awareness of its colonial and imperial roots and context. A
number of surveys, histories, and genealogies of developments and debates
in the discipline have been produced in recent years. Such accounts routinely
observe that IR was formally established in the aftermath of World War I,
often pinpointing the moment to the establishment of the first chair in In­
ternational Politics at the University of Wales, Aberystwyth, in 1 919.4 This
was at the height of imperialism, when the European powers were occupying
and controlling vast areas of the world through direct colonial rule. At this
time, a whole set of profoundly ideological and racist notions were held by
the colonizers about colonized peoples, lands, and histories. The belief in a
hierarchy of peoples-in the superiority of Europeans or people with Euro­
pean ancestry and the inferiority of non-Europeans or "people of color"-was
widespread and routine, a generally unquestioned assumption embedded both
in the public and personal European imagination and in the formal institutions
of European and international order. As Edward Said noted, "There was virtual
unanimity that subject races should be ruled, that they are subject races, that
one race deserves and has consistently earned the right to be considered the
race whose main mission is to expand beyond its own domain."s
Thus, a discipline that claims to be international, of relevance to all peoples
and states, traces its modem origins without embarrassment to a place and mo­
ment at the heart and height of imperialism. Imperialism is characterized by
relations, doctrines, and practices of exclusion; imperialism is the very antithe­
sis of universal international recognition. It is therefore imperative to examine
critically the effect of this historical context on the understanding of interna­
tional relations and history that emerged. The discipline of anthropology was
similarly born in and of colonialism, and anthropologists have engaged in
 Introduction 3

major efforts to rethink the discipline and shed the legacy of its colonial
origins.6 Yet most recent surveys of twentieth-century IR have little to say
about the implications for the discipline of one of the most important histor­
ical processes of that century-the political liberation from colonial rule of
formerly colonized peoples. IR has generally accommodated this historical
process in terms of "the expansion of international society." Existing the­
ories about the international system, international society, international law,
sovereignty, security, and state formation remained in place, used to address the
effects of the inclusion of a significant number of "new states," most of which
were smaller and weaker than the original members of international society.
A more fundamental questioning of core assumptions about world history and
the central conceptual tools of IR has rarely been deemed necessary.
The architects of IR's self-construction not only have ignored the imperial
context of the discipline's modern origins but also have self-consciously lo­
cated IR's heritage or canon in classical European thought from ancient Greece
through to the Enlightenment-Thucydides, Machiavelli, Bodin, Grotius,
Hobbes, Rousseau, Kant, Hegel, and so on.1 These thinkers lived during the
context of, and in part helped to legitimize, European violence against non­
European peoples through conquest, enslavement, slave trade, colonization,
dispossession, and extermination over more than five centuries. Of course,
the content of classical European thought cannot be wholly reduced to this
historical context and thereby dismissed. Nor should it be abstracted from
this context and thereby sanitized.8 Yet, for the most part, the discipline of IR
has engaged in precisely such abstraction and sanitization, willfully ignoring
the relationship between its own intellectual canon and European imperialism.
In this way, IR has remained unembarrassed; it has not developed, in Said's
words, "an acute and embarrassed awareness of the all-pervasive, unavoidable
imperial setting."9
W hile a lot of writing in IR seems strangely more interested in the disci­
pline itself than the world around us, even the substantive concerns that are
recognized as defining IR's field of enquiry have remained stubbornly narrow.
The themes and preoccupations of IR largely reflect the history of the West (in
idealized form) and the interests of the powerful. For example, theorization of
the interstate system has been central to the self-definition of the discipline.
The history of modern international relations is widely accepted to be rooted
in the European state system, which was born at the Peace of Westphalia: "The
present-day structure of world international relations is a structure between
Great Powers, and it has come down in unbroken descent from the days when
such a structure first materialised in Europe."l0 "Our present international so­
ciety is directly descended from [the] universalized European system."l1 This,
in Siba Grovogui's words, is IR's "Westphalian common-sense."12
4 Branwen Gruffydd Jones

Yet for most of the world, over the past few centuries and still today, the ma­
jor defining forms of international relation, structure, and historical experience
were and are colonialism and imperialism. The long history of imperialism­
in its economic, political, institutional, cultural, and legal dimensions-is ar­
guably more significant to the form of the current international system and the
states that make it up than Europe's internal political developments. Imperial­
ism is foundational to the origins, form, and normative basis of international
13
organizations and international law, to the prevailing inequalities in power
relations between states and the position of states in the highly uneven and
exploitative international system, as well as to national and regional structures
and relations, cultures, and languages, in all regions, formerly colonized and
metropolitan. It appears then that imperialism is inextricable from the very
foundations of modem international relations and world order.
IR is largely silent on the imperial foundations and constitution of modern
international relations, however. According to IR common sense, the "expan­
sion of international society" has entailed the spread of European forms of state,
sovereignty, democracy, law, and rights to non-European areas and peoples.
But Europe's legacy to most of the rest of the world has been one of authoritari­
anism, theft, racism, and, in significant cases, massacre and genocide. For most
of the world, it is arguably the history of the colonial state and political econ­
omy rather than European sovereignty and liberal democracy that is central
to understanding modern international relations. To diminish the significance
of colonialism to the study of international relations-for understanding in­
ternational relations both past and present-is nothing less than to diminish
the significance and worth of all peoples who have suffered colonialism. This,
truly, is the massive "collateral damage" of modern IR.
To the extent that political institutions and norms of liberal democracy and
sovereignty did emerge, slowly and partially, in Western Europe in the cen­
turies after Westphalia, these developments unfolded during the same cen­
turies as European expansion, slave trade, and formal colonial occupation
and rule of most of the world. That such very different forms of politi­
cal and international interaction took place during the same period in time
is not a coincidence, and they cannot be understood in isolation. However,
the modern intellectual division of labor conveniently separates these pro­
cesses. Europe's internal history is treated as pristine and the source of En­
lightenment, modernity, democracy, sovereignty and rights, and taken as the
basis for theorizing modem international relations. Meanwhile, it is more
specialized scholars of history or area studies who might focus on topics
sllch as slavery and colonialism, combined with a regional specialism in, say,
West Africa, South Asia, or the Caribbean. This habitual bracketing through
the institutionalized division of intellectual labor does not merely allocate
 Introduction 5

contemporaneous developments as a matter of convenience, but also sev­

ers relations of calise and conditions of possibility that are central to both.
This severing through division of labor prevents social inquiry from ever
asking, for example, what the historical and causal relationship is between
the rise and fOIm of liberalism in Europe and the structures and practices of
colonialism. Few treatments of liberal democracy care to unravel its internal
relationship with imperialism.

DECOLONIZING IR

In any social context where relations of unequal power prevail, knowledge and
ideas can serve either to mystify or reveal those unequal relations. For many
centuries, the international order has been characterized by profoundly unequal
power relations. There are a myriad of ways in which such power is mystified
in everyday life, and the Eurocentric form of the modem discipline of IR is one
of these. This volume rests ultimately on a belief in the importance and neces­
sity of critical social inquiry as one means of better understanding the world. It
seeks to contribute to a better understanding of international relations, history,
and world order by confronting the colonial heritage that modem IR has failed
to shed. In this regard, the project joins others who have sought to expose and
overcome the many omissions and biases of mainstream IR. Feminist scholar­
ship has worked hard over three decades to expose and overcome the entrenched
gender biases inscribed in the core of IR that define and limit what can be said
and thought. Much work has been done to insist that the environment is not sim­
ply one among many topics or issues within IR but integral to the very practice,
structures, and reproduction of international relations. This volume confronts
the Eurocentric nature of IR and its status as effectively a form of modem im­
perial ideology. In doing so, it joins effort with an emerging strand of critical
literature that is gradually enlarging the scope for such discussions within the
formal settings-the journals and conferences-of the discipline.14 There has
been a welcome advance from earlier observations regarding the dominance
of Anglo-American scholarship in IRIS-which was met, for example, by re­
sponses from continental Europe and Australial6-to critical explorations of
the relationship between IR, Eurocentrism, colonialism, and imperialism.17
What has been termed the "self-images" of the discipline, its self­
consciousness or self-construction, take shape and are reproduced in part
through the imperatives of teaching.18 Communicating to large numbers of
newcomers produces a need for textbooks, increasingly so as student numbers
and student-to-staff ratios rise. Introducing an area of inquiry to newcomers
leads inevitably to packaging and summarizing and, with the help of textbooks,
6 Branwen Gruffydd Jones

a level of standardization. The Western or Eurocentric bias of IR is thus repro­

duced as the discipline is repeatedly packaged and presented. Eurocentrism
is not the product of such dynamics, however. It is rooted far deeper in the
consciousness of the discipline and the scholarship that dominates and is em­
bedded in the very structures of international order. The routine reproduction
of Eurocentric forms of social inquiry is parasitic on widespread ignorance of
world history, including the histories of colonialism and imperialism and, even
more so, the histories of non-European peoples. These structures of ideology
and ignorance are deeply embedded in historical process, in actual interna­
tional relations. This volume, then, is not simply yet another book about the
discipline of IR. It explores what forms of knowledge have come to dominate
the field and why, what problems arise, and what can be done to escape and
move beyond Eurocentrism or the imperial imagination. It is motivated more
by a concern to consider how to research and produce knowledge about the
international-how we can and should study international relations-than by
a wish to produce a comprehensive if critical survey of recognized JR.
As such, this volume could be situated within postcolonial literature in a
broad sense in that certain themes and concerns are shared. However, this vol­
ume does not set out specifically to elaborate a postcolonial approach to or the­
ory of IR, with specific reference to existing frameworks of postcolonial theory.
It does not begin with postcolonial theory as such, nor does it seek to improve
on selected existing approaches in IR by adding postcolonial theory, as some
others have. 19 Much postcolonial theory seems to operate with or be framed
by unhelpful dichotomies between political economy and materialism on the
one hand and poststructural inflections of power/identity!culture!knowledge
on the other. Such dichotomies suggest an inaccurate or artificial distance be­
tween positions and approaches that have actually been far richer in concerns
and method. For example, much contemporary postcolonial theory distances
itself from historical materialism and political economy while in the process
misappropriating iconic figures such as Fanon into a cultural studies shorn
of political economy.20 So the aim here is not to develop a new postcolonial
perspective in IR that can slot in among existing critical perspectives, a new
"-ism" alongside feminism, environmentalism, and poststructuralism on the
one hand and against liberalism, Marxism, and realism on the other. What is
needed is a broader and deeper form of critique that encompasses the discipline
as a whole-its underlying assumptions, modes of thought and analysis, and
its consciousness and very attitude-and that, moreover, is committed not only
to critique but also to elaboration of more adequate accounts and explanations
of international relations. Only by doing so can we hope to free the imagina­
tion of social inquiry from the narrow blinkers of Eurocentrism and enable the
,
study of international relations "from the perspective of the world., 2 1
 Introduction 7

EUROCENTRIC ORIGINS AND LIMITS

The first step for IR must be to develop greater recognition and self-awareness
of its own origins and reproduction in the imperial (colonial and neocolonial)
metropolis and to acknowledge and account for the consequent problem of
Eurocentrism in the development of IR knowledge.
Concerns about the relationship between power and knowledge and the
legacy of colonialism on this "nexus" have long been debated across the social
sciences. It would therefore seem that the critique of Eurocentric IR can follow
paths already established by postcolonial theory and subaltern studies. Julian
Saurin questions this starting assumption, however. In the opening chapter, he
sets up the terrain of the rest of the volume by examining the methodologi­
cal and political imperatives of confronting Eurocentric IR. W hile making a
strong argument regarding the necessity of decolonizing knowledge, Saurin's
discussion raises difficult questions that subsequent chapters might resolve
in differing ways. He explores the question of not only why it is necessary
to subject IR scholarship to critique but also how this should be done, con­
sidering what is at stake in different possible responses. He argues that the
imperative to decolonize IR arises from its colonial and imperial character:
IR theory misrepresents the current world order as essentially a postcolonial,
international order. But imperialism remains in neocolonial forms; we do not
live in a postcolonial world. Therefore, we cannot turn to postcolonial theory
in order to decolonize IR. Rather, we need to recognize international relations
as imperial relations-to reject IR theory in its entirety and instead explain
the imperial production of world order.
Why has IR scholarship remained so little concerned to rethink its founda­
tions in the wake of formal decolonization? The self-confidence of IR is rooted
to some extent in a general sense of progress and achievement that enables the
almost triumphal embrace of what is seen as an expansion of European or
Western international society. The sense of progress and civilization that per­
vades the mainstream study and practice of international relations is mirrored
by an equally confident belief in the need for progress and civilization. Ac­
cording to IR, the "rest of the world" has benefited and continues to benefit
from the spread of the West's civilizing values and institutions, through devel­
opment, modernization, state building, foreign assistance, and the construction
and maintenance of international order and security. The evolution of interna­
tional relations is a story of progress that has entailed the birth and spread of
democracy, human rights, sovereignty, and good governance. Thus, the fact
that central forms of international relations-democratization, development,
the promotion of good governance, security, protection of human rights, and
even invasion, war, and military occupation-are conducted by some for the
8 Branwen Gniffydd Jones

supposed benefit of others is not considered to be a problem. IR scholarship

remains for the most part convinced by the good intentions that have cloaked
international relations for centuries.
It is necessary to tum to history in order to disrupt this self-confidence in the
tale of Westem progress and civilization, to bring evidence to bear that exposes
this story to be fundamentally characterized by myth. IR's self-confidence is
possible because it believes its own myths, its construction of a "privileged,
genealogically useful past, a past in which we exclude unwanted elements,
,,
vestiges, narratives. 22 A superficial understanding of the problem of Euro­
centrism would suggest that what is required is filling in the gaps, restoring the
excluded narratives from beyond the confines of Europe. The decolonization
of IR cannot be construed only in terms of seeking non-Western narratives and
elements, however. IR's imagination and mythological foundation involves a
double maneuver of silencing or denying the historicity of non-Western soci­
eties and idealizing a distorted history of the West-more specifically, Europe.
Sandra Halperin therefore begins the critique of mainstream IR with a system­
atic exposure of foundational myths about European history and the Western
origins of modernity, which both mainstream and critical scholarship tend to
assume. She argues that telling other histories cannot be enough while IR's
basic "myths of origin" remain intact: "what is needed is to confront the hege­
monic perspective with an unassimilable difference, one that cannot be ren­
dered compatible or incorporated but that, if accepted, makes it impossible to
retain the dominant account." It might seem literally Euro-centric to place a
reconstruction of important elements of Europe's own history at the beginning
of this collection. However, the aim in doing so is to strike at the foundations
of Eurocentrism and imperial ideology. As subsequent chapters by Anghie,
Gathii, Grovogui, and Ayers discuss, a central feature of imperial ideology,
international law, and Eurocentric method of social inquiry is the assumption
of a European ideal against which all else-all other societies, histories, tradi­
tions, value systems, and institutions-are compared and measured, an ideal
to which all the rest should aspire to conform. The very self-evident, assumed
quality of the European ideal saturates not only academic discourse but also
the public sphere more broadly, certainly but not only in the West. It is nec­
essary to puncture this myth of Europe, to reveal its idealized and distorted
quality, and thereby dismantle a central foundation of all imperial ideologies.
Telling the real history of Europe has an important place in the broader project
of decolonizing IR and the Western imagination.
The twin of IR's myths of modernity is the simultaneous construction of
the barbaric Other whose being is fundamentally different, at the limit of or
beyond comprehension. Self-confidence in progress is mirrored by fear of its
lack. Today this dialectic of self-confidence-in-ignorance is manifest above all
in IR's fearful apprehension of the specter of Islam. Mustapha Kamal Pasha
 Introduction 9

provides a sustained reflection and critique of the limits of IR that arise from its
dependence on a culturally specific Western imaginary of progress, modernity,
and secularism. His discussion makes an important contribution to revealing
the historicity of the form and content of IR as a first step toward decoloniz­
ing knowledge. He characterizes IR knowledge-with its central assumptions
regarding the Westphalian sovereign system, a narrative of progress, commit­
ment to the individual over society, and the logic of capitalist organization of
social life-as a "particular realization of the liberal-modernist imaginary" that
has accompanied the expansion of capitalism. However, there are fault lines
inherent to this liberal-modernist imaginary that are deeply rooted in history.
IR has inherited the orientalist mentality generated through the long history of
European encounters with non-European peoples and cultures. With its orig­
inary oriental ism, it has been impossible for IR to approach and understand
politics, international relations, and social process in Islamic cultural zones on
their own terms. When turning to the question of Islam, then, we immediately
confront the cultural limits of the IR discipline: Islam is beyond IR's field of
apprehension as anything other than caricature. The discipline of IR claims
boldly to understand the world and offer universal knowledge. Yet in the face
of Islam, IR is paralyzed; it retreats to the apparently firm ground of old as­
sumptions of essential difference and the barbarity of the Other, offering empty
stereotypes and paranoia as substitute for analysis, explanation, and reflection.
Pasha explores further the dialectic ofliberalism and illiberalism, tolerance and
exclusion, by examining the necessary role anp response of securitization as
an essential feature of global liberal modernity. The confrontation with Islam
thus reveals another limit inherent to IR: the limits of liberal tolerance.

THE COLONIAL AND RACIAL CONSTITUTION

OF THE INTERNATIONAL

One of the central effects of Eurocentrism has been to quietly remove the
massive world history of imperialism from the theories and substantive con­
cerns of the disciplines of both IR and international law. A second step toward
decolonizing knowledge is therefore to reveal the imperial and racialized con­
stitution of international relations. This entails moving imperialism from its
bracketed location in specialist studies and the distant chronological past and
demonstrating the unbroken centrality of imperialism to international rela­
tions from the fifteenth century to the twenty-first. The recent popularity of
the term "postcolonial" has diverted attention from the persistence of impe­
rialism in its neocolonial forms. Similarly, the twentieth-century discourse
about development-and its most recent agenda of "good governance"-has
naturalized the structures of global inequality and exploitation that were the
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