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policy
Professor G. Bruce Doern, Ottawa, 7 November 2008.
Friend, colleague, and mentor to four generations of public policy scholars.
Policy
From Ideas to Implementation
In Honour of Professor G. Bruce Doern

Edited by
g l e n to n e r , l e s l i e a . pa l ,
and michael j. prince

Published for
The Carleton School of Public Policy and Administration
by
McGill-Queen’s University Press
Montreal & Kingston · London · Ithaca
© McGill-Queen’s University Press 2010
isbn 978-0-7735-3712-5 (cloth)
isbn 978-0-7735-3715-6 (paper)

Legal deposit first quarter 2010

Bibliothèque nationale du Québec

Printed in Canada on acid-free paper that is 100% ancient forest free

(100% post-consumer recycled), processed chlorine free.

McGill-Queen’s University Press acknowledges the support of the Canada

Council for the Arts for our publishing program. We also acknowledge
the financial support of the Government of Canada through the Book
Publishing Industry Development Program (bpidp) for our publishing
activities.

Library and Archives Canada Cataloguing in Publication

Policy: from ideas to implementation: in honour of Professor G. Bruce

Doern / edited by Glen Toner, Leslie A. Pal and Michael J. Prince.

Includes bibliographical references and index.

isbn 978-0-7735-3712-5 (bnd)
isbn 978-0-7735-3715-6 (pbk)

1. Political planning – Canada. 2. Science and state – Canada.

3. Technological innovations – Government policy – Canada. 4. Energy
policy – Canada. 5. Doern, G. Bruce, 1942–. i. Doern, G. Bruce, 1942–
ii. Toner, Glen, 1952– iii. Pal, Leslie A. (Leslie Alexander), 1954–
iv. Prince, Michael John, 1952– v. Carleton University. School of Public
Policy and Administration vi. Title.

jl86.p64p63 2010       320.60971       c2009-905902-9

Typeset in Sabon 10.5/13

by Infoscan Collette, Quebec City
 Contents

Foreword vii
susan phillips

1 Policy from Ideas to Implementation:

Essays in Honour of Professor G. Bruce Doern 3
leslie a. pal, michael j. prince, and glen toner
2 Bruce the Builder 20
john a. chenier
3 The Accidental Theorist?
Key Themes in G. Bruce Doern’s Approach to the Policy
Process 39
leslie a. pal
4 The Policy Roles of Central Agencies:
Bruce Doern’s Original Ideas 59
peter aucoin
5 Self-Regulation, Exhortation, and Symbolic Politics:
Gently Coercive Governing? 77
michael j. prince
6 New Directions and Old Dilemmas:
Taxation as an Instrument of Public Policy 109
allan m. maslove
7 Science Advisory Mechanisms in Canada:
An Institutional Analysis 119
jeffrey s. kinder
 vi Contents

8 Policies of Culturing Science and Technology in Canada 142

markus sharaput
9 Digital State 2.0 177
sandford borins
10 Canada-United States Energy Relations:
From Domestic to North American Energy Policies? 207
monica gattinger
11 Policy Making in the Indeterminate World of Energy Transitions:
Carbon Capture and Storage as Technological Transition or
Enhanced “Carbon Lock In” 232
james meadowcroft and matthew hellin
12 Growing the Children of Brundtland:
The Creation and Evolution of the nrtee, iisd, cesd,
and sdtc 257
serena boutros, lillian hayward,
anique montambault, laura smallwood
and glen toner
Contributors 287
Foreword

G. Bruce Doern is one of a handful of scholars who, beginning in

the 1960s, pioneered the modern study of public policy in Canada.
His abiding curiosity in unpacking the “black box” of policy pro-
cesses within the state and understanding the interplay of ideas,
interests and institutions in how policy is formed helped to lay the
foundation for the serious study of public policy in Canada. It was
also key to cementing the strong institutionalism that still character-
izes Canadian approaches to the study of public policy and manage-
ment. Professor Doern’s rich description and critical analyses of so
many different and varied policy fields, including budgeting, trade,
environment, energy, regulation, competition and intellectual prop-
erty, and science policy, have significantly deepened our understand-
ing of how policy is actually made in these fields and how specific
institutions operate.
Bruce Doern always seemed to be ahead of the curve in his
research, anticipating – and sometimes creating – the next big thing
in the study of public policy. He was studying science policy, indeed
it was the topic of his dissertation and first book in 1972, before
most in the field recognized what science policy meant. In the early
1970s he provided the first sophisticated assessment of the role of
the central agencies of government, and illuminated how both the
political and bureaucratic dimensions of their work are essential to
good democratic governance. His model of the continuum of govern-
ing instruments, first published in 1974 (with Vince Wilson, and in
1983 with Richard Phidd), marked the beginning of the study of
policy instrument choice in the Canadian context, and Bruce elabo-
rated upon the model and specific instruments in many successive
viii Susan Phillips

works over the next few decades. His 1985 book (with Glen Toner)
on energy policy was two decades ahead of its time. As Peter Aucoin
cogently notes in his chapter in this volume, “Bruce Doern made his
work original. He was an original; he was there first, or at least
among the very first to arrive, so to speak.”
This volume grew out of a celebration of the career and ­scholarship
of Bruce Doern to mark his official retirement from Carleton
University’s School of Public Policy and Administration where he has
been a faculty member and an academic leader for forty years. The
conference, held in Ottawa on November 7, 2008, brought together
many of Canada’s leading scholars of public policy and management,
specialists in fields that have defined Bruce’s work over the years,
researcher-practitioners, and emerging scholars. A good indicator of
the breadth and collegiality of scholarship that has marked Bruce
Doern’s long career is that all the contributors to the conference and
to this volume have been his colleagues, co-authors and/or students.
On behalf of the School of Public Policy and Administration, I would
like to thank all those who participated in the conference as paper
presenters, discussants and moderators: Barbara Allen, Peter Aucoin,
Sanford Borins, Serena Boutros, John Chenier, Tom Conway, Burkard
Eberlein, Monica Gattinger, Lillian Hayward, Jeff Kinder, Mark
Macdonald, Allan Maslove, James Meadowcroft, Anique Montambault,
Leslie Pal, Richard Phidd, Michael Prince, Richard Schultz, Markus
Sharaput, Laura Smallwood, Glen Toner, and Allan Tupper. A special
thank you is extended to Thomas d’Aquino, President and ceo,
Canadian Council of Chief Executives and close personal friend of
Bruce’s, who presented the luncheon address which explored the
question of why public policy matters, and what we have learned
about policy from Professor Doern.
So often the volumes that are products of festschrifts are narrow
in scope because most scholars toil their entire careers in relatively
narrow furrows within their disciplines. Not so for Bruce Doern.
This volume attempts to capture and reflect upon both the depth
and breadth of his work. It also extends Bruce’s work by demonstrat-
ing how some of his core ideas and approaches are being carried in
new directions by the next generation of scholars.
Professor Doern is undoubtedly one of Canada’s most prolific
scholars of public policy, having published more than 150 books
and articles. As long-time colleague, Allan Maslove, observed in his
remarks at the “roast and toast” dinner that followed the conference,
 Foreword ix

“I have often said that Bruce wrote faster than the rest of us read.
His research work ethic inspired and set an example for all his col-
leagues. Actually, when Bruce learned to write on a computer, he
moved beyond inspiring to frightening.”
But Bruce has been much more than a productive researcher.
Equally important have been his contributions as an institution
builder, supervisor, colleague, and mentor. From 1971 to 1981, Bruce
served as director of Carleton’s School of Public Administration,
during which time he built Canada’s first independent (until then
Public Administration was seen as a sub-discipline of Political Science),
multidisciplinary school of its kind in Canada. In the early 1990s,
he extended his vision of graduate education to the doctoral level,
and was instrumental in creating Canada’s first multidisciplinary
phd in Public Policy. Contemporary graduate education in this field
across Canada owes a significant debt to Bruce’s efforts to build a
curriculum that would define the study of public policy and admin-
istration as one that builds upon political science, economics and
other disciplines, but that is a distinctive, coherent and professional
field in its own right.
As his doctoral students attest, Professor Doern has always been
an attentive, conscientious, and generous supervisor. He actively
models good scholarship and regularly co-authors publications with
his students to help launch them in their own careers. A number of
those students, now established scholars, are contributors to this
volume. The quality and originality of their work is, in part, a strong
testament to their mentor.
In answer to the question that governments are increasingly asking
of academics – “what have you done for us lately?” – Bruce has a
good answer. Plenty. Bruce is a rare breed of academic who takes
to heart the importance of putting his research into use by actively
engaging the policy and social/economic issues of our time and
directly helping government departments apply research to problem
solving. Over the years, Bruce took on many assignments for
Canadian governments that made a difference, such as research
coordinator for the [MacDonald] Royal Commission on the
Economic Union and Development Prospects for Canada, scholar
in residence for the C.D. Howe Institute and the Conference Board
of Canada, and regular advisor to many federal departments and
agencies. Some of this very practical experience is reflected in his
work and in this volume.
 Susan Phillips

One of the important ways in which Bruce helped make policy

debates more transparent and more accessible to the general public,
for which Carleton University is most grateful, was the establishment
in 1980 of the annual review of federal government spending and
policy, How Ottawa Spends. As editor for eight years (1980–83 and
2004–07) Bruce ensured that How Ottawa Spends became a truly
national enterprise engaging authors from across the country and
examining a broad range of departments and issues in a timely
manner. Bruce was a very entrepreneurial editor and, in an attempt
to ensure the first few editions of this new, unknown publication
were read, Bruce and his ever resourceful and supportive wife, Joan,
personally drove around in their old VW van to deliver copies to
Members of Parliament and Ottawa bookstores. In 2005, Bruce
launched a companion annual review, Innovation, Science and Envi-
ronment, to address issues related to sustainable development. We
are pleased that Bruce cannot stay away from engaging the issues of
the day and will be returning as co-editor of How Ottawa Spends
in 2010 to begin its next thirty years.
In truth, the aspect of Bruce Doern that makes him most admired
is none of the above. It is that he is a genuinely warm, caring, and
humble person who loves family, sports (particularly his beloved
Winnipeg Blue Bombers), theatre, and a good joke. At the festschrift
dinner, Michael Prince, a long time friend and frequent co-author
of Bruce’s, captured well both his contributions and character:
“Throughout his career, Bruce has embraced the quintessential
Canadian subject of ‘peace, order and good government.’ And he
has done so in what might be called a Canadian manner: quietly,
systematically, with humility and a view to enhancing the public
good – which, as he would immediately remind us, is a concept filled
with several ­dominant ideas which interplay.”
I need to be careful that my message is understood in the present
tense. This volume is a synthesis, reflection, and celebration of the
contributions of G. Bruce Doern and it marks a change in his status
from salaried to volunteer faculty. But, it does not mark the end of
the career of Bruce Doern: he continues his relationship with Carleton
as a Distinguished Research Professor Emeritus and with Exeter
University in the UK, and remains a productive researcher and public
intellectual. This volume is merely a chapter, not a conclusion.
On behalf of all of my colleagues in Carleton’s School of Public
Policy and Administration, our graduates and countless others, I
 Foreword xi

extend our deep appreciation to Bruce Doern for his intellectual and
academic leadership and for making such an impact on Canadian
public policy. I would also like to thank Glen Toner for his leader-
ship in organizing the conference and the contributions to this
volume, and to Leslie Pal and Michael Prince for their work as
co-editors.

Susan Phillips
Professor and Director
School of Public Policy and Administration
Carleton University
This page intentionally left blank
policy
This page intentionally left blank
1

Policy: From Ideas to Implementation

Essays in Honour of Professor G. Bruce Doern

leslie a. pal, michael j. prince, and glen toner

In his foreword to a book of essays by T.H. Marshall, the British

sociologist, the American political scientist Seymour Martin Lipset
said of Marshall that he “made important contributions” to his
discipline’s conceptual framework, although “his theoretical innova-
tions are perhaps not as widely acknowledged as they should be
because he has not presented his analytic framework as part of a
general theory. This reflects a deliberate choice.”1 This observation
applies with equal force to Bruce Doern’s contributions to Canadian
and international public policy scholarship. Doern developed numer-
ous conceptual innovations, none more so than the continuum of
governing instruments, a middle range theory of policy and decision
making at the collective cabinet, always linking theoretical proposi-
tions to the empirical specifics of ideas, institutional structures,
programs, budgets, and policy actors. His 2007 book on regulation
is the most recent example of conceptual innovation built on solid
empirical analysis. His scepticism about abstract rationalism and
general social theories and his insistence on the inevitable association
between ends and means in democratic politics give his approach to
governance a compatibility with critical social theories of the state
and thus an enduring contribution to Canadian and international
public policy and administration.
Doern’s approach to the systematic study of policy is reflected in
Karl Mannheim’s belief that “The only thing we can demand of
politics as a science is that it see reality with the eyes of acting human
beings, and that it teach men [and women], in action, to understand
even their opponents in the light of their actual motives and their
position in the historical-social situation.”2 As regards the place of
 Leslie A. Pal, Michael J. Prince, Glen Toner

ideologies in policy making, Doern challenges the tendency of many

academics, journalists, and politicians to submerge most or all ideas
under the cover of brokerage politics, bland pragmatism or boring
platitudes. All policies, from Doern’s perspective, contain a cluster
of dominant ideas, specific interests, and relations of power contained
in structures and processes. Ideas for Doern – in the form of ideolo-
gies, paradigms, program objectives, political rhetoric, and spin – are
of primary significance in understanding democratic politics, public
policy, and the practicalities of governance.
Whether the instrument of governing is persuasion, regulation,
taxation, or expenditure, and whatever the policy field, Doern reminds
us to continually seek out the interplay of ideas and issues at work,
both those dominant and those dominated in Canadian political life.
Moreover, Doern fittingly emphasized the significance of symbols
and rhetoric in public policy. If a Conservative cabinet minister, for
instance, dubs an environmental policy proposal by a Liberal leader
“another nep” – referring to the National Energy Program introduced
by the Pierre Trudeau government of the 1980s – Doern would
appreciate the use of political language: a discursive manoeuvre link-
ing diverse issues and time periods, attributing feared consequences
of a past policy and administration to a current set of actors. Such
political language is designed to alarm; activating latent coalitions of
supporters and opponents; framing issues by highlighting certain
interests and bending attention away from others in public policy.
On Doern’s style of thinking and researching on politics and policy,
we may refer to Mannheim again on the always open and unfinished
realm of events, perspectives, and practices: “It is always in the
process of becoming and is nevertheless bound to the stream from
which it derives. It arises in the dynamic unfolding of conflicting
forces.”3 With post-structural, feminist, and other critical social
theories informing the social sciences today, Doern’s interplay approach
to policy making is as relevant today, if not more so, as when he
first articulated it in the early 1980s. The same applies to his long-
standing views on coercion and our contemporary vexations with
national security and a surveillance society. Over a scholarly career
spanning five decades, Doern has helped to insert policy studies into
political science and, equally important, insert political analysis into
public policy. In our neo-liberal age, with widespread political apathy
and with technological fixes as ever-present ­temptations, Doern offers
crucial reminders that public bureaucracies are central features of
 Policy: From Ideas to Implementation 

human affairs, that political decisions have important rationalities

rooted in democratic values, and that public services and manage-
ment are not merely techniques but differ fundamentally from private
firms and business management.
Questions that have engaged Doern through his career are classic
issues at the heart of democratic governance: issues concerning the
accountability of public power and the scrutiny of private interest,
the place of core beliefs in decision making and service provision,
the necessity of gaining the support and compliance of the citizenry,
the inevitability as well as the desirability of value pluralism in the
human condition and public affairs. In his massive oeuvre, Doern
offers countless insights and possibilities for study into the good and
just life in political community. There is a rich abundance for students
and scholars alike to explore, to discover, to revisit in his work.
Stated simply, Bruce Doern has had, and continues to have, a
major impact on the study of public policy in Canada. This book is
both a celebration of and a reflection of this impact, an impact with
two dimensions. First, there is his prodigious personal contribution
to Canadian and international public policy scholarship. Second, he
inspired many others to join him on his four-decade-long inquiry
into policy fields and concepts and in the process helped build a
community of public policy scholars in Canada. This volume is
comprised of the work of those from the second dimension. When
we invited these authors to contribute to a volume in celebration of
Bruce’s life and work, they enthusiastically embraced the opportunity.
The same can be said for the discussants at the November 7, 2008
Conference Policy: From Ideas to Implementation – A Conference
in Honour of Professor G. Brue Doern. Some (Peter Aucoin, Richard
Phidd, Allan Maslove, and Richard Schultz) have shared Bruce’s
journey in public policy research from graduate school and his early
years at Carleton. Others (Allan Tupper, Leslie Pal, John Chenier,
Sandy Borins, Michael Prince, Tom Conway, Susan Phillips, and
Glen Toner) were his early students, inspired by him in the classroom
or in his writings. Still others (Jeff Kinder, Markus Sharaput, Burkard
Eberlein, Monica Gattinger, James Meadowcroft, Matthew Hellin,
Barbara Allen, Mark MacDonald, Serena Boutos, Lillian Hayward,
Anique Montambault, and Laura Smallwood) were students,
­colleagues, or co-authors during the later years of his career.
Consequently, the chapters of this volume represent the intellectual
capital of three generations of Canadian policy analysts. Moreover,
 Leslie A. Pal, Michael J. Prince, Glen Toner

over his career Bruce has been a co-author with most of the authors.
So his contribution to this volume is immense, even though he has
not penned a word. His scholarly contribution to Canadian and
international public policy theory, concepts, and ideas is the focus
of the Part One. In his chapter, Aucoin calls Doern the “foremost
Canadian and international scholar of science and government.”
Part Two focuses on design and implementation problems and issues
in science-related policy fields – energy, environment, sustainable
development, and science and technology.

bruce doern’s contribution to understanding

public policy

To truly appreciate Bruce Doern’s contributions to Canadian and

international scholarship on public policy and administration, it is
important to briefly review the state of those disciplines in the early
1970s. As with most things, Canadian scholarship in political science
had been heavily influenced by American trends in the early postwar
period. The study of interest groups, for example, exploded in the
United States in the 1950s and soon was echoed by similar research
in Canada. The use of a “political systems” approach was pioneered
in the late 1950s and early 1960s by David Easton and was soon
being put to use in Canadian textbooks. Interestingly, and for very
good reasons, this dependence on American approaches was not
reflected in the field of public administration, except perhaps at the
theoretical level. The American political and governance system was
simply too different in inspiration and architecture to be used as a
model of analysis for Canadian public administration. Instead,
Canadian analysts tended to draw on British scholarship to under-
stand the ways in which an administrative system would operate in
a Westminster style of government. Moreover, analyses tended to be
of “the role of X” in the administrative system. It was largely atheo-
retical, discursive, and firmly grounded in the verities of Canadian
constitutional practice.
The field of the policy sciences was slightly different, since it was
largely invented in the United States in the early 1950s, particularly
with the work of Harold Lasswell. One would have expected some
borrowings from the American literature, but academic policy debates
in Canada were largely inoculated from this American influence
through a preoccupation with Canada’s economic dependence on
 Policy: From Ideas to Implementation 

the United States. What came to be known as “Canadian political

economy” was a dominant intellectual force and a primary lens
through which academics (and many activists) viewed Canadian
public policy issues – social policy, trade, investment, natural resources.
A key issue, for example, was the impact of American investment
on Canadian economic development, with the broad Canadian politi-
cal economy conclusion being that it hindered development outside
of the production of raw natural resources and that it encouraged
an excessive dependence on American corporations. Beyond that,
American economic dominance led to political dominance as well.
The result was a relatively traditional approach to the study of
public administration, matched by a truncated approach to the study
of public policy. Bruce Doern and his early colleagues changed all
this by introducing a sharper analysis of the new machinery of public
management that was developing in the Trudeau years, and the
application of leading analytical frameworks on public policy to
the Canadian case, particularly (in Doern’s case) to science policy,
a realm that had been largely ignored by Canadian academics to
that point.
While Pal, Aucoin, and Prince examine Doern’s intellectual
­foundations, john chenier reflects upon the remarkable institution
building that also marked Bruce Doern’s career. Quite often, even
the most accomplished academics confine their contributions to
research and writing. They usually provide some administrative
service to their institutions or their professions but the focus of their
work is understandably one of scholarship. Doern, as Pal, Aucoin,
Prince and the other authors demonstrate, made significant contri­
butions to Canadian and international public policy and administra-
tion, but Chenier’s chapter shows how much he contributed to the
School of Public Policy and Administration, to Carleton University,
and to the wider profession. For example, Doern joined Carleton’s
School of Public Administration (as it was then) in 1968 and in 1971
became its Director. At the time the School was integrated with the
Department of Political Science but, just as the discipline of public
administration was evolving into a more distinct field, Doern believed
that the School need to be independent as well. He succeeded in little
over a year, hiring new faculty, redesigning curriculum, and building
what would soon become the premier School in the country.
As Chenier points out, Doern made special and distinctive
­contributions to building the network of scholars in public policy
 Leslie A. Pal, Michael J. Prince, Glen Toner

and administration. In 1980 he launched an annual volume that still

enjoys huge popularity and brings together scholars from around
the country – How Ottawa Spends. He had already begun a prolific
research and publication program, and Chenier calculates that about
70% of his published work was co-authored, linking him and col-
leagues across Canada (and eventually around the world) into a
community of scholars. Doern was instrumental in establishing the
Carleton Research Unit on Innovation, Science and the Environment
(cruise) and launching its annual publication, Innovation, Science,
and Environment. The School’s phd program also owes a lot to
his inspiration and vision. The first person testimonials included in
the chapter speak volumes to the rich vein of influence Bruce Doern
exercised over his career.
leslie a. pal’s chapter takes its departure from the observation
that a review of Doern’s work does not seem to show the application
of broad theoretical framework. While Doern certainly applied (and
developed) models, approaches, and guides, there does not appear
to be an overarching theory of the policy process. His work consists
primarily of thick descriptions, guided by fairly light models and
buttressed by analytical questions. Pal disagrees and argues that in
fact there is an underlying if inchoate theoretical approach, one that
Doern himself might have been largely unaware. While various
themes mark Doern’s work – such as the importance of “puzzling
through” as part of policy work – Pal seeks to uncover an underlying
theory of the policy process.
He does so by examining virtually all of Doern’s single-authored
books and articles (in order to distil the “essential” Doern) and
arrives at four dimensions to this underlying theory. The first is
“brittle” pluralism, meaning that Doern appreciated the varied roles
of many different interests in the policy process (i.e., it was not
dominated only by business interests), and how they were linked to
a constant jockeying for power within the state among different
departments and agencies. However, his focus on the state led him
to appreciate the “brittleness” of state institutions and the degree to
which their competition was not completely fluid. The second dimen-
sion was policy field versus organizational structure. Policy fields are
broad and can be thought of as paradigms or “spaces,” whereas
organizations operate within those fields, overlap, and compete.
Understanding the dynamics of policy requires seeing both elements,
and their interplay. The third was what Pal calls “infusional power,”
 Policy: From Ideas to Implementation 

or Doern’s conviction that power in the political system flows from

the political level into the bureaucracy, infusing different players
with different quantities and qualities of power. Finally, Doern
strongly appreciated the importance of organizational form and
function – a sort of institutional dna – that determined organiza-
tional behaviour. For example, understanding science policy required
understanding how science-based departments actually operate.
peter aucoin’s chapter examines one important element of
Doern’s emphasis on organizations – his work on central agencies.
Doern opened the “black box” of government at a time when much
of political science was stressing the primacy of “inputs” and “out-
puts” and largely ignored the “black box” as something that was
largely impenetrable in any case, but unimportant since what really
mattered was what emerged in policy terms from what had been
injected. Doern’s research was both about organizations and the
denizens of those organizations, and Aucoin argues that he was one
of the very first to chronicle the rise of central agencies as “differ-
entiated, bureaucratized, and active.” Aucoin for his own part argues
that central agencies have continued to evolve and are now “­hierarchical,
politicized and strategic.”
The system that Doern was examining in the 1970s had evolved
from the tradition of the “departmentalized cabinet” where central
agencies consisted essentially of the Prime Ministers Office and the
Privy Council Office, and where the Prime Minister and strong
ministers dominated the policy agenda. Both departments and agen-
cies deferred to ministers in classic Westminster style, and policy
expertise was contained in line departments, not central agencies.
The new Liberal governments of the mid- and late-1960s had a more
ambitious policy mandate, as well as recognition that modern gov-
ernment needed to be better managed. Central agencies were strength-
ened, and government became more activist. Much like Pal, Aucoin
understands Doern’s analysis of this shift of governance to encompass
an appreciation of both the flux and fluidity of agencies and depart-
ments, and the increasing centralization of power in the person of
the Prime Minister.
michael j. prince reviews Doern’s model of a continuum of
governing instruments arrayed by degrees of legitimate coercion. In
particular, Prince examines the seemingly “gently coercive” instru-
ments of self-regulation, exhortation, and symbolic policy outputs.
He challenges the notion that the legitimate coercion of a political
10 Leslie A. Pal, Michael J. Prince, Glen Toner

community is located totally within the state, and questions the

classic liberal democratic belief that beyond the exercise of state
authority, personal liberty and freedom of choice by social groups
flourish. Notable features of Prince’s chapter are his review of the
impact of Doern’s ideas on the Canadian public policy literature and
his analysis of ideas by critical theorists in other branches of the
social sciences, suggesting future lines of research for students of
public policy and administration. These critical approaches reveal
how so-called “soft” instruments of governing can both constrain
and enable the agency of citizens.
A general preoccupation with degrees and forms of state coercion
has led to an under-emphasis on state-society interactions and the
power structures within social settings. When the literature says a
policy type or tool of government has little coercion, if any, it is
usually from the vantage point of the policy makers, those relatively
comfortable, reasonably well-off, and central actors in the main-
stream of society. Far too infrequently, the perspective is taken from
the life world of the poverty-stricken, the homeless, and the margin-
alized. The conduct of citizens is governed by an assemblage of state
coercions and societal controls, shaped by historical and material
conditions, visible and concealed, in numerous ideas, structures, and
processes. Looking at social control as a dynamic complex of power
relationships fits readily with Doern’s interplay approach to public
policy development; in particular, his attention to the rhetorical as
well as to the material, to the state and to social conditions, and,
perhaps above all, to his focus on the multi-causality of policies,
through time, in conditions of uncertainty.
The chapter by allan maslove centres on taxation as an
­instrument of public policy. In particular, Maslove examines the
interplay, over the past 30 years in Canada, between using the tax
system as a generator of revenue and as a regulator of behaviour of
economic agents. He identifies a cyclical pattern that plays out in
annual income tax decisions, gradual shifts in the overall structures
and, eventually, periodic episodes of major tax reform. Maslove sug-
gests that these tax reform exercises feature a cleaning up of the tax
structure, by modifying the accumulated batch of special provisions
for regulating behaviour, thereby broadening the tax base for a more
buoyant generation of revenue and even allowing for a reduction in
tax rates. Although governments still insert special provisions into
the income tax system, Maslove suggests that the tendency to do so
 Policy: From Ideas to Implementation 11

has declined over time, due in large part to economic and financial
globalization. Indeed, globalization has prompted governments to
seek stable revenue from less mobile sources, resulting in a greater
reliance on taxing consumption through retail taxes and user fees.
His overall conclusion is that the income tax system, both for
individuals and corporations, has become less potent as a policy
instrument for influencing the behaviour of economic agents in work
effort, investment activity or consumption levels and patterns. In
many respects, taxation has returned to a classical role of obtaining
secure and stable revenues for the state. Maslove’s analysis of the
future direction of Canadian tax policy relates to Doern’s idea that
governing politicians effectively trade in a market of policy instru-
ments. So, for example, if the supply of the tax system declines for
addressing certain issues, then governments will likely turn to other
policy instruments such as direct expenditure, regulation, or exhorta-
tion. They will do so, as the Doernian perspective claims, because
the option of doing absolutely nothing for long is not usually a viable
political option.

science and government:

policy institutions, processes, and challenges

In addition to pushing the conceptual boundaries of Canadian public

policy theory, Bruce Doern tirelessly explored the dynamics of numer-
ous policy fields. These institutional assessments always highlighted
how ideas were teased out and employed by policy entrepreneurs
both within the formal institutions of the state and outside govern-
ment. Always integrated into these analyses was an assessment of
how the formal legislative, budgetary, and regulatory processes
structured this struggle amongst ideas and interests in decision
making. A major component of his body of research was in policy
fields that, at their core, relied on the insights of science and the
development of policy responses that employed technology and sci-
ence. This exploration began in the 1960s with his doctoral work
on science and government. The fields he explored over his career
included policy for science and technology, as well as environment,
energy, sustainable development, and competition and intellectual
property policy.
Doern carefully examined relationships between industry, the
­scientific community, university sector, and the state in Canada. He
12 Leslie A. Pal, Michael J. Prince, Glen Toner

pioneered, and has sustained ever since, the study of science policy
in the arenas of cabinet government, parliament, political parties,
private interests, and public opinion. Regrettably, the field of policy
studies has insufficiently taken up his early analysis of the Canadian
scientific community as a political system in its own right. Issues
today of climate change, stem cell research, genetically modified
organisms, biotechnologies and cloning, mad cow disease, and map-
ping the human genome are all powerful indicators of the pressing
need to examine the science and politics relationship, including what
Doern calls “the broad problem of communication among scientific
experts, generalist politicians, and the scientifically uneducated gen-
eral public.”4 Perhaps the digital age in which we now live shifts
somewhat the distribution of information and expands the potential
for public awareness; although Doern would caution us that
­knowledge is but one form of power.
jeff kinder reviews how the federal government has structured
science policy advice over the last century. This historical overview
of the experience of a number of institutional mechanisms reveals
an uneasy intersection of science and government. Science advice
can be understood as guidance derived from the natural, health, and
social sciences, and engineering in the context of a policy question.
A core conceptual distinction at the heart of science advice and public
policy is the difference between science in policy and policy for sci-
ence. This longstanding distinction has served to anchor most discus-
sions of the relationship between science and government and was
invoked by John Holdren, President Obama’s science advisor, during
his 2009 Senate confirmation hearing. While exploring the functions
of science advice, Kinder reveals the historical evolution of science
advisory mechanisms in Canada: from the 1916 Honorary Advisory
Council on Scientific and Industrial Research which became the
National Research Council, to the 1966 creation of the Science
Council of Canada and its demise in 1992, to the 1986 National
Advisory Board on Science and Technology, which gave way to the
1996 Advisory Council on Science and Technology, which in turn
gave way in 2007 to the Science, Technology and Innovation Council.
As Kinder argues, one can roughly trace the evolving focus of
Canadian s&t policy by observing the changing titles of these orga-
nizations; from an early focus industrial research, followed by the
progression over the past 40 years from science policy, to science
and technology policy, to now to innovation policy.
 Policy: From Ideas to Implementation 13

The truly creative part of Kinder’s chapter is his construction of

a two-part analytical framework: “Speaking Truth”… involves cat-
egorizing key characteristics of how sound science advice is secured,
while “…to Power” relates to the integration of science advice into
the policy process. Kinder argues that the Doern’s early work on
science policy between 1969 and 1972 (which he compiles into a
table) provided the embryonic insights for this framework. In essence,
the key elements of securing advice based on sound science include:
ensuring quality in the face of uncertainty though processes such as
peer review; openness and inclusiveness to capture the full diversity
of scientific opinion; ensuring integrity to avoid bias and conflict of
interest. Secondly, the influence of science advice in decision making
depends on a number of elements such as reporting relationships
that acknowledge the differing contexts and values of science advi-
sors and decision makers and in which trust and confidentiality play
a large role; the access of science advisors to decision makers and
to relevant information combined with the timeliness of advice and
the provision of in-depth analysis supporting the advice; and science
advice that is transparent to the public and in which the degree of
scientific uncertainty and risk are clearly communicated and the sci-
ence advice process and the decision making process are visible to
the public.
markus sharaput’s chapter also focuses on science and technol-
ogy policy. Looking back, he argues that there are ongoing themes
in the Canadian debate: should s&t activity occur inside or outside
of government, and should s&t policy focus on stimulating scientific
research for its own sake or should it stimulate research that con-
tributes to the national interest. The first half of the chapter builds
on literature by Doern and various colleagues to explore a vast
number of elements that have shaped this debate. Different perspec-
tives, values, objectives, interests, and actors have intertwined over
the past 50 plus years to shape Canadian s&t – around these ques-
tions of basic versus applied research, and independent versus in-
house s&t activity – but without clear outcomes. Organizations,
agencies, and programs such as the National Research Council,
Industrial Research Assistance Program, Canadian Foundation for
Innovation, Canadian Institutes of Health Research, the Networks
of Centres of Excellence and the university granting councils, and
federal departments are explored as both determinants and outcomes
of various federal commitments to s&t.
14 Leslie A. Pal, Michael J. Prince, Glen Toner

The second half of the chapter focuses on Industry Canada’s

attempt following the arrival of the Chrétien Liberal government in
1993 and the 1996 release of report Science and Technology for the
New Century – A Federal Strategy, to lead a National Innovation
System (nis). A nis consists of the complex interplay of innovating
institutions and their larger supporting context. In Sharaput’s judge-
ment Industry Canada only partially succeeded in creating an inno-
vation framework. While the department attempted to develop and
lead networks both inside and outside of government, it was unable
to overcome systemic intra-state barriers to enact broad-based insti-
tutional change across government. The consequence is that Canada
remains a s&t laggard, spending on r&d expressed as a percentage
of gdp remains low, and the country still is overly reliant on resource
industries. Indeed, it would appear that in 2008–09 the diversification
of the Canadian economy has taken steps backward. The cultivation
of networks of innovation remains a work in progress in Canada.
sanford borins explores how information technologies (it) are
transforming the nature of politics and government in Canada, feder-
ally and provincially, as well as in the United Kingdom and the
United States. Borins examines the use of it in political campaigning,
especially on party websites, YouTube channels, and Facebook
groups in the 2007 Ontario election, the 2008 Canadian general
election, and the presidential primaries and the 2008 national elec-
tion in the United States. Borins describes the remarkable “Obama
phenomenon,” a mass mobilization campaign that, in dazzlingly
effective fashion, utilized the full range of online technologies to
raise funds, enlist volunteers, register voters, organize events, engage
in policy development, and get out the vote. By contrast, Borins finds
recent election campaigns conducted by political parties in Ontario
and at the national level in Canada to be much tamer applications
of online technology employed by the Obama campaign. Canadian
parties still control the exposure of their leaders in staged events and
carefully scripted websites, thus limiting their appeal to younger
voters. Notable online activities in Canadian elections arise outside
national headquarters of political parties, from YouTube videos and
issue-oriented websites by activists and interest groups.
In the digital state, government workplaces use the latest it: the
ranks of clerical workers have declined, while knowledge-intensive
staff numbers have grown. Work, especially at senior management
and political levels, has a heightened sense of urgency and virtual
 Policy: From Ideas to Implementation 15

accessibility, at least at these levels if not for the general public.

Borins also examines the use of online technology within the public
service, including online service delivery, suggesting that it has the
potential to restructure government based on integrated service
delivery at the front end, joined-up policy making in the middle, and
integrated procurement and support service at the back end. He
presents evidence of the politicization of the online presence of
Canadian governments alongside the establishment of advocacy
websites for government priorities. Borins is convinced that it is the
future of governance and democratic politics and calls on scholars
of the Net Generation to more fully examine this fascinating, fast
moving and far reaching phenomenon.
monica gattinger asks if it is inevitable that Canada-United
States energy policies will be harmonized. She investigates both the
drivers and constraints. Her assessment of energy markets, policy,
and politics since the mid-80s shows that we have already gone some
distance down that road as a result of a range of drivers … not only
in the oil and gas but also the electricity sector. She develops a
Spectrum of Bilateral Policy Relations that runs from Conflict on
one end through Independence to Harmonization at the other.
Between Independence and Harmonization there is a subset range
of activities and processes that characterize degrees of coordination
and collaboration. For a range of reasons, mostly domestic, both
governments have pushed at times for harmonization and at other
times for independence. Conflict has largely disappeared.
Gattinger places the energy harmonization debate within the
broader theoretical literature on policy and political harmonization,
assessing a number of factors (emulation, parallel domestic factors,
international constraints, and interdependence) which may propel
convergence. This leads her to ask “Does energy policy harmoniza-
tion between Canada and the United States mean the Americanization
of Canadian energy policies?” Three of the four factors mentioned
above would imply that the answer is yes. Parallel domestic factors
would, however, have to include similar domestic politics – and here
the evidence is not as clear – nor is the attraction for Canada.
Canada-us energy relations tend to be highly integrated at the
bureaucratic level. While such trans-governmental processes may be
effective, decentralized, and flexible, their democratic legitimacy is
increasingly called into question. When the political criteria of trans-
parency, openness and representativeness, deliberative quality, and
16 Leslie A. Pal, Michael J. Prince, Glen Toner

accountability are applied, as they in domestic politics on both sides

of the border, energy relations come up rather short. Given the asym-
metries in the bilateral relationship, which are made even more com-
plex when Mexico is included on the continental trilateral scale, such
political factors cannot help but increase in salience. In that regard,
Gattinger concludes that it is imperative that the democratic legitimacy
of energy relations, in the context of further harmonization, be
enhanced by greater transparency, openness, representative of a broad
range of interests, and be more deliberative and accountable.
As the world’s governments move in the second decade of the
21st Century to put in place serious carbon emission reduction
strategies, which virtually all have deemed necessary by mid-century,
the role of energy technologies become transcendent. Carbon capture
and storage (ccs) from industrial installations has been touted by
private and public organizations around the world as a viable
response. After describing and assessing the scientific technicalities
of ccs, james meadowcroft and matthew hellin explore this
proposition through the theoretical perspective of “transition
­management.” Transition management is a perspective on socio-
­technological transformation that takes its inspiration from historical
studies of long term technological transitions, such as the shift of
ocean transport systems from sail to steam. Transition management
is a deliberate attempt to bring about structural change in a stepwise
manner, based on a two-pronged strategy oriented both toward
system improvement within the existing trajectory and system inno-
vation triggering a new trajectory. Such societal transitions between
dominant socio-technical paradigms unfold over 25–75 year periods
and transition management is about achieving gradual change by
exploiting the potentialities of the existing system.
Meadowcroft and Hellin ask if ccs can be viewed as a “two
world” technology of the kind favoured by transition management
theorists: one that can simultaneously open up possibilities for system
improvement and system innovation. Plans are already underway in
Canada and elsewhere for ccs projects that represent an “end of
pipe” approach to taking carbon out of the industrial waste stream
and burying it underground in various geological formations. In
that sense, Meadowcroft and Hellin acknowledge that it can be
understood to “optimize the current energy system.” They are keep-
ing an open mind as to whether this technology can transform the
energy system into something different – for example, one based on
 Policy: From Ideas to Implementation 17

r­ enewable forms of power generation. Their research question is

whether transition management would be hostile to ccs. They are
willing to consider the system innovation potential of ccs, given,
for example, its potential to open up pathways to the low emission
hydrogen economy. The final section of their chapter reflects on ccs
in this context. They conclude that the uncertainties and ambiguities
of ccs have triggered different political visions: both that of ccs as
a gateway to a post-fossil energy economy and that of ccs as an
enhancement of fossil energy lock in. Climate change and energy
security are two macro level drivers that will help shape public
debate, but whatever the outcome, the emergence of ccs technology
will require the development of robust regulatory frameworks, trans-
parent international procedures, and a clear divisions of ­responsibility
among public and private actors.
Ideas play a central role in Bruce Doern’s approach to public
policy. Periodically, a big idea comes along that has profound rami-
fications for public policy. The idea of sustainable development was
“invented” by scientists in the 1980 World Conservation Strategy
but came to prominence when embraced by political leaders on the
World Commission of Environment and Development (wced). Its
1987 report Our Common Future triggered a series of policy
responses both internationally and domestically. As Doern noted in
his theoretical work on policy instruments, one key policy response
is to create new institutions. serena boutros, lillian hayward,
anique montambault, laura smallwood, and glen toner
analyse the creation and evolution of four non-executive agencies
that can trace their roots to various federal governments’ responses
to the injunction in Our Common Future to strengthen Canada’s
sustainable development infrastructure. Though each has a different
mandate, these institutions have been successful in broadening
­discussions and communicating the fundamental elements of sustain-
able development. Their success is in part as result of their inde-
pendence; all four were created to be arm’s length from government.
However, this independence has also circumscribed their ability to
effect change as they have limited decision making power, particu-
larly of the kind required for the paradigmatic social change
­envisioned by the wced.
The chapter concludes by asking “so what does it mean?” While
small organizations can play specialized roles in niche sectors, a truly
transformative societal sustainable development change process will
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