THE JESSIE AND JOHN DANZ LECTURES

THE JESSIE AND JOHN DANZ LECTURES

The Human Crisis, by Julian Huxley

Of Men and Galaxies, by Fred Hoyle
The Challenge of Science, by George Boas
Of Molecules and Men, by Francis Crick
Nothing But or Something More, by Jacquetta Hawkes
Abortion in a Crowded World:
The Problems of Abortion with Special Reference to India,
by S. Chandrasekhar
World Culture and the Black Experience, by Ali A. Mazrui
Energy for Tomorrow, by Philip H. Abelson
Plato's Universe, by Gregory Vlastos
The Nature of Biography, by Robert Gittings
Darwinism and Human Affairs, by Richard D. Alexander
Arms Control and SALT II, by W. K. H. Panofsky
Promethean Ethics:
Living with Death, Competition, and Triage,
by Garrett Hardin
Social Environment and Health, by Stewart.Wolf
The Possible and the Actual, by Francois Jacob
Facing the Threat of Nuclear Weapons, by Sidney D. Drell
Symmetries, Asymmetries, and the World of Particles, by T. D. Lee
The Symbolism of Habitat:
An Interpretation of Landscape in the Arts,
by Jay Appleton
The Essence of Chaos, by Edward N. Lorenz
Environmental Health Risks and Public Policy:
Decision Making in Free Societies,
by David V. Bates
Lan guage and Human Behavior, by Derek Bickerton
The Uses of Ecology: Lake Washington and Beyond,
by W. T. Edmondson
 MANS

JOHN BLACKING

UNIVERSITY OF WASHINGTON PRESS

SEATTLE AND LONDON
Copyright © 1973 by the University of Washington Press
Second printing, 1974
First paperback edition, 1974
sixth printing, 2000
Printed in the United States of America

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or trans-

mitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including
photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system,
without permission in writing from the publisher.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Blacking, John
How musical is man?
(The John Danz lectures)
1. Musical ability. 2. Ethnomusicology.
I. Title. II. Series
ML3838.B6 780’.1 72-6710
ISBN 0-295-95338-1 (pbk.)

The paper used in this publication meets the minimum requirements of

American National Standard for Information Sciences—Permanence of
Paper for Printed Library Materials, ANSI Z39.48-1984. ©

Excerpts from Benjamin Britten’s War Requiem are reproduced by permission

of Boosey & Hawkes Music Publishers Ltd.; from Gustav Mahler’s Ninth
Symphony and the “Abschied” from Song of the Earth by permission of
Universal Edition (London) Ltd.; from Mahler’s Tenth Symphony by
permission of G. Schirmer, 140 Strand, London WC4R 1HH, and copyright
© 1966 by Associated Music Publishers, Inc., New York, used by permission.
Examples from Deryck Cook’s The Language of Music are reproduced by
permission of Oxford University Press.

All photographs are by the author.

To Meyer Fortes
BLANK PAGE
THE JESSIE AND JOHN DANZ LECTURES

N OCTOBER, 1961, Mr. John Danz, a Seattle pioneer, and

ffi wife, Jessie Danz, made a substantial gift to the Univer-
sity of Washington to establish a perpetual fund to provide
income to be used to bring to the University of Washington
each year “... distinguished scholars of national and inter-
national reputation who have concerned themselves with the
impact of science and philosophy on man’s perception of a
rational universe.” The fund established by Mr. and Mrs.
Danz is now knownas the Jessie and John Danz Fund, and the
scholars brought to the University under its provisions are
known as Danz Lecturers or Professors.
Mr. Danz wisely left to the Board of Regents of the Uni-
versity of Washington the identification of the special fields
in science, philosophy, and other disciplines in which lecture-
ships may be established. His major concern and interest
were that the fund would enable the University of Washing-
ton to bring to the campus some of the truly great scholars
and thinkers of the world.
Mr. Danz authorized the Regents to expend a portion of
the income from the fund to purchase special collections of
books, documents, and other scholarly materials needed to
vill

reinforce the effectiveness of the extraordinary lectureships

and professorships. The terms of the gift also provided for
the publication and dissemination, when this seems appropri-
ate, of the lectures given by the Danz Lecturers.
Through this book, therefore, another Danz Lecturer
speaks to the people and scholars of the world, as he has
spoken to his audiences at the University of Washington and
in the Pacific Northwest community.
 PREFACE

his is not a scholarly study of human musicality, so much

as an attempt to reconcile my experiences of music mak-
ing in different cultures. I present new information that is a
result of my research in African music, as well as some facts
that are familiar to anyone brought up in the tradition of
European “art’’ music; but my conclusions and suggestions
are exploratory. They express the dilemma of a musician who
has become a professional anthropologist, and it is for this
reason that I dedicate the book to Meyer Fortes. In 1952,
when I was devoting far more time to music than to my
courses in anthropology, he sent me to Paris to study ethno-
musicology under André Schaeffner during a summer vaca-
tion. But another five years passed before I began to glimpse
the possibilities of an anthropology of music. Even after a
year’s intensive fieldwork, I tended to regard African music
as something ‘other’; and this attitude would be reinforced
when I listened to a tape of Wozzeck or some of Webern’s
music in my tent, or whenever there was a piano available
and I could immerse myself in Bach, or Chopin, or Mozart.
It was the Venda of South Africa who first broke down
some of my prejudices. They introduced me to a new world

1X
x PREFACE
of musical experience and to a deeper understanding of “my
own” music. I had been brought up to understand music as a
system of ordering sound, in which a cumulative set of rules
and an increasing range of permissible sound patterns had
been invented and developed by Europeans who were con-
sidered to have had exceptional musical ability. By associating
different “sonic objects” with various personal experiences,
by hearing and playing repeatedly the music of certain ap-
proved composers, and by selective reinforcement that was
supposed to be objectively aesthetic but was not unrelated
to class interests, I acquired a repertoire of performing and
composing techniques and musical values that were as pre-
dictably a consequence of my social and cultural environment
as are the musical abilities and taste of a Venda man a con-
vention of his society. The chief results of nearly two years’
fieldwork among the Venda and of attempts to analyze my
data over a period of twelve years are that I think I am
beginning to understand the Venda system; I no longer un-
derstand the history and structures of European “‘art’’ music
as clearly as I did; and I can see no useful distinction be-
tween the terms “folk” and “art’’ music, except as commer-
cial labels.
The Venda taught me that music can never be a thing in
itself, and that all music is folk music, in the sense that music
cannot be transmitted or have meaning without associations
between people. Distinctions between the surface complexity
of different musical styles and techniques do not tell us any-
thing useful about the expressive purposes and power of
music, or about the intellectual organization involved in its
creation. Music is too deeply concerned with human feelings
and experiences in society, and its patterns are too often
generated by surprising outbursts of unconscious cerebra-
tion, for it to be subject to arbitrary rules, like the rules of
games. Many, if not all, of music’s essential processes may
be found in the constitution of the human body and in pat-
 PREFACE xi
terns of interaction of human bodies in society. Thus all
music is structurally, as well as functionally, folk music. The
makers of “art” music are not innately more sensitive or
cleverer than “folk” musicians: the structures of their music
simply express, by processes similar to those in Venda music,
the numerically larger systems of interaction of folk in their
societies, the consequences of a more extensive division of
labor, and an accumulated technological tradition.
Literacy and the invention of notation are clearly important
factors that may generate extended musical structures, but
they express differences of degree, and not the difference in
kind that is implied by the distinction between “art” and
“folk’” music. I have limited my examples to the music of the
Venda, because I have personal experience of it and empirical
data to support my statements. But my argument about music
in one culture seems to apply to other musical systems that
have been studied by ethnomusicologists, and particularly to
Arabic, Indian, Chinese, Japanese, and Indonesian “art”
music. I am convinced that an anthropological approach to
the study of all musical systems makes more sense of them
than analyses of the patterns of sound as things in them-
selves.
If my guess about the biological and social origins of music
is correct, or even only partly correct, it could affect assess-
ments of musicality and patterns of music education. Above
all, it might generate some new ideas about the role of music
in education, and its general role in societies which (like the
Venda in the context of their traditional economy) are going
to have more leisure time as automation increases. I often
wondered how it was that at my preparatory school most of
the scholarships were won by choristers, who represented
only a third of the school and missed more than a third of the
classes because of sung services and choir practice. When |
lived with the Venda, I began to understand how music can
become an intricate part of the development of mind, body,
xii PREFACE
and harmonious social relationships. These ideas are, of
course, older than the writings of Boethius and Plato on
music; but I hope that my own experiences may add a fresh
perspective to a perennial problem.
I am deeply grateful to the Board of Regents of the Uni-
versity of Washington, whose invitation to deliver the John
Danz Lectures has given me the opportunity to think aloud
and summarize some of my findings on African music. I thank
Robert Kauffman, who originally suggested that I might
come, and William Bergsma, Robert Garfias, and many others,
who helped me to spend a very happy and stimulating month
in Seattle. In particular, I thank Naomi Pascal for her enthu-
siasm and advice in preparing the lectures for publication,
and Cyril Ehrlich for reading the manuscript and making
many useful comments; but I take full responsibility for any
deficiencies in the final product. I am convinced that any
creative effort is the synthesis of an individual’s responses to
all the good things that others have given him; and so these
brief acknowledgments represent only a fraction of the grati-
tude I owe to all those who have helped me to appreciate and
understand music.
 CONTENTS
Humanly Organized Sound 3
Music in Society and Culture 32
Culture and Society in Music 54
Soundly Organized Humanity 89
BLANK PAGE
HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
BLANK PAGE
 ‘van }

THNOMUSICOLOGY is a comparatively new word

(Sam is widely used to refer to the study of the different
musical systems of the world. Its seven syllables do not give
it any aesthetic advantage over the pentasyllabic ‘“musicol-
ogy,” but at least they may remind us that the people of many
so-called “primitive” cultures used seven-tone scales and har-
mony long before they heard the music of Western Europe.
Perhaps we need a cumbersome word to restore the balance
to a world of music that threatens to fly up into clouds of
elitism. We need to remember that in most conservatoires
they teach only one particular kind of ethnic music, and that
musicology is really an ethnic musicology. A School of Music
such as that at the University of Washington, which estab-
lishes a subdepartment of Ethnomusicology, Ethnic Music,
or Black Music, has taken the first step toward recognizing
its role in tomorrow’s world of music. It has implicitly rede-
fined its Music more modestly, as a system of musical theory
and practice that emerged and developed during a certain
period of European history.
More important than any arbitrary, ethnocentric divisions
between Music and Ethnic Music, or between Art Music and

3
4 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
Folk Music, are the distinctions that different cultures and
social groups make between music and nonmusic. In the long
run, it is the activities of Man the Music Maker that are of
more interest and consequence to humanity than the particu-
lar musical achievements of Western man. If, for example, all
members of an African society are able to perform and listen
intelligently to their own indigenous music, and if this un-
written music, when analyzed in its social and cultural con-
text, can be shown to have a similar range of effects on
people and to be based on intellectual and musical processes
that are found in the so-called “art’’ music of Europe, we
must ask why apparently general musical abilities should be
restricted to a chosen few in societies supposed to be cultur-
ally more advanced. Does cultural development represent a
real advance in human sensitivity and technical ability, or is it
chiefly a diversion for elites and a weapon of class exploita-
tion? Must the majority be made “unmusical” so that a few
may become more “musical’’?
Research in ethnomusicology has expanded our knowledge
of the different musical systems of the world, but it has not
yet brought about the reassessment of human musicality
which this new knowledge demands. Ethnomusicology has
the power to create a revolution in the world of music and
music education, if it follows the implications of its discover-
ies and develops as a method, and not merely an area, of
study. I believe that ethnomusicology should be more than a
branch of orthodox musicology concerned with “‘exotic’’ or
“folk” music: it could pioneer new ways of analyzing music
and music history. Currently recognized divisions between
Art Music and Folk Music are inadequate and misleading as
conceptual tools. They are neither meaningful nor accurate as
indices of musical differences; at best, they merely define the
interests and activities of different social groups. They express
the same outlook as the irregular verb, “I play music; you
are a folk singer; he makes a horrible noise.” We need to
 HUMANLY ORGANIZED SOUND 5
know what sounds and what kinds of behavior different soci-
eties have chosen to call “musical”; and until we know more
about this we cannot begin to answer the question, “How
musical is man?”
If studies in the psychology of music and tests of musical-
ity have failed to reach agreement on the nature of musicality,
it is probably because they have been almost exclusively
ethnocentric. Thus, the contradictions that exist between the
different schools of thought may be artifacts of their ethno-
centricity. When the Gestalt school insists that musical talent
is more than a set of specific attributes dependent upon sen-
sory capacities, it is right; but only partly right, because its
whole does not extend into the culture of which the music is
a part. When opponents of the Gestalt school attach prime
importance to sensory capacities, they are also right, because
without certain specific capacities music could neither be per-
ceived nor performed. But their tests, like the theories on
which they are based, are also of limited value and are hardly
more objective than those which may seem to be less scien-
tific. Paradoxically, their laudable aim to be context-free and
objective fails precisely because they minimize the importance
of cultural experience in the selection and development of
sensory capacities. For instance, a test of musical pitch based
on the sounds of a General Radio beat-frequency oscillator
may seem to be more scientific than one based on culturally
familiar timbres, because the intensity and duration of the
sounds can be exactly controlled. But the results of such a
test could in fact represent a distortion of the truth, because
the subjects’ perception may be thrown off balance by the
unfamiliar medium.
One example of the ethnocentricism of all the musical tests
that I have so far encountered will serve as a general criti-
cism, and also illustrate why we must broaden our field of
investigation if we are to find out what capacities are in-
volved in musicality. Carl Seashore’s Measures of Musical
6 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
Talents were the first standardized tests of musical ability to
be published, in 1919; and although they have been criticized,
refined, and elaborated both by Seashore himself and by
many other workers, testing procedures have not changed
radically. The basis of the Seashore tests is discrimination of
some kind. Now, because sensory discrimination is developed
in culture, people may fail to express any distinction between
musical intervals which they can hear, but which have no
significance in their musical system. Similarly, people who use
only four or five basic color terms may be able to distinguish
between finer shades of color even though they may not
know the special terms the manufacturers have invented in
order to sell the new season’s clothes. I lived for nearly two
years in a rural African society, and I studied the develop-
ment and expression of its members’ musical ability in the
context of their social and cultural experience. Music plays a
very important part in the life of the Venda of the Northern
Transvaal, and even white settlers who suffer from the de-
mented logic of apartheid readily admit that the Venda are
very musical people. But when confronted with the Seashore
tests of musical talent, an outstanding Venda musician might
well appear to be a tone-deaf musical moron. Because his
perception of sound is basically harmonic, he might declare
that two intervals a fourth or a fifth apart were the same,
and that there was no difference between two apparently
different patterns of melody (see Example 2). Tests of timbre
and loudness would be irrelevant outside the social context of
sound, and in any case the sound of the oscillator would
probably turn him off instantly: since it is not sound made
by a human being, it is not music.
Tests of musical ability are clearly relevant only to the cul-
tures whose musical systems are similar to that of the tester.
But I would ask further questions: How useful are musical
tests even within the cultural tradition in which they are set?
What do the tests test, and how far is it related to musical
 HUMANLY ORGANIZED SOUND 7
ability? How musical is the ability that finds its expression in
musical composition or performance, and under what condi-
tions can it emerge? We cannot answer the question, ““How
musical is man?” until we know what features of human be-
havior, if any, are peculiar to music. We talk freely of musical
genius, but we do not know what qualities of genius are re-
stricted to music and whether or not they might find expres-
sion in another medium. Nor do we know to what extent
these qualities may be latent in all men. It may well be that
the social and cultural inhibitions that prevent the flowering
of musical genius are more significant than any individual
ability that may seem to promote it.
The question, ““How musical is man?” is related to the more
general questions, “What is the nature of man?” and, “What
limits are there to his cultural development?” It is part of a
series of questions that we must ask about man’s past and
present if we are to do anything more than stumble blindly
forward into the future. Although I have no final answer to
the question posed by the title of the book, I hope to show in
the first three chapters how research in ethnomusicology may
resolve most of the problems, and, in the fourth, why the
issue may be important for the future of humanity. There is
so much music in the world that it is reasonable to suppose
that music, like language and possibly religion, is a species-
specific trait of man. Essential physiological and cognitive
processes that generate musical composition and perform-
ance may even be genetically inherited, and therefore present
in almost every human being. An understanding of these and
other processes involved in the production of music may pro-
vide us with evidence that men are more remarkable and
capable creatures than most societies ever allow them to be.
This is not the fault of culture itself, but the fault of man,
who mistakes the means of culture for the end, and so lives
for culture and not beyond culture.
Consider the contradictions between theory and practice in
8 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
the matter of musicality in the kind of bourgeois environment
in which I was raised and seemed to acquire a degree of
musical competence. (I say “seemed,” because an essential
point of my argument is that we do not know exactly what
musical competence is or how it is acquired.) Music is played
while we eat and try to talk; it is played between films and
at the theater; it is played as we sit in crowded airport
lounges, and ominously as we wait in the plane to take off; it
is played all day long on the radio; and even in church few
organists allow moments of silence to intervene between
different stages of the ritual. “My” society claims that only a
limited number of people are musical, and yet it behaves as if
all people possessed the basic capacity without which no
musical tradition can exist—the capacity to listen to and dis-
tinguish patterns of sound. The makers of most films and
television serials hope to appeal to large and varied audiences;
and so, when they add incidental music to the dialogue and
action, they implicitly assume that audiences can discern its
patterns and respond to its emotional appeal, and that they
will hear and understand it in the ways that its composer in-
tended. They assume that music is a form of communication,
and that in a common cultural context specific musical se-
quences can evoke feelings that are fearful, apprehensive,
passionate, patriotic, religious, spooky, and so on.
The film makers may not be aware of the grounds for their
assumptions; but we can be sure that, if experience had
proved them wrong, they would have rejected all incidental
and mood music as unnecessary. Instead, they seem to have
shown increasing confidence in their audiences’ musicality by
abandoning continual background music in favor of more
selective heightening of the drama. This may be only a re-
sponse to the pressures of musicians’ unions; but, even if this
were so, film makers continue to commission composers of
music, at considerable extra expense. It is interesting that
these assumptions should be made by men and women whose
 HUMANLY ORGANIZED SOUND 9
attitudes to art and financial profit often contradict them. A
producer’s training in Western European culture must have
taught him that not all people are musical, and that some are
more musical than others. But his knowledge and experience
of life lead him unconsciously to reject this theory. Capitalist
dogma tells him that only a chosen few are musical, but capi-
talist experience reminds him that The Sound of Music was ,
one of the biggest box-office draws of all time.
One explanation of this paradox comes immediately to
mind. In many industrial societies, merit is generally judged
according to signs of immediate productivity and profits, and
postulated usefulness, within the boundaries of a given sys-
tem. Latent ability is rarely recognized or nurtured, unless its
bearer belongs to the right social class or happens to show
evidence of what people have learned to regard as talent.
Thus, children are judged to be musical or unmusical on the
basis of their ability to perform music. And yet the very ex-
istence of a professional performer, as well as his necessary
financial support, depends on listeners who in one important
respect must be no less musically proficient than he is. They
must be able to distinguish and interrelate different patterns
of sound.
I am aware that many audiences before and since the com-
position of Haydn’s Surprise Symphony have not listened
attentively to music, and that, in a society which has invented
notation, music could be handed down by a hereditary elite
without any need for listeners. But if we take a world view
of music, and if we consider social situations in musical tradi-
tions that have no notation, it is clear that the creation and
performance of most music is generated first and foremost
by the human capacity to discover patterns of sound and to
identify them on subsequent occasions. Without biological
processes of aural perception, and without cultural agreement
among at least some human beings on what is perceived,
there can be neither music nor musical communication.
10 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
The importance of creative listening is too often ignored in
discussions of musical ability, and yet it is as fundamental
to music as it is to language. The interesting thing about child
prodigies is not so much that some children are born with
apparently exceptional gifts, but that a child can respond to
the organized sounds of music before he has been taught to
recognize them. We know, too, that children who are not
prodigies may be equally responsive, though they may not
relate to music in a positive way and seek to reproduce their
experience.
In societies where music is not written down, informed and
accurate listening is as important and as much a measure of
musical ability as is performance, because it is the only means
of ensuring continuity of the musical tradition. Music is a
product of the behavior of human groups, whether formal or
informal: it is humanly organized sound. And, although dif-
ferent societies tend to have different ideas about what they
regard as music, all definitions are based on some consensus
of opinion about the principles on which the sounds of music
should be organized. No such consensus can exist until there
is some common ground of experience, and unless different
people are able to hear and recognize patterns in the sounds
that reach their ears.
Insofar as music is a cultural tradition that can be shared
and transmitted, it cannot exist unless at least some human
beings possess, or have developed, a capacity for structured
listening. Musical performance, as distinct from the produc-
tion of noise, is inconceivable without the perception of order
in sound.
If my emphasis on the primacy of listening may seem too
farfetched, consider what would happen even to a tradition of
written music if mere performance were regarded as the
criterion of musical ability. Musicians know that it is possible
to get away with a bad or inaccurate performance with an
audience that looks but does not listen; and even listening
 HUMANLY ORGANIZED SOUND 11
audiences can be trained to accept gross deviations from fa-
miliar scores of Chopin or Beethoven, which were at first cur-
rently fashionable but later became part of a pianistic tradi-
tion. The continuity of music depends as much on the de-
mands of critical listeners as on a supply of performers.
When I say that music cannot exist without the perception
of order in the realm of sound, I am not arguing that some
kind of theory of music must precede musical composition
and performance: this would obviously be untrue of most
great classical compositions and of the work of so-called
“folk” musicians. I am suggesting that a perception of sonic
order, whether it be innate or learned, or both, must be in the
mind before it emerges as music.
I deliberately use the term “sonic order” and stress experi-
ences of external listening because I want to emphasize that
any assessment of man’s musicality must be based on de-
scriptions of a distinctive and limited field of human be-
havior which we will provisionally call “musical.” Sonic order
may be created incidentally as a result of principles of or-
ganization that are nonmusical or extramusical, such as the
selection of equidistantly spaced holes on a flute or frets on a
stringed instrument. Similarly, an apparent lack of sonic
order may express ordered arrangements of numbers, people,
mathematical formulae, or any elements that can be trans-
formed into sound, such as the application of a sine curve to
an electronic machine.
If a composer tells me that I must not expect to hear any
order “‘in the notes,” but that I may observe it in patterns of
circles and cones that are given to performers, or in numbers
that are fed into a machine, I may prefer to call the noise re-
actionary magic rather than avant-garde music; but I cannot
exclude it from any estimation of human musicality, even
though it probably does not belong to the area of behavior
that includes the music of the Bushmen, the Bemba, the Bali-
nese, Bach, Beethoven, and Bartok. It is humanly organized
12 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
sound, intended for other human ears and possibly enjoyed
by the composers’ friends, and thus concerned with commu-
nication and relationships between people.
This process of producing musical sound is not as modern
or sophisticated as its creators might claim: it is simply an
extension of the general principle that music should express
aspects of human organization or humanly conditioned per-
ceptions of “‘natural’’ organization. I observed a similar proc-
ess in Zambia in 1961. Among the Nsenga of the Petauke
district, boys play small kalimba mbiras as a diversion when
they are walking or sitting alone. Analysis of the tunes they
play reveals relationships between the patterns of movement
of the left and right thumbs, the patterns of rhythm with
which they pluck the “keys,” and the patterned arrangement
of the “keyboard” itself (see Figure 1). The tunes do not
sound like other Nsenga music, but the two thumbs perform
typically Nsenga polyrhythms, which in other contexts
would be performed by more than one player. A similar in-
strument called the ndimba has a different ‘keyboard’ more
suited to melodic accompaniment than to patterned doodling.
The men who play this instrument are usually public enter-
tainers, who sing with or to large audiences. Though their
music often sounds simpler than that which the boys play, it
is in fact more musical in construction, since the patterned
relationship between thumb movement and “keyboard” is
subordinate to the requirements of a song, with words and a
form that allow others to sing with the instrument. Some of °
the boys’ tunes may be more experimental and avant-garde,
but they do not concern many people, since they lack a qual-
ity the Nsenga seem to desire of their music, namely, the
power to bring people together in brotherhood.
It is possible to give more than one analysis of any piece
of music, and an enormous amount of print is devoted to
doing just this. But it ought to be possible to produce exact
analyses that indicate where musical and extramusical proc-
 HUMANLY ORGANIZED SOUND 13

Be Sie sal
Transcriptions of three Nsenga melodies for kalimba

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Layout of the "keys'' of a 14-note kalimba (A) and a 14-note ndimba (B).
(i): Approximate pitches of the scales most commonly used (transposed).
(ii): Numbering of ''keys" from left to right of the "keyboard." (iii): ''Keys'"'
numbered symmetrically according to their use in contrary motion by the
right and left thumbs. Shaded "keys" and underlined numbers above and be-
low the music staff indicate pitches in the upper manual of the ''keyboard."

ft
(i) e'bb'd' a'c' ge cc"g g'af'b

Aaa
(ii) 1.2.3 4 5 6 7 8 O 10 11 121314
—LYYOZICTZ
A|\Z277IiZ77
ii 7 el P- Aa’
3 b 3075

2. a
2 atsob
a
i
Left thumb 1 Right thumb
KeysAg 7 10 12 16 #5 38 1 13 1b 4 (2)
o bk =
8

so — 12 8618
KeysB, 2 #4 6 8 ® 10 MW 7 5S 38 1 -
c'
(i) c ea'g g'a f'bc' d'e'g' a' bb'
(ii) 1 2 yy ' jy 78 Yy
9 1011 1213 14

ca b 28 ri ? °
(iii) 5 “
Left thumb Right thumb

Figure 1. Comparison of melodies and “keyboards” of kalimba

and ndimba mbiras, played by the Nsenga of Petauke, Zambia,
illustrating the cultural and physical origins of musical sound.
14 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
Rhythmic foundations of kalimba melodies, as revealed by analyses of
parts played by left and right thumbs

:L4Yay ges 0= © "

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>
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2 c4 b 2 4 2 b 2 c4 b 2 4 ' b
LI 2 4 2 3 2 4 1 2
N42 Hest
(ee eee eeere tteeetoeee|eeei eee
Is|
Oo. —_______________,_____; __}_ ____f
eee eee
|\|
Rhythmic , o! ’ . o ) d )
foundations f r f rm
L 4 Cc 3 b 2 a 1 R1 a 2 b 3 Cc 4
© —_—- for > =
° . —_— = S.=oeo

Tl6Dp'fe O° @.,- ee Le N . ae"ee @: o. etti

¢.= 104-108 M.M.

Hey
2. Ree 2tt
Ee eet
2. eee top 9-H
ee. BS i
Eee Eee se2 2"reeee
Ae... VEE GEE EREY 24S /E SESE 2) ee ee ee ee eee eee ee eee ee i

eS
8

GL
) e s —= a“a
had as
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cc io co nie ca
8 Cc 2 2/4 4 4 4 2c 2 2
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| yy el iy iA = hme | SP | it ee | Pf ea FF 2 Fr ft
: rch Cf —— ee ee ee ee eet,
=
FiGurRE 1 continued
 HUMANLY ORGANIZED SOUND 15

I=)
f)AR i
és a—~TI i et
\ [.
R ( ep
|

ae a 1 Ss
o= 96 M.M.

rin 1 | foe pe __} ff fo Ce ©

aD a — Oe
ee me4|2e| 2 144244
TAY SS Of a ae _____..____b
eae)
Rhythmic If do i J. J. d. J.
foundation y1\f r r f r r f f r f f r

EE Analysis of ndimba melody

)L5Ke
4 ¢ 3 :b 2: a.oQ
8 Ce)
1R1 2 3“eo
456

L)
stint
g YY 0.
hseef ee} eS
Fe
™ [ro
Voice ( Ban fh ta eg 9 0
) oH 27 160-168 MM.

GPS
, Ng!NJ a
oe Sa oe
Co eee 5 as oe
() # § NI a | Sees
et otSe ee
5G ies
8
ao Soeee eTSe
ees ea
Figure 1 continued
 ee
:—=
a
85) aqj
) y—
a f ty |
f) » ¢ae
Pal
P
16 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

was — hp PD DD Dp py

he SS
|
1 —4 ees 2 A;
Gov CD LS Ge.
i- Wa - li-le nso-lo. A -Ka-ce - pa e - fwa-la pa-zu-wa, ma-mae-ya.
ap’ DIS, tj} —___+}—________|_} 9} — # ——__»—___-__ 4, ++, _4,—__4—_»—_ 3 ne?“ , ee

GEer
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ly CU YC SS se

f)
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8

|
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ey 4 f+ — |-—__—__##* _______#@______}_— An Eee ee ee ee ee eee ee ee ee eee eee eee

[ ¥ # ‘ a —_j\_& fi __@» —_, —__________| __» fF __@*__________} 4-4, |} _____ ——__,

rNYy AEE’ LAY A TS OS © CURE AS CS SR ON OP REN EY SES CS SATE ¢

See re oe ee ee ee ee er ee
R( fg ee Ee = wy
| 1 aE as ~~ ; TT t—SdSCSC“‘CSNTTC*dCC CC GE 0 A eb Ge a
NS ACES cS GEN GREE CRS Ce 7 Ae ee a BEE Je Ge =e ees eee | & oF ©. jf ef

() +

Ndimba}| ° 2 3 2 3 2 13 |2 2 3 21 1 821 3
L p/—enta—9—
Pi b c b 1 4b
WEa4>.“
3 3eee
a 5= 5es| a”.
4 3aar {4
ae 1
|

f) +FaryNh
eea—
Se
:
a a =e:
a ae ae oe ee
8

LN
R8Sg:2ce
2 01eee1 ee3 eee
3 3ee ee ee ee ee
3 3 1535 b c b b a
Op ag a. ae \ gj wf ne A | i mE eee ee Pp tCC
“2 a Zs SES 0) SR CE ee |=
8

R8yar ————————
2 2 ! 1 3 2 , #3 2 2 2 2 3a2% 8 2 1 1
—————
Vy +

c gigs
8
= 2 BSS SS SS
I __ hy3 07 'Tn
5 3 aT
5 39a
ST1 EF
4 LAR
8 8|bPeb boO
ba ___"X-.---
to 55 3 5 etc,

Figure 1 continued
 HUMANLY ORGANIZED SOUND 17
esses are employed, and precisely what they are and why
they were used. At some level of analysis, all musical be-
havior is structured, whether in relation to biological, psycho-
logical, sociological, cultural, or purely musical processes;
and it is the task of the ethnomusicologist to identify all
processes that are relevant to an explanation of musical
sound.
Figure 2 shows a musical passage that can be interpreted
in at least two ways. It is one of a number of short repeated
figures that occur in a series of tunes played by a Nande (or
Konjo) flute player from Butembo, in Zaire, and it is clear
from the musical context that it gives the player pleasure
and expresses fundamental principles of musical structure.
What is not clear from the music alone is the nature of
these principles. A listener trained in European ethnic music
may hear movement away from and back to a tone center,
which he would describe as a tonic-dominant-tonic sequence.
More generally, in terms Hindemith and others have used,
this could be described as a musical sequence expressing re-
laxation-tension-relaxation. The Nande musician may also
conceive the passage as movement away from and back to a
tone center, since much African music is structured in this
way, though he would not think specifically in terms of tonic
and dominant relationships. But if we consider his perform-
ance in relation to the physical experience of stopping holes
with the fingers, the tonal relationships acquire a different
meaning. The physical relaxation of throwing the fingers off
the flute produces a tone that is harmonically tense, while the
physical tension of stopping certain holes produces a tone
that is harmonically relaxed.
I do not know which of these interpretations of the music
is right in the context of Nande society and the musicianship
of the particular performer, Katsuba Mwongolo, or whether
there is another explanation. But I am sure that there is ulti-
mately only one explanation and that this could be discov-
 18 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

ee Oe
Musical phrase used in flute music from Butembo

, va
Hes
4S EEa RE
oe ET et pe ee |Ee
SE Y_§_q@ {oTJ
_----»
Stopping of flute from Butembo, and tones produced

@ represents stopped hole.

represents open hole.
O represents open hole. = = @ @CUOCOCOO
an |

3rd finger .. we @ @ ®@ O ©
Istfinger 6 6D@lC® O OO oO
ardfinger ow. 0606 @COO O oO O
un |

q'' e" f'' gt q"'

Transformation " Language” MODEL "Language" Transformation

Tone in theHARMONIC
(stopping PHYSICAL
of flute Tone in
musical the
phrase
musical phrase holes: fingering)
A Tonic
G Dominant TENSION 10 A
RELAXATION G
A Tonic
G Dominant TENSION 10 A
RELAXATION G

Ficure 2. Two possible interpretations of the same musical pas-

sage, using a tension/relaxation model and harmonic and physical
“languages,” respectively.

ered by a context-sensitive analysis of the music in culture.

When I analyzed the flute melodies in 1955, I was working
with annotated recordings and a specimen instrument which
I learned to play. I had no firsthand experience of the culture
of the performer and no evidence of its musical system,
since very few recordings were available.
I can be more confident about the analysis of the balance
 HUMANLY ORGANIZED SOUND 19
between physical and musical factors in generating the tunes
played on the Nsenga kalimba and ndimba mbiras, because |
worked in Zambia in 1961 with the performers and learned
to play the tunes (very badly), I observed the different con-
texts of performance, and I heard and recorded scores of
other pieces of Nsenga music. Only by assembling musical
and extramusical information was it possible to discover what
was “in the notes.”
It is possible to improvise musical tests in the field; and
these may provide the only means of discovering or confirm-
ing the principles that generate musical composition. For ex-
ample, Venda youths play duets on ocarinas, called zwipoto-
liyo, which they make from small fruits of varying diameters
(ca. 4.5 to 7 cms), in which they have cut one large hole for
blowing and two for stopping with the fingers. The tones that
can be played on the ocarinas vary according to the size of
the spheres, and their pitch can be modified by the blowing
of the performer. For the duets, players select pairs that
“sound good,” and so their choice indicates what musical
principles they hope to express in the duets. I devised a test
in which two youths selected the most satisfactory of all com-
binations of six differently tuned ocarinas; the sound of the
duets played on these instruments, therefore, revealed tonal
and harmonic principles that are important in ocarina music
in particular and Venda music in general. Figure 3 shows
three such patterns, with their root progressions and _ har-
monic sequence.
These three examples illustrate problems that exist in ana-
lyzing the music of any composer or culture. They also em-
phasize the dangers of comparing different music solely on
the basis of its sound. Even though the meaning of music
rests ultimately “in the notes” that human ears perceive, there
can be several possible structural interpretations of any pat-
tern of sound, and an almost infinite number of individual
responses to its structure, depending on the cultural back-
2.0 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
Three Venda ocarina duets

_po
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ES 116|
Oconne ICY Eta 9 yt — ot — Sg Eg |
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Ocanna 21GB 6 ee et
pva ¢-=92 MM, in FA ad lib.
. CGN
Ocarina

ce |
| -1 hb
TON

tg
SS

oh
i or EfVa
S|ey,
iNer}eg

ett
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CC
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peo
afI TT ee
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' SEE LS eegeee
WE
gt TT Gf
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gud @=138-144 MM.

Ocanna
ol — 41a attesHi
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N

— yoXt8-1
_ee pe
eee —fij | 44} 4#4Ff
— oh
.@E_4en AU

ele |
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C

tg
AH2ahere
Ocarina eee tef[ eee
ee"
ate te ge 0ooo
eeey—9
Jyyq — 4_eee.
eee pa ae4
@ yf
fp, va —_ ad lib.
Cat =
Gp’ AF GER a ee eee See eee eee J eee |

| tm gy Kt te tp sy et ht oe otc cet}

=’ , ' i
Root progressions A and B C
ope — FR see
6

ma A and B C
Harmonic sequences

ase
[yy °&¢yp (ay) Cy (e537) Ti T@yp) Gy TSS)

Figure 3. Tonal and harmonic principles in Venda ocarina music.

 HUMANLY ORGANIZED SOUND 21
Scale diagram of two Venda ocarinas, made from hollowed fruits (A: of Strychnos
spinosa Lam., the wild orange; B: of Oncoba spinosa Forsk.)

(0 } @)
Of 23dG4 cms.
Loop §
FicurE 3 continued

ground and current emotional state of its listeners.

However, the number of possible structural interpretations
can be greatly reduced when the musical system of a single
composer or culture is considered in its total cultural context.
Even when a system is clearly articulated, a structural ex-
planation in terms of that system may be incomplete. For
example, we know much about the theory and practice of
harmony in the European “art’’” music of the nineteenth cen-
tury, but when we analyze the music of Hector Berlioz it is
useful to know that he often worked out harmonic proce-
dures on a guitar, and that the structure of the instrument
influenced many of his chord sequences.
Let me illustrate the analytical problem further by an anal-
ogy from structural linguistics. In doing this, I am not sug-
gesting that ethnomusicology should use the methods of lin-
guistics, though the aims of musical and linguistic analysis
may be similar. I see no reason to assume that music is a kind
of language, or that it has any special structural relationships
with language, or that language processes are necessarily
more fundamental than other human cultural activities. How-
ever, analyses of language behavior by Eric Lenneberg and
by Noam Chomsky and his associates point to features that
22 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
have parallels in music. I do not refer so much to the obvious
fact that the sound si can have different structural and seman-
tic significance in different languages, and that even in English
the words sea, see, and see are different, as to the variety of
structures that can be embedded in the surface structures of
a language, that is, in the patterns of words which we hear
and to which we respond.
English speakers generally understand strings of words
according to the context in which they are heard. Thus, as
Lenneberg points out, the string “they-are-boring-students”
has two possible syntactic interpretations which are directly
related to two possible semantic interpretations. The sentence
can be either a comment by faculty on students—|{|[(They)]
[(are) ((boring) (students))] —in which “boring” is an ad-
jective; or it can be a comment by students on faculty—
| ((They)] [(are boring) (students)] i —in which “boring” is
an inflected verb form. In many cases, however, there is not
a one-to-one relationship between syntactic and semantic in-
terpretations. Chomsky has shown that at the surface level
the structure of the gerundial phrase “the shooting of the
hunters” may be a transformation of either the active sen-
tence “hunters shoot,” or the passive “hunters are shot.”
It is because of this kind of relationship between deep and
surface structures that we cannot regard language as a matter
of fitting words into grammatical slots according to learned
patterns, regardless of the cognitive processes that underlie
the patterns. There is a world of difference between the active
sentence “John is eager to please” and the passive “John is
easy to please,” although on the surface only one word has
been changed. Similarly, we cannot substitue any similar verb
form for “shooting’” without considering the semantic impli-
cations, which in turn bring into play different structural
principles. In some contexts I can talk of “the eating of the
hunters” in the same way as “the shooting of the hunters,”
but in all contexts known to me “the drinking of the hunters”
 HUMANLY ORGANIZED SOUND 23
can have only one structural and semantic interpretation.
Logical possibilities must always be considered, however, and
in some cultures the ambiguity of phrases such as “the sing-
ing of the hunters” or “the dancing of the hunters,” which
ought to be transformations only of active sentences, may be
resolved by the concept that a man can “be sung” or “be
danced.”
Musical structures, like strings of words, can be interpreted
as the results of fitting tones into slots according to the rules
of a musical grammar. But if the deep structures are ignored,
confusion may arise. A humorous consequence of such an

A|
approach to musical analysis is quoted by Deryck Cooke in
his book The Language of Music ({London: Oxford Univer-
sity Press, 1959], Ex. 73, p. 186). A friend of his “‘confidently
assumed” that “the once-popular comic song “Yes, we have
no bananas (we have no bananas today)’ ’’ was generated in
the following way:

Example 1

° Hal - le-lu-jah! (ba-na-nas), Oh,bringback mybon-nie to me!

A more serious illustration of the importance of deep struc-

tures in the analysis of music is provided by two different
versions of a Venda children’s song, Funguvhu tanzwa mu-
lomo! (see Example 2). The two melodies are described as
“the same” because they are melodic transformations of the
same deep structure, which is an essentially “harmonic” se-
quence, given rhythmic impetus and contour by a string of
words. The tones of one melody are the harmonic equivalents
of the other.
The first problem in assessing human musicality is also the
central issue in musicology and ethnomusicology. It is the
/) N
SS
24 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

teen
Example 2
,
M . _ ), : +,SSS =
A f+} ____H 1 7>—7NWH— I
()
————
1, FH - nga - vha, ta - nzwa mu ~- 1 = mo!

+ ) ) /.
v

2. Ta - nzwa mu - 13 - mo, Ri ko - nb ri tshi la re - thé;

| yd lm Eee rT
yy — Fp
3. Rf tshf Md ré-thé. VhO-m-mé vhd ka 6 - nda pi?
') py oY ) , ) ) N h d
y, y, v,
Lk i —_—_ * _@_§ — § | -@ —@—@ 4) 9 '"—@ 5
4, Vhad ka €6-nda pi? Vho li- ma da-vha 14 khd - mbe.

problem of describing what happens in a piece of music. We

cannot yet explain what we already know intuitively as a
result of experience in culture, namely, the essential differ-
ences between the music of Haydn and Mozart, or of the
Flathead and the Sioux Indians. It is not enough to know the
distinctive features of Mozart’s piano concertos or of Beetho-
ven’s orchestration: we want to know exactly how and why
Beethoven is Beethoven, Mozart is Mozart, and Haydn is
Haydn. Every composer has a basic cognitive system that sets
its stamp on his major works, regardless of the ensembles for
which they were written. This cognitive system includes all
cerebral activity involved in his motor coordination, feelings,
and cultural experiences, as well as his social, intellectual, and
musical activities. An accurate and comprehensive description
of a composer’s cognitive system will, therefore, provide the
most fundamental and powerful explanation of the patterns
that his music takes. Similarly, the musical styles current in a
society will be best understood as expressions of cognitive
 HUMANLY ORGANIZED SOUND 25
processes that may be observed to operate in the formation
of other structures. When we know how these cognitive
processes work in producing the patterns of sound different
societies call “music,” we shall be in a better position to find
out how musical man is.
The study of music in culture is what Alan Merriam advo-
cated in his important book, The Anthropology of Music
(Evanston, IIl.: Northwestern University Press, 1964), but
ethnomusicologists have yet to produce systematic cultural
analyses of music that explain how a musical system is part
of other systems of relationships within a culture. It is not
enough to identify a characteristic musical style in its own
terms and view it in relation to its society (to paraphrase a
definition of one of the aims of ethnomusicology by Mantle
Hood, who has done more for the subject than almost any
other living ethnomusicologist). We must recognize that no
musical style has “its own terms”: its terms are the terms of
its society and culture, and of the bodies of the human beings
who listen to it, and create and perform it.
We can no longer study music as a thing in itself when
research in ethnomusicology makes it clear that musical
things are not always strictly musical, and that the expression
of tonal relationships in patterns of sound may be secondary
to extramusical relationships which the tones represent. We
may agree that music is sound that is organized into socially
accepted patterns, that music making may be regarded as a
form of learned behavior, and that musical styles are based
on what man has chosen to select from nature as a part of
his cultural expression rather than on what nature has im-
posed on him. But the nature from which man has selected
his musical styles is not only external to him; it includes his
own nature—his psychophysical capacities and the ways in
which these have been structured by his experiences of inter-
action with people and things, which are part of the adaptive
process of maturation in culture. We do not know which of
26 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
these psychophysical capacities, apart from hearing, are
essential for music making, or whether any of them are spe-
cific to music. It seems that musical activities are associated
with specific parts of the brain, and that these are not the
same as the language centers. But we shall never know what
to look for until we study the creative processes that are
present even in a learned performance of music, much as they
are present in the sentences of a learned language.
Ethnomusicology’s claim to be a new method of analyzing
music and music history must rest on an assumption not yet
generally accepted, namely, that because music is humanly
Organized sound, there ought to be a relationship between
patterns of human organization and the patterns of sound
produced as a result of human interaction. I am chiefly inter-
ested in the analysis of musical structures because this is the
first step toward understanding musical processes and hence
assessing musicality. We may never be able to understand
exactly how another person feels about a piece of music, but
we can perhaps understand the structural factors that gener-
ate the feelings. Attention to music’s function in society is
necessary only in so far as it may help us to explain the
structures. Although I shall discuss the uses and effects of
music, I am concerned primarily with what music is, and not
what is is used for. If we know what it is, we might be able
to use and develop it in all kinds of ways that have not yet
been imagined, but which may be inherent in it.
The sound may be the object, but man is the subject; and
the key to understanding music is in the relationships existing
between subject and object, the activating principle of organi-
zation. Stravinsky expressed this with characteristic insight
when he said of his own ethnic music: “Music is given to us
with the sole purpose of establishing an order in things, in-
cluding, and particularly, the coordination between man
and time’ (Chronicle of My Life (London: Gollancz, 1936], p.
83). Every culture has its own rhythm, in the sense that con-
 HUMANLY ORGANIZED SOUND 27
scious experience is ordered into cycles of seasonal change,
physical growth, economic enterprise, genealogical depth or
width, life and afterlife, political succession, or any other re-
curring features that are given significance. We may say that
ordinary daily experience takes place in a world of actual
time. The essential quality of music is its power to create an-
other world of virtual time.
In the musical system of the Venda, it is rhythm that dis-
tinguishes song (u imba) from speech (u amba), so that pat-
terns of words that are recited to a regular meter are called
“songs.” Both Stravinsky and the Venda insist that music
involves man. The regular beats of an engine or a pump may
sound like the beats of a drum, but no Venda would regard
them as music or expect to be moved by them, because their
order is not directly produced by human beings. The sound
of electronic instruments or of a Moog synthesizer would not
be excluded from their realm of musical experience as long as
it was only the timbre and not the method of ordering that
was outside human control. Venda music is founded not on
melody, but on a rhythmical stirring of the whole body of
which singing is but one extension. Therefore, when we seem
to hear a rest between two drumbeats, we must realize that
for the player it is not a rest: each drumbeat is the part of a
total body movement in which the hand or a stick strikes the
drum skin.
These principles apply in the children’s song Tshidula tsha
Musingadi (Example 3), which for the Venda is music, and
not speech or poetry.
One might expect the beat to fall on the syllables -du, tsha,
and -nga-, which are stressed in performance. But if people
clap to the song, they clap on the syllables Tshi-, -la, -si-, and
-di, so that there is not a rest on the fourth beat, but a total
pattern of four beats that can be repeated any number of
times, but never less than once if it is to qualify as “song”
and not “speech.”
28 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
Example 3

++++
) =108 -112 Parltando

—j~t i 1) Pdi) p41)

1. Tshi - du - la tsha Mu- si - nga -_ qi!
2. Vha - ko - ma vha tshi ya Dza - ta,

+ + +dipp+by
—Jjssitiups
3. Vha fhi-ri-sa mu - di- n - da pha- n - da.

+) La!
—. H+| )+. ) — +Ly
LHH
4, Mu - di- n- da ndi Ra- mu - dzu - li,
Venda music is overtly political in that it is performed in a
variety of political contexts and often for specific political
purposes. It is also political in the sense that it may involve
people in a powerful shared experience within the framework
of their cultural experience and thereby make them more
aware of themselves and of their responsibilities toward each
other. “Muthu ndi muthu nga vhanwe,” the Venda say: ““Man
is man because of his associations with other men.” Venda
music is not an escape from reality; it is an adventure into
reality, the reality of the world of the spirit. It is an experi-
ence of becoming, in which individual consciousness is nur-
tured within the collective consciousness of the community
and hence becomes the source of richer cultural forms. For
example, if two drummers play exactly the same surface
rhythm, but maintain an individual, inner difference of tempo
or beat, they produce something more than their individual
efforts. Thus, the combination of a straightforward beat
played by two people at different tempi produces:
 HUMANLY ORGANIZED SOUND 29
Example 4

‘. ‘. d. d. d. d.
ee ee ee ee ee ee
A combination of iambic rhythms with different main beat
can produce:
Example 5

de dd JY
"DF Pf BF
Other combinations are illustrated in Figure 4, which shows
how the same surface structure may be produced by different
processes, involving one, two, or three players.

Two patterns of JJ Jd ae ‘ Je ¢ | ’ Je ‘
sound
one produced
layer d r p ybrb.| r@y ry
yf
ee
y2playersoe ee eee
7OF PF PP fF If ;fF;
ak. ae.
Wok Wd ded
"OF PF fe PR —-+fh BR—
d. pa. ; 1 {4 ;
aonrf ff
Sean
by 3 players 4~ @ , . | f P f P

Figure 4. Different ways in which one, two, or three players may

produce the same surface structures of music.
30 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
To describe these differently organized patterns of sound
as the same “sonic objects” simply because they sound the
same would be grossly misleading. Even to recognize the way
in which the sounds are produced and to describe some of
them as examples of polyrhythm would be inadequate in the
context of Venda music. They must be described first in terms
of cognitive and behavioral processes that belong to the pat-
tern of Venda culture.
A cultural analysis of some of the rhythms in Figure 4
would not be one which simply points out that they are used
in such-and-such a way on a stated variety of occasions. It
would not be a program note outlining the context of the
music, but an analytical device describing its structure as an
expression of cultural patterns. Thus, performances by com-
binations of two or three players of rhythms that can in fact
be played by one are not musical gimmicks: they express con-
cepts of individuality in community, and of social, temporal,
and spatial balance, which are found in other features of
Venda culture and other types of Venda music. Rhythms
such as these cannot be performed correctly unless the players
are their own conductors and yet at the same time submit to
the rhythm of an invisible conductor. This is the kind of
shared experience which the Venda seek and express in their
music making, and an analysis of their music that ignored
these facts would be as incomplete as an analysis of Monte-
verdi’s Vespro della Beata Vergine of 1610 which failed to
take account of the liturgical framework, the composer’s
early sacred works, his service to the dukes of Gonzaga, and
his early experiments in opera.
Functional analyses of musical structure cannot be de-
tached from structural analyses of its social function: the
function of tones in relation to each other cannot be explained
adequately as part of a closed system without reference to the
structures of the sociocultural system of which the musical
system is a part, and to the biological system to which all
 HUMANLY ORGANIZED SOUND 31
music makers belong. Ethnomusicology is not only an area
study concerned with exotic music, nor a musicology of the
ethnic—it is a discipline that holds out hope for a deeper
understanding of all music. If some music can be analyzed
and understood as tonal expressions of human experience in
the context of different kinds of social and cultural organiza-
tion, I see no reason why all music should not be analyzed in
the same way.
 Music i
Society and

HAVE DESCRIBED music as humanly organized sound. I

have argued that we ought to look for relationships be-
tween patterns of human organization and the patterns of
sound produced as a result of organized interaction. I rein-
forced this general statement by referring to the concepts of
music shared by the Venda of the Northern Transvaal. The
Venda also share the experience of music making, and with-
out this experience there would be very little music. The pro-
duction of the patterns of sound which the Venda call music
depends, first, on the continuity of the social groups who
perform it and, second, on the way the members of those
groups relate to each other.
In order to find out what music is and how musical man is,
we need to ask who listens and who plays and sings in any
given society, and why. This is a sociological question, and
situations in different societies can be compared without any
reference to the surface forms of music because we are con-
cerned only with its function in social life. In this respect,
there may be no significant differences between Black Music,
Country and Western Music, Rock and Pop Music, Operas,
Symphonic Music, or Plainchant. What turns one man off

32
 MUSIC IN SOCIETY AND CULTURE 33
may turn another man on, not because of any absolute qual-
ity in the music itself but because of what the music has come
to mean to him as a member of a particular culture or social
group. We must also remember that, while we may have our
own personal preferences, we cannot judge the effectiveness
of music or the feelings of musicians by what seems to hap-
pen to people. If an old, blind master of Venda initiation
listens in silence to a recording of the domba initiation song,
we cannot rate the music more or less effective than a record-
ing of Spokes Mashiyane’s penny whistle band from Jo-
hannesburg, which bores him but excites his grandson. We
cannot say that the Kwakiutl are more emotional than the
Hopi because their style of dancing looks more ecstatic to
our eyes. In some cultures, or in certain types of music and
dancing within a culture, emotions may be deliberately inter-
nalized, but they are not necessarily less intense. A man’s
mystical or psychedelic experiences may not be seen or felt
by his neighbors, but they cannot be dismissed as irrelevant
to his life in society.
The same criteria of judgment should be applied to appar-
ent differences in the surface complexity of music, which we
tend to see in the same terms as that of other cultural prod-
ucts. Because the growing complexity of cars, airplanes, and
many other machines can be related to their efficiency as
means of communication, it is often assumed that technical
development in music and the arts must likewise be a sign
of deeper or better expression. I suggest that the popularity
of some Indian music in Europe and America is not unrelated
to the fact that it seems to be technically brilliant as well as
pleasing to the ear, and that it is accompanied by profound
philosophizing. When I try to interest my students in the
sounds of African music, I know that I too tend to draw their
attention to technical feats in performance, because these are
more immediately appreciated. And yet the simplicity or
complexity of the music is ultimately irrelevant: the equation
34 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
should not be LESS = BETTER Or MORE = BETTER, but MORE or
LESS = DIFFERENT. It is the human content of the humanly or-
ganized sound that “sends” people. Even if this emerges as
an exquisite turn of melody or harmony, as a “sonic object’
if you like, it still began as the thought of a sensitive human
being, and it is this sensitivity that may arouse (or not) the
feelings of another human being, in much the same way that
magnetic impulses convey a telephone conversation from one
speaker to another.
The issue of musical complexity becomes important only
when we try to assess human musicality. Suppose I argue
that, because there are some societies whose members are as
competent in music as all people are in language, music may
be a species-specific trait of man. Someone will almost cer-
tainly retort that evidence of a widespread distribution of
listening and performing ability among the Venda and other
apparently musical societies should not be compared with the
limited distribution of musical ability in, say, England because
the complexity of English music is such that only a few could
master it. In other words, if English music were as elementary
as Venda music, then of course the English would seem to
be as universally musical as the Venda! The broader implica-
tion of this argument is that technological development
brings about a degree of social exclusion: being a passive au-
dience is the price that some must pay for membership in a
superior society whose superiority is sustained by the excep-
tional ability of a chosen few. The technical level of what is
defined as musicality is therefore raised, and some people
must be branded as unmusical. It is on such assumptions that
musical ability is fostered or anesthetized in many modern
industrial societies. These assumptions are diametrically op-
posed to the Venda idea that all normal human beings are
capable of musical performance.
The issue of musical complexity is irrelevant in any con-
sideration of universal musical competence. First, within a
 MUSIC IN SOCIETY AND CULTURE 35
single musical system greater surface complexity may be like
an extension of vocabulary, which does not alter the basic
priniciples of a grammar and is meaningless apart from them.
Second, in comparing different systems we cannot assume
that surface complexity is either musically or cognitively more
complex. In any case, the mind of man is infinitely more
complex than anything produced by particular men or cul-
tures. Above all, the functional effectiveness of music seems
to be more important to listeners than its surface complexity
or simplicity. What is the use of being the greatest pianist in
the world, or of writing the cleverest music, if nobody wants
to listen to it? What is the human use of inventing or using
new sounds just for their own sake? Do new sounds mean
anything in Venda culture, for instance, in terms of new
groups and social change? Why sing or dance or play at all?
Why bother to improve musical technique if the aim of per-
formance is to share a social experience?
The functions of music in society may be the decisive fac-
tors promoting or inhibiting latent musical ability, as well as
affecting the choice of cultural concepts and materials with
which to compose music. We shall not be able to explain the
principles of composition and the effects of music until we
understand better the relationship between musical and hu-
man experience. If I describe some of the functions of music
in Venda society, perhaps the new knowledge may stimulate
a better understanding of similar processes in other societies.
This has certainly been my own experience. Since my initial
stay of two years in the Sibasa district between 1956 and
1958, and as a result of subsequent fieldwork in other parts
of Africa, I have come to understand my own society more
clearly and I have learned to appreciate my own music better.
I do not know whether or not my analyses of Venda music
are correct: I have benefited greatly by the criticisms of
Venda who have been good enough to discuss my evidence
and conclusions, but there may be other interpretations that
36 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
have so far escaped us. Whatever the ultimate judgment on
my analyses of Venda music, I hope that my discoveries may
play a small part in restoring the conditions of dignity and
freedom in which their musical tradition originally developed.
There are about three hundred thousand Venda, and most
of them live in the undeveloped rural area that was left to
them when white colonists took the rest of their land for
farming and mining. Compared with over twelve million
black South Africans, divided almost equally among the Zulu,
Xhosa, and Sotho-Tswana language groups, the Venda may
seem insignificant. And yet the white South African govern-
ment has shown great interest in them and has held an im-
portant military exercise in their so-called homeland. For the
Venda live in and around the Zoutpansberg Mountains, just
south of the Limpopo River, the northern boundary of the
white Republic of South Africa. Since I was there in 1958,
more and more whites have been settling on land that was
once reserved for blacks.
In 1899 the Venda became the last of the South Africans to
submit to Boer rule. They are well placed to become the
first to achieve their full freedom. The ancestors of some
Venda clans lived in Venda long before whites landed in the
Cape, and they managed to retain their identity even after
they had accepted the rule of black invaders from the north
about two hundred years ago. The Venda are pacifists at
heart, and they have a saying: ““Mudi wa gozwi a u na
malila” (“In the homestead of the coward there is no weep-
ing’). When their country was later invaded from the south
by blacks who were fleeing from the advance of the whites,
the Venda preferred to retreat to the safety of their moun-
tains and wait for them to pass. They were unwilling to ac-
cept cultural innovations or to incorporate strangers into
their political system on terms that were likely to diminish,
rather than increase, cooperation and “humanness” (vhuthu)
in their society. On the other hand, during the latter half of
 MUSIC IN SOCIETY AND CULTURE 37
the nineteenth century, the Venda adopted and accepted as
“songs of the Venda-speaking people” several foreign songs
and styles of music from their neighbors in the north and
south.
It may seem surprising that such musical people should
have shown little interest in, and comparatively little ability
for, the sounds and techniques of European music. The rea-
sons are partly technical, but chiefly political. First, the sort
of music that has been disseminated in missions and schools
has often been the dullest type of European institutional
music, and even the best music has invariably been distorted
by the way in which it was taught by the whites. There has
been no real contact with the original of the unfamiliar idiom;
none of the Europeans who have passed on the tradition have
been accomplished musicians, and so both they and the
Africans they have trained have often been as unsure about
the correct reading of the scores as those they have taught.
White “experts” have assured them that sentiment and ex-
pression (which often amount to wearing bright uniforms at
interschool singing competitions) are more important than
accuracy. This is a notion quite foreign to traditional Venda
music, in which accuracy is always expected and sentiment
generally assumed, but it is one strong enough to have had
disastrous results in the process of assimilating European
music, and so it is not surprising that the apparently musical
Venda have generally failed to excel in performing European
music, even when they have wanted to do so.
Political factors were probably even more significant than
the technical barriers I have described. Although the gospel
and the education the missionaries brought were at first well
received by the Venda, the white administration and the
commercial exploitation that came in their wake were not.
Since 1900 the Venda have not been able to retreat to their
mountain fastnesses, as they did with earlier invaders. They
have been compelled by superior physical force to put up
38 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
with an authoritarian system that contradicts traditional
African democracy. Is it surprising, therefore, that indiffer-
ence and even hostility to European music should go along
with their resistance to white domination? The general re-
action to European music is in keeping with the function of
music in their society, and it must be seen as a sociological
as well as a musical phenomenon.
Much Venda music is occasional, and its performance is a
sign of the activity of social groups. Most adult Venda know

So
what is happening merely by listening to its sounds. During
girls’ initiation, whenever a novice is being taken down to
the river or back to her initiation hut, the women and girls
who accompany her warn people of their approach with a
special song, in which the lower lip is flapped with the fore-

ey PB a
finger.

' a a SC
Example 6

CK CS
J =132 (Rhythm produced by flapping the lips)
) d=

a ,
e
ee ___
6

8 Ee - _u-wee -_u-wee, u-wee,

Se
~__ _ee ee| J ees
Gs Se\o @»
8 e€e_____. |
ee ee
/p op — PP . -» [4 |
8 ee Ee - u-wee - u-wee, u-wee,
The following song, with its unusual prelude, indicates that
a novice is being taken from her home for initiation. The
melody will be recognized even by women who cannot hear
the words.
[Ss —
MUSIC IN SOCIETY AND CULTURE 39

é —eee Oo

|
Example 7

f) =
=88-92,Tempo rubato

nd
| NY ~~ — = .
Xa-xa- ee!__ Ou!
See
ee sss ee oe
a

aa
Tenor Drum (thungwa) accel. >
t Pp PP
ee
—
Lf} ——-________-" ________| (#0 _ a??? _| if @ 2 @ @ @ @ i ) mf ==

é
iHen
ee
ONS!el
a _ ——
ey
na $ + °= i ee,
e ———— _
—_

$
Cw
<> oO
Eee! Xa- xa-eef oo

ae
Ou! ©° ee
Ed
Eee!
accel. oN
— accel.
———_
St nner mf SS
fs AR et
—— |
Tempo giusto

NS 7 A A TS A | SS aS ae a Se
Ri to-da mu-si-n-da. eo
§ Ri to-da mu-te-1, AA ri mu vho-ni, to-da-ni ndi ma-khu-lu-wa-dza-lu-ma.

During the various stages of the girls’ schools, instruction

is given both directly and indirectly by means of symbolic
dances, which are often very strenuous physical exercises,
performed to a variety of complex rhythms. One song tells
girls not to gossip.
A
40 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

Ngoesgyeeey
er
Example 8

yy
er eee
Paine
es | ee a
, dates

8 A ~ hee - a - ee - e- a.

Ee eeeeeeee
Tenor Drum > -_ > =
—— th) Ft) >)
Sey ea ee | ees ea ces es ee we ee mie ee eee ca

The Venda learn to understand the sounds of music as

they understand speech. No fewer than sixteen different
styles are distinguished, with different rhythms and combina-
tions of singers and instruments; and within these styles are
further subdivisions of style, as well as different songs within — -
each division. For example, at the sungwi initiation school for
girls, there are four main types of song:
1. Nyimbo dza u sevhetha (songs for dancing round) are
sung by the girls as they dance counterclockwise in a circle
round the drums. The tempo of the songs is rapid, and they
are sung more often than any other type of song at the school.
Classed with them are two songs with special rhythms,
a “song of dismissal” (luimbo lwa u edela, literally, song for
sleeping), which always terminates a session; and a recruiting
song (luimbo lwa u wedza, literally, song for helping a person
across a river), which is sung when senior members go round
recruiting.
2. Nyimbo dza vhahwira (songs of the masked dancers)
are sung when the masked dancers perform in front of the
 MUSIC IN SOCIETY AND CULTURE 41
girls. The tempo varies, with fast and slow episodes to ac-
company different phases of the dance and distinctive
rhythms to mark the various steps.
3. Nyimbo dza dzingoma (songs for special rites) accom-
pany certain ordeals that the novices must undergo when
they are in the second stage of initiation. Each one has a
distinctive rhythmic pattern.
4. Nyimbo dza milayo (songs of the laws of the school)
are sung by the novices and any graduates present. They
kneel on the ground by the drums while muluvhe, the girl
appointed to be in charge of the novices, leads the singing.
Figure 5 summarizes the different types of communal
music recognized by the Venda and indicates the times of
year when they may or may not be performed.
Although the Venda generally classify their music accord-
ing to its social function, and the name for the function and
its music is often the same, the criteria of discrimination are
formal and musical. It is by its sound, and particularly by its
rhythm and the make-up of its vocal and/or instrumental en-
semble, that the function of music is recognized. The contexts
in which songs are sung are not exclusive, but the way in
which they are sung is generally determined by context. Thus,
a beer song may be adapted as a play song for the girls’
domba initiation, in which case a drum accompaniment will
be added and the call-response form may be elaborated into
a sequence of interlocking melodic phrases. Similarly, a num-
ber of different transformations of the national dance, tshi-
kona, may be performed on Venda musical instruments. They
sound different, but they are all called tshikona and are con-
ceived as variations on a theme in the “languages” of the
different instruments.
When the Venda discuss or classify different types of song,
they generally distinguish between songs that are proper to
the function and those which have been adopted and adapted.
As I believe that this is a-common phenomenon in central
 42 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

eee
COMMUNAL MUSIC OF THE VENDA
October November December January February March | ABIL, MOT une RUD Hitdhe ARNE September

W O RK EXAMS SCHOOL HOLIDAY BoB ed

Vv .
SPRING S UM M —E R AU TUM NW OLN TOE R SPRING
ts
THEdesde
TtmMmE™
FOR©
4Htutavulat shithethomavhuyo-hay.
OE ING THE TIME madzula-haya
GOING HOME THE TIME OF STAYING AT HOME
R A IN S HEAVY RAINS Nat! Sate BLN
p ED 1NG FIRST CoBs REAPING MAIZE FIELOS
LAN TING Wwe GREEN MAIZE COLLECTING GROUND-NUTS
LORsakes
Bree HOLING
tip mbarnoo
ong eeune
BS RT
REE vhokwoshe
IR cys ~
BEER SONGS matende TOW IRECTAKERS
2 CHILDREN'S SONGS. nyimRo_d79_ vane.OUTDOORS
STORES
hgna_ sToR! N G De
ANAS dromba, hzekenz eke, tshinzerere, tshithase
ON MOONLIGHT NIGHTS

3 GIRLS' DANCE WITH DRUMS, tshigombelg _

aa
4 BOYS’ DANCES WITH REED-PIPES [rtnraronc} AND DRUMS
tshikanganga, givha, visa. eee ee eee
5 h SICAL EXPEDITIONS
ma pe pnamusics tshik tshigombel
CMUTGH_tahlbanganga ct. _ _ _tshigombela
tehlktong, tshikangongaets,
6 BOYS' CIRCUMCISION SCHOOL
7 GIRLY CIRCUMCISION. SCHOQL SUNQWI_ or_ MUS EYNEENS ring oe spout tung MONI INROUSHUL EAB =

mie a a FE OLS SEL TD Sara any. tomar Lec nceston seta.

8 POSSESSION DANCES tSheleLie nano aat7TLEJOANCED INDOORS WHEN SICKNESS 15 goma dza midzimu, ng dzq malombo
PERFORMED OUTDOORS FOR 4 TO 6 DAYS

LY eabe . #
9 GIRLS INITIATION SCHOOL VNUSHG_ nein wuens SiAus PUBERTY 1 AEPORTED TO HEADMANLEACH SESHON LASTS CAVE

(|! BOYS'
Y $s!AND _GIRLS'
C , AND PRE-MARITAL
APTER INITIATION
ACCESSION OF NEW SCHOO,
RULERdomba ——
12 NATIONAL DANCE WITH REED-PIPEStneeraronicy AND ORUMS tshikona
FOR INSTALLING, OR COMMEMORATING OLATH OF, A BULER. FOR UNEVAUIG SACRIFICIAL RITES AT GRAVES OF RULERS’ ANCESTORS =|
FOR ANY IMPORTANT OCCASION

13 MUSIC_OF SEPARATIST CHURCHES nyimbo dza_ zion —_

14 MUSIC OF EUROPEAN-RUN CHURCHES nyimbo dzo vhatendi
ISSCHGOL, MUSIC nyimbo dza tshikolo
16 MODERN, SIGUIAR WIGHT MUSICJAIZe, Dyimbe.dza tshikhuwa,dza dzhaivi et. __

Berea ‘oaOnen” CIMES INDICATE NOMEGOLIR PEREORLEANEES TA PERFORMANCES DURING THE PEMOD mARuED

Ficure 5. Diagram showing the different types of communal

music recognized by the Venda, and indicating the times of year
when they may or may not be performed.

and southern African music, and one that needs careful inves-
tigation by fieldworkers, I will mention a particularly good
example that I encountered when working with the Gwembe
 MUSIC IN SOCIETY AND CULTURE 43
Tonga of Zambia. I recorded what was described to me as “a
grinding song,” and the context left me in little doubt about
its function. In a different context, the same melody was de-
scribed to me as a mankuntu dance song for young people,
and the new context also left me in little doubt about its
function. The only differences between the two performances
were in their rhythm, tempo, and social context. The song
was not, in fact, a grinding song, but a song sung while
grinding. It happened to be a mankuntu dance song that was
currently popular, and the woman’s use of it while grinding
was comparable to a performance of “Hark, the Herald
Angels Sing!”’ over the washing-up at Christmas time.
People’s classifications of songs by form and by function
may provide important evidence of musical and extramusical
transformation processes that are acceptable in a culture.
They may also be relevant in assessing the effects of music.
For example, there is a Venda song about loneliness and death
which I heard sung with great gusto at a party, and with no
trace of sorrow. On another occasion, I was talking one day to
an old, blind master of initiation, and he suddenly began to
sing this same song. He was about to stand up and dance
when his son stopped him, saying, “Don’t dance, old man!”
Since his father was singing a sad song, he must be full of
sorrow and so there was no point in intensifying the emotion
by dancing, especially as there was a risk that he might fall
and hurt himself. The son was deeply moved, but when I
asked him about the song he replied simply that it was a beer
song. He could have described it as a “song of sorrow,” but
he preferred to give it its formal classification.
The value of music in society and its differential effects on
people may be essential factors in the growth or atrophy of
musical abilities, and people’s interest may be less in the
music itself than in its associated social activities. On the
other hand, musical ability may never develop without some
extramusical motivation. For every infant prodigy whose in-
44 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
terest and ability fizzled out because he could not relate his
music to life with his fellows, there must be thousands of
people who now love music as part of the experience of life
and deeply regret that they neglected.to practice or were not
properly taught an instrument. This conflict has been
greatly alleviated by some music education programs, but the
combination of social, physical, and musical activity is not as
total as in Venda society. When I watched young Venda
developing their bodies, their friendships, and their sensitivity
in communal dancing, I could not help regretting the hun-
dreds of afternoons I had wasted on the rugby field and in
boxing rings. But then I was brought up not to cooperate,
but to compete. Even music was offered more as a competi-
tive than as a shared experience.
Although the structure of most Venda music demands a
high degree of cooperation for performance, it would be
wrong to suggest that all musical and associated social experi-
ences are equally shared. For instance, on the last day of the
tshikanda girls’ initiation, the sullen, silent demeanor of the
novices contrasts strongly with the excited singing and danc-
ing of the old ladies in charge and the other graduates pres-
ent. Even though the girls have to put on a show of humility
and detachment, it is hard to believe that they are concealing
anything but resignation and indifference to the music they
are required to perform. When I asked them about their reac-
tions, I detected a significant difference between the girls’
“It’s the custom,” and the adults’ “It’s the custom. It’s nice!”
Similarly, the exciting rhythms of the Venda possession
dance (ngoma dza midzumi) do not send every Venda into a
trance. They send only members of the cult, and then only
when they are dancing at their own homes, with which the
spirits of the ancestors who possess them are familiar. The
effectiveness of the music depends on the context in which
it is both performed and heard. But ultimately it depends on
the music, as I found out once when I was playing one of the
 MUSIC IN SOCIETY AND CULTURE 45
drums. Dancers take turns coming out into the “arena,” and
at first there were no complaints about my efforts. Very soon,
however, a senior lady began dancing, and she was expected
to go into a trance because the music was being played for
her cult group. However, after a few minutes she stopped
and insisted that another drummer should replace me! She
claimed that I was ruining the effect of the music by “hurry-
ing” the tempo—just enough, I suppose, to inhibit the onset
of trance.
The way in which the music of the possession dance be-
comes effective suggests that kinship is as important a factor
as the rhythm of music in having effects on people. But it is
not blood relationships so much as their social implications
that are the decisive factors, and not the music so much as its
social environment and the attitudes developed toward it.
After all, if the possession dance music has the power to
“send’’ a woman on one occasion, why should it not do so
on another? Is it the social situation that inhibits the other-
wise powerful effects of the music? Or is the music power-
less without the reinforcement of a special set of social cir-
cumstances? It is evidence such as this that makes me skepti-
cal of music association tests which have been administered
to subjects in artificial and unsocial settings never envisaged
by the creators of the music. Under such conditions, the music
cannot help being meaningless, or at least its meanings are
hopelessly diverse. It also raises another issue: granted that
music cannot express anything extramusical unless the experi-
ence to which it refers already exists in the mind of the lis-
tener, can it communicate anything at all to unprepared or
unreceptive minds? Cannot even a powerful rhythm excite an
unprepared person? Or are the Venda women unmoved be-
cause they are unwilling? I cannot answer this, but my own
love of music and my conviction that it is more than learned
behavior make me hope that it is the social inhibitions which
are powerful and not the music which is powerless.
46 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
Let us return to the matter of kinship in the development
of musical ability. The Venda may not consider the possibility
of unmusical human beings, but they do recognize that some
people perform better than others. Judgment is based on the
performer’s display of technical brilliance and originality, and
the vigor and confidence of his execution. Anyone who
troubles to perfect his technique is considered to do so be-
cause he is deeply committed to music as a means of sharing
some experience with his fellows. A sincere desire to express
feeling is not accepted as an excuse for inaccurate or incom-
petent performance, as it often is in the confused world of
modern Pop and so-called Folk music. If a person wants to
do his thing, he is expected to do it well. The ability of a
master drummer (matsige) at a possession dance is assessed
by the sounds he produces, and not by the extent to which
he rolls his eyes and throws his body about.
The Venda may suggest that exceptional musical ability is
biologically inherited, but in practice they recognize that
social factors play the most important part in realizing or
suppressing it. For instance, a boy of noble birth might show
great talent, but as he grows up he will be expected to aban-
don regular musical performance for the more serious (for
him) business of government. This would not mean that he
would cease to listen critically and intelligently to music: in
fact, important guidance to successful government might be
given to him in song. Conversely a girl of noble birth has
every encouragement to develop her musical capacities, so
that as a woman she can play an active role in supervising
the girls’ initiation schools which are held in the homes of
rulers, and for which music is an indispensable adjunct of
their didactic and ritual functions. During two months of
daily rehearsals of the young girls’ dance, tshigombela, I
watched the young relatives of a headman emerge as out-
standing performers, although at first they did not seem to
be more musical than their age-mates. I am sure that the key
 MUSIC IN SOCIETY AND CULTURE 47
to their development as dancers was the praise and the inter-
est shown in them by the women in the audience, who were
mostly from the headman’s family, and who therefore knew
the girls by name because they were relatives. It was surely
the social consequences of blood relationship that affected the
growth of their musicality, rather than special, genetically in-
herited musical capacities. Again, it is not surprising that
masters of initiation tend to “inherit” the craft from their
fathers. A master must know many songs and rituals, and so
his son is in a favored position when he assists his father on
the job.
In Venda society, exceptional musical ability is therefore
expected of people who are born into certain families or social
groups in which musical performance is essential for main-
taining their group solidarity. Just as musical performance is
the central factor that justifies the continued existence of an
orchestra as a social group, so a Venda possession cult group,
or a domba initiation school, or a sungwi girls’ school, would
disintegrate if there were no music. Only a few of those who
are born into the right group actually emerge as exceptional
musicians, and what seems to distinguish them from others
is that they perform better because they have devoted more
time and energy to it. In applauding the mastery of excep-
tional musicians, the Venda applaud human effort, and in
being able to recognize mastery in the musical medium, listen-
ers reveal that their general musical competence is no less
than that of the musicians whom they applaud. We should
remember that the existence of Bach and Beethoven depends
on discriminating audiences as much as on performers, just
as some Venda ancestors canot return to their homes except
by the good offices of their descendants.
Although communal music dominates the Venda musical
scene, and social factors influence the development of musical
ability, there is individual music making, and good solo in-
strumentalists can emerge without any of the incentives I
48 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
have described. Young growing girls confide in the quiet,
intimate tones of a lugube musical bow or its modern equiva-
lent, the jaw’s harp. Youths sing of the joys and pangs of
love while accompanying themselves with an mbira or an-
other kind of bow, called tshihwana. A third type of bow
(dende) is most commonly played by semiprofessional musi-
cians who are notoriously popular with women.
The name given to such minstrels—tshilombe—is related
to words that refer to spirit possession, such as tshilombo
and malombo. The Venda acknowledge that manifestations of
musical ability can emerge in unexpected quarters and
among unlikely subjects, but insist that they be normalized
by logical explanations. The term tshilombe should be re-
garded as not so much an acclamation of genius or of excep-
tional talent as an occupational description. An outstanding
individual musician is one who puts himself in touch with
spiritual forces, like a doctor or the member of a possession
cult, and so is able to express a wider range of experiences
than most people. It may seem paradoxical that his creative
abilities should be expressed in the originality and thought-
fulness of the words he composes, rather than in the music.
But there is a reason for this to be found in the balance of
two basic principles of Venda music.
As I emphasized in the first chapter, Venda music is dis-
tinguished from nonmusic by the creation of a special world
of time. The chief function of music is to involve people in
shared experiences within the framework of their cultural
experience. The form the music takes must serve this func-
tion, and so in the normal course of events Venda music be-
comes more musical and less culture-bound whenever pos-
sible, and the restrictions of words are abandoned for the
freer musical expression of individuals in community. To
ensure that the form does not lose its essential function, the
process is inverted in the compositions of certain individuals.
The function of such compositions is to jolt and expand the
 MUSIC IN SOCIETY AND CULTURE 49
consciousness of Venda audiences by both reflecting and con-
tradicting the spirit of the time. They reflect the political in-
terests of the maximum number of people by contradicting
the musical tendencies to which those people are accustomed.
The same kind of analysis of musical effectiveness might be
applied in other contexts: I would not consider it an exaggera-
tion to say that Beethoven achieved his extraordinary musical
power by being antimusical and shocking the complacency
of his contemporary society. His contemporaries may have
been more musical in their treatment of melody, for instance,
but their kind of conventional musicality was less relevant to
contemporary problems although it was a logical consequence
| of temporary cognitive processes.
To analyze the composition and appreciation of music in
terms of its social function and of cognitive processes that
may be applied in other fields of human activity does not in
any way diminish the importance of the music itself, and it is
in line with the common custom of interrelating a series of
human activities and calling them The Arts. However, at this
early stage of investigation we should be careful not to
assume that music is always created by the same processes,
or that its processes are specially related to those employed in
the other arts. The processes that in one culture are applied
to language or music may in another be applied to kinship
or economic organization.
It will be useful to distinguish different kinds of musical
communication, which might broadly be described as the
utilitarian and artistic uses of music in Venda society. It is
clear from the way the Venda talk about it that not all music
has the same value. All their music grows out of human
experiences and has a direct function in social life, but only
some of it is regarded as what John Dewey has called “an
instrument indispensable to the transformation of man and
his world.”
As my examples have shown, much Venda music is merely
50 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
a signal or sign of social events and no less utilitarian than
commercial jingles, radio station identifications, some inci-
dental music, and the hymns or songs that are essentially the
“badges” of different social groups. Many songs of initiation
are more important as markers of stages in ritual or as rein-
forcements or mnemonics of lessons than as musical experi-
ences; work songs coordinate and ease labor; and a special
group of beer songs can be used to voice complaints and make
requests when parties of women take gifts of beer to the
homes of their in-laws. As in women’s pounding songs, cer-
tain children’s songs, and songs of protest, a musical frame-
work can ritualize communication in such a way that mes-
sages may be conveyed but no counteraction is taken. You do
not “go to prison” if you say it in music, and something may
be done about your complaint because it may be a warning
of growing public feeling.
It is tempting to define the utilitarian functions of Venda
music as those in which the effects of music are incidental to
the impact of the social situation, and the artistic as those in
which the music itself is the crucial factor in the experience.
The testimony of the high value attached to tshikona, their
national dance, and the apparently antimusical performance
by acknowledged experts does not contradict this argument
when we see that it is the process of music making that is
valued as much as, and sometimes more than, the finished
product. The value of music is, I believe, to be found in terms
of the human experiences involved in its creation. There is
a difference between music that is occasional and music that
enhances human consciousness, music that is simply for
having and music that is for being. I submit that the former
may be good craftsmanship, but that the latter is art, no
matter how simple or complex it sounds, and no matter under
what circumstances it is produced.
The music of tshikona expresses the value of the largest
social group to which a Venda can really feel he belongs. Its
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 MUSIC IN SOCIETY AND CULTURE 51
performance involves the largest number of people, and its
music incorporates the largest number of tones in any single
piece of Venda music involving more than one or two players.
From what I have said about shared experiences in Venda
music, it should be clear that tshikona is valuable and beau-
tiful to the Venda, not only because of the quantity of people
and tones involved, but because of the quality of the rela-
tionships that must be established between people and tones
whenever it is performed. Tshikona music can be produced
only when twenty or more men blow differently tuned pipes
with a precision that depends on holding one’s own part as
well as blending with others, and at least four women play
different drums in polyrhythmic harmony. Furthermore, tshi-
kona is not complete unless the men also perform in unison
the different steps which the dance master directs from time
to time.
The effectiveness of tshikona is not a case of MORE =
BETTER: it is an example of the production of the maximum of
available human energy in a situation that generates the high-
est degree of individuality in the largest possible community
of individuals. Tshikona provides an experience of the best of
all possible worlds, and the Venda are fully aware of its value.
Tshikona, they say, is lwa-ha-masia-khali-i-tshi-vhila, “the
time when people rush to the scene of the dance and leave
their pots to boil over.” Tshikona “‘makes sick people feel
better, and old men throw away their sticks and dance.” Tshi-
kona “brings peace to the countryside.” Of all shared experi-
ences in Venda society, a performance of tshikona is said to
be the most highly valued: the dance is connected with an-
cestor worship and state occasions, incorporates the living
and the dead, and is the most universal of Venda music.
It is because music can create a world of virtual time that
Gustav Mahler said that it may lead to “the ‘other world’—
the world in which things are no longer subject to time and
space.” The Balinese speak of “the other mind” as a state of
52 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
being that can be reached through dancing and music. They
refer to states in which people become keenly aware of the
true nature of their being, of the “other self’ within them-
selves and other human beings, and of their relationship with
the world around them. Old age, death, grief, thirst, hunger,
and other afflictions of this world are seen as transitory
events. There is freedom from the resirictions of actual time
and complete absorption in the “Timeless Now of the Divine
Spirit,” the loss of self in being. We often experience greater
intensity of living when our normal time values are upset,
and appreciate the quality rather than the length of time
spent doing something. The virtual time of music may help
to generate such experiences.
There is excitement in rhythm and in the progression of
organized sound, in the tension and relaxations of harmony
or melody, in the cumulative evolution of a fugue, or in the
infinite variations on the theme of movement from and back
to a tone center. The motion of music alone seems to awaken
in our bodies all kinds of responses. And yet people’s re-
sponses to music cannot be fully explained without some ref-
erence to their experiences in the culture of which the notes
are signs and symbols. If a piece of music moves a variety of
listeners, it is probably not because of its outward form but
because of what the form means to each listener in terms of
human experience. The same piece of music may move differ-
ent people in the same sort of way, but for different reasons.
You can enjoy a piece of plainchant because you are a Roman
Catholic, or because you like the sound of the music: you
need not have a “good ear’’ to enjoy it as a Catholic, nor
need you be a believer to enjoy it as music. In both cases the
enjoyment depends on a background of human experience.
Even if a person describes musical experiences in the tech-
nical language of music, he is in fact describing emotional
experiences which he has learned to associate with particular
patterns of sound. If another person describes his experience
 MUSIC IN SOCIETY AND CULTURE 53
in the same musical tradition, he may be describing a similar,
if not identical, emotional experience. Musical terminology
can be a language with which to describe human emotional
experience, just as membership in the Venda possession cult
offers both a certain type of experience and a way of talking
about it. Thus, under certain conditions, the sound of music
may recall a state of consciousness that has been acquired
through processes of social experience. Whether the effective
agent is the right social situation, as in the Venda possession
cult, or the right musical situation, as in the responses of two
similarly trained musicians, it is effective only because of
associations between certain individual and cultural experi-
ences.
I am sure that many of the functions of music in Venda
society which I have described will recall to you similar situa-
tions in other societies. My general argument has been that,
if the value of music in society and culture is to be assessed, it
must be described in terms of the attitudes and cognitive
processes involved in its creation, and the functions and ef-
fects of the musical product in society. It follows from this
that there should be close structural relationships among the
function, content, and form of music. Robert Kauffman has
drawn my attention to a passage in LeRoi Jones’s Blues
People (New York: William Morrow, 1963), in which he says
that the basic hypothesis of his book depends on understand-
ing that ““music can be seen to be the result of certain atti-
tudes, certain specific ways of thinking about the world, and
only ultimately about the ‘ways’ in which music can be
made” (p. 153). It is enough that this should be said and
accepted. But I think it is useful if the argument can be rein-
forced with demonstrations of how it works out in practice.
This is something that ethnomusicologists can do, and most
of my work during the past fifteen years has been directed
toward the discovery of structural relationships between
music and social life.
 Society

Mss can express

cesses, but itsocial attitudes
is useful and cognitive
and effective only when pro-
it is
heard by the prepared and receptive ears of people who have
shared, or can share in some way, the cultural and individual
experiences of its creators.
Music, therefore, confirms what is already present in so-
ciety and culture, and it adds nothing new except patterns of
sound. But it is not a luxury, a spare-time activity to be sand-
wiched between sports and art in the headmaster’s report.
Even if I believed that music was, or should be, merely a
means of decorating social events, I would still have to explain
how the music of many composers can excite me although the
cavortings of their patrons are a bore. When E. M. Forster
said, ‘History develops, art stands still,” he was referring to
their subject matter, to the fact that history is about events
but art is about feelings. That is why we can also say that
history dies but art lives, although art is a reflection of history.
I share the Venda view that music is essential for the very
survival of man’s humanity, and I found it significant that as
a subject for discussion they generally greeted music more en-
thusiastically and with more erudition than history, though

o4
 CULTURE AND SOCIETY IN MUSIC 55
not less than current politics. This may have been partly a
response to my own bias, but I think it also reflected the
Venda concern for life as a process of becoming, rather than
as a stage in evolutionary progress.
We shall do well to look at music in the same way. And so,
before I work back to the surface patterns of music from the
cultural and social processes to which I have reduced them,
before I discuss the origins of music in culture and society, |
want to dispose of two kinds of evolutionary approach to
music history which are of no use in seeking an answer to the
question, How musical is man? They are useless chiefly be-
cause they can never be proved. The first approach seeks to
understand the meaning and forms of music by speculating
about its historical origins in bird song, mating calls, and a
host of other reactions of some mythical “primitive” man to
his environment. Since the chief sources of information for
this guesswork have been, and can only be, the musical prac-
tices of living people, and a knowledge of music’s origins is
useful only for understanding these practices better, the exer-
cise is clearly futile.
The second kind of evolutionary approach is concerned
with the development of musical styles as things in them-
selves. It tends to assume that there is a world history of
music, in which man began by using one or two tones and
then gradually discovered more and more tones and patterns
of sound. It leads to such statements as: “In the growth of
great civilizations, music is the first of the arts to emerge and
the last to develop.” Such remarks usually ignore the fact that
our knowledge of past music is often limited to what literate
classes chose to recognize or record of such activities. Some
white missionaries in the Sibasa district, for instance, were
astonished that it could take more than six months to learn
all there was to know about Venda music because their ears
were closed to the variety and complexity of its sounds.
The absence of information on music in the records of the
56 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
elite does not mean that there was no good music in the lives
of ordinary people; nor is the apparent simplicity of some
contemporary musical styles evidence that their music is a
survival from a stage in the history of world music. In 1885,
Alexander John Ellis, the man who is generally regarded as
the father of ethnomusicology, demonstrated that musical
scales are not natural but highly artificial, and that laws of
acoustics may be irrelevant in the human organization of
sound. In spite of his timely warning, there are still some
ethnomusicologists who write as if it were their task to fill
in the gaps of musical history by describing the musical styles
of exotic cultures. Even if they do not say it in so many
words, their techniques of analysis betray affection for an
evolutionary view of music. Musical styles cannot be heard as
stages in the evolution of music, as judged in terms of one
particular civilization’s concepts of music. Each style has its
own history, and its present state represents only one stage
in its own development; this may have followed a separate
and unique course, although its surface patterns may suggest
contacts with other styles. Moreover, even though people are
sometimes more conservative about music than about other
aspects of culture, it is hard to believe that in some parts of
the world there has been no musical innovation for thousands
of years.
Speculative histories of world music are a complete waste
of effort. Even if we knew how musical styles had changed
in the cultures which are cited as evidence of stages in the
development of music, the knowledge would be of only ency-
clopedic interest. It would give us little or no insight into
human creativity in music unless we had corresponding evi-
dence on the cultural and social environment in which the
musical developments took place. On the other hand, if cul-
tural and social history is well documented, studies of music
history are both possible and useful. There is a vast difference
between studies such as Paul Henry Lang’s Music in Western
 CULTURE AND SOCIETY IN MUSIC 57
Civilization, Hugo Leichtentritt’s Music, History and Ideas,
and Alec Harman’s and Wilfrid Mellers’ volumes on Man and
His Music, in which the origins of certain aspects of musical
style are sought in the social movements and philosophical
conventions of the time, and studies that trace musical devel-
opment in terms of more tones to the octave, more thirds to
the chord, and more instruments to the orchestra.
Where, for instance, would our speculative music historian
place the Venda in his history of world music? There are
mbiras that have five-, six-, or seven-tone scales, and sets of
reed pipes that use either five- or seven-tone scales. The mel-
odies of songs may use anything from one to seven tones,
selected from various heptatonic modes. Songs that use five
tones may be based on a pentatonic scale or on selections of
five tones from a heptatonic mode (like the “Ode to Joy”
in Beethoven’s Ninth Symphony!). If our music historian
gives the Venda the credit of producing the heptatonic scale
themselves and does not assume that they must have bor-
rowed it from a “higher” culture, I suspect that he might
describe their music as being in a stage of transition from
pentatonic to heptatonic music—a fascinating example of
musical evolution in action! The only trouble about such a
description is that social and cultural evidence contradicts it.
For example, the Venda used a heptatonic xylophone and hep-
tatonic reed pipes long before they adopted the pentatonic
reed pipes of their southern neighbors, the Pedi, who in turn
say that they adopted and adapted the heptatonic reed pipe
music of the Venda. According to evolutionary theories of
music history, the Venda should be going backward—like the
Chinese, who selected a pentatonic scale for their music al-
though they knew and had used “bigger and better” scales!
It may be argued that I have used one kind of speculative
history in order to throw out another, and that the stated
cultural origins of Venda and Pedi music may be no less eth-
nocentric and inaccurate, as rationalizations of a system, than
 58 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
a concept of musical evolution that explains patterns of sound
in a different way. To this objection I would reply that in
studying musical systems I am primarily concerned with
historical relevance. Even if we knew exactly how the Venda
got tshikona, domba, and a heptatonic scale (and I doubt if
we shall ever know), and even if it were true that the hepta-
tonic music had evolved from the pentatonic, it would not
contribute much to our understanding of the Venda musical
system or of the development of musicality in Venda society.
I am interested in Venda music more as the product of human
minds in Venda culture and society than as a stage in the
history of world music.
In asking how musical is man, I am obviously concerned
with all aspects of the origins of music, but not with specula-
tive origins, or even with origins which a foreign historian
thinks he can detect, but which are not recognized by the
creators of the music. The origins of music that concern me
are those which are to be found in the psychology and in the
cultural and social environment of its creators, in the assem-
bly of processes that generate the patterns of sound. If music
expresses attitudes, we should expect correlations between
the different attitudes and the patterns of sound with which
they are expressed.
To what extent is music a “language of emotions, akin to
speech,” as Deryck Cooke has claimed in The Language of
Music? The thesis must be considered in the context in which
it is proposed: European tonal music between 1400 and 1953.
Cooke has shown that specific musical figures seeem to be
used again and again to convey similar feelings, and that the
use of this kind of code is an essential feature of musical com-
munication. His argument goes a long way toward bridging
the gap between formal and expressive analyses of music,
and toward showing exactly how music can be described as
the expression of certain attitudes. For instance, he describes
the descending progression 5-(4)-3-(2)-1 (MINOR) as a figure
 CULTURE AND SOCIETY IN MUSIC 59
“which has been much used to express an ‘incoming’ painful
emotion, in a context of finality: acceptance of, or yielding to
grief; discouragement and depression; passive suffering; and
the despair connected with death” (p. 133). Thus he compares
a phrase of Gibbons’ madrigal ‘What Is Our Life?” with the

p Sow hs, gd
opening of the finale of Tchaikovsky’s Pathetique Symphony:

Example 9 Adagio lamentoso ~ Tchaikovsky, 1893

. A________ play ___ ot pas - sion OF largamente ; rf | fet ,

Cooke’s thesis impressed me at first because it seemed to

make sense in terms of my own musical experience. For in-
stance, I had noticed and felt the musical and expressive
similarity between the pleading melody in the “Recordare
Jesu Pie” of Benjamin Britten’s War Requiem (see Example
10) and the figure with which Mahler accompanies the nostal-
gic words, “Ich sehne mich, O Freund, am deiner Seite die
Schoenheit dieses Abends zu geniessen,” in “Der Abscheid,”
the last song of Das Lied von der Erde (Universal Edition,
sections 23, 30, and 63 to the end) (see Example 11). The
figure 1-3-4-5 (MINOR) also opens the spiritual, “Nobody
Knows the Trouble I See” (see Example 12). Same figure,
same kind of feeling. Deryck Cooke quotes other instances
of this figure and describes it as “‘an assertion of sorrow, a
complaint, a protest against misfortune” (Language of Music,
p. 122).

ge) as SE a
Example 10

oe J=66 _ _
Re- cor - da - re Je - su_ pi - e,
 60 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

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Example 11

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No-bod-y knows the trou-ble I see,Lord, No-bod-y knows the trou-ble I see.

Again, although I have deliberately never read any analyses

of Mahler’s Ninth and Tenth symphonies because I first want
to find out what the music says to me, I react quite definitely
to two parallel sequences of intervals in their final move-
| ments (in the case of the Tenth, I refer to Deryck Cooke’s
performing version). First, in the twenty-third bar of the last
movement of the Ninth, the first violins play the tones of a
descending scale, but in rising pairs of falling tones.
 CULTURE AND SOCIETY IN MUSIC 61

Example
byt ase oz13
bg ar
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Then in the Tenth, there is an ascending scale which is played

in descending groups of rising tones (bar 327 of the last

°
movement).

A 1Vl.f
Example 14

ste et ee eesoa
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I will make no attempt to express in words what I feel when
I hear this music, because Mahler explicitly stated that he
felt the need to express himself in music only when “indefin-
able emotions make themselves felt,” and if they could have
been expressed in language he would have done so. I will
merely say that for me they express something about life and
death and man’s struggle for fulfillment and spiritual peace.
The final chords of the Tenth seem to express ultimate resig-
62 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
nation—whether they were written by Mahler or by Deryck
Cooke!
Now, have I received the attitudes that prompted Mahler
to compose those notes, or have I reinterpreted them in the
light of my own experience? And does anyone else feel about
them in the same way? Am I out on a limb, like the novices
in the tshikanda girl's initiation, listening to Mahler but not
hearing him? Can anyone else hear those notes as I do, or as
Mahler did? Is the purpose of musical experience to be alone
in company? Is there no hope of establishing common rela-
tionships through music except where there is a fairly specific
extramusical program? Could “soul” music affect Black
Americans if its forms were not associated with a whole set
of extramusical experiences which Black Americans share?
In spite of the beautifully stated antiwar message of Britten’s
War Requiem, can all those who share his sentiments share
the intense message of his music? Does it really mean the
same to the Russian, English, and German solo singers who
made the first recording of the work? To those who share
aspects of Britten’s cultural, social, and musical background,
the music may enhance the pity of Wilfred Owen’s poetry
and create a greater horror of war than could the poetry on its
own. For others, the poetry may be a stirring experience, but
the music a bore. We cannot say that they share the experi-
ence of the poetry more than that of the music, because they,
like Britten and most of his listeners, did not share Owen’s
ultimately fatal experience of trench warfare. We can only say
that they share the experience of the convention of the poetry
more easily than the convention of the music.
Although ’’music can reveal the nature of feelings with a
detail and truth that language cannot approach” (to quote
Susanne Langer, Philosophy in a New Key [New York: Men-
tor Books, 1948], p. 191), it is also tied to the culture in a way
in which the descriptive capacities of language are not. Con-
sider the elements of British and European culture in the
 CULTURE AND SOCIETY IN MUSIC 63
music of Britten’s War Requiem—and, again, in this descrip-
tion I shall speak of the work as it strikes me: I have not
read any commentaries on it. The very first two bars of the
work set the stage for death, with the tolling of a bell and the
intoning of the opening words of the Requiem Mass.
Example 15
Slow and solemn J = 42-46

a! SEPP<=~pePee
p=Bells
SS
a .yo—~ypr— _ __
(Lento e solenne)
A
re!
np Ae 3 eOOO"___
O0—-.-.€-0.0-».WW.
©=3=~3=3»™6©——rL/ OofF
|. —OrOS—O EY
Te
SOTTO
Pp

ey
e ra RRR
e e e e e DE
esee
Tutti

re a é -
pp Re-qui-em, Re-qui-em ae-ter-nam,
: ms
‘o.° 4 . \_A
2, , [~~ g"y
2 a)A
____AA
~ ¢ a a -a
edi ICG! SORT SOURS Ses es ee « __ S.A... A
=? aC Re-qui-em, - Re-qui-em ae -
Gong oe
Later, the sounds of boys’ voices and an organ recall the hope
and innocence of childhood,
Example 16
Quick crotchets ¢=162

; Si smooth — <a —_—

3) (Allegro)

pos
é wy
_A — te
— seve rms
—_—_————
fe pe 7a y. | Rem
Pee ae | per
ee ed ee ee oe ee ee ee eo Po
SS
ia mf sustained
ST OEE ee .:.2-7490909—9#9"92"9"9"0"9".09090" Oh ROR ODIVWV—S—F TT eOoooO2OA-]

f
° Sf
ee smooth
> SE Se ee
CE ———
SESE
Cje

1. ——— a oS es eS__ae a
Heo —a OS
A
é RePe Pas > ee hr ———
eS
64 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
and brass instruments and bugle-call motifs recall warfare.

Example 17

pH
ee
Quick d = 160

| aaLp
gTr. a
a)
Pesos
3 3$$}
eels
Ma. f°rnFN
3 f\ 9 agg
(Allegro)

7
J ee ee)
| Pa
Trbn.
EE
gh Hn.

Musical imitations of the sounds of shrapnel accompany the

words of Owen’s jaunty soldiers singing, “Out there we’ve
walked quite friendly up to Death.” Now it is the shrapnel
that sings aloft, but a few moments before, in the “Rex tre-
mendae, majestatis,” it was heaven. The military associations

aES
of drums are reinforced when they are used to refer to the
firing of artillery.
Example 18

BARITONE SOLO St . a
d=52 Very broad and sustained (gehalten)

Be slow - ly
CHAMBER ORCH. ne

Timp
geil 's i' oe
'
 CULTURE AND SOCIETY IN MUSIC 65

a
yet . a
oe —s
-—---e—rn]
eee eee b
eee 5 >(>eeeSa
eee
a A A A * CS SS A ES ES SETS
—_._—CO€L ft ~- ed = up, thou long black arm,
——
1
2SS n eg
Ss SS 3 —
=
ae So Quick
allegro
a
SS <= ee Tr.
Ac
eS aRU Sam We
A | a aasa |
—
(Orch.)
Ce

7
oP 4 5
er 5 YP
ee ra
eS |
ee.1 S’ 1v' 0s' '’ .1! Gong \ nl
Fi"
But drums and trumpets may also take us to heaven and
divine judgment in the “Dies Irae,” and Britten makes a pow-
erful contrast between “Tuba mirum spargens sonum” and
“Bugles sang, saddening the evening air’ —

a eS} Se
fof eee
ee
J= 160 |
——
Example 19

= eeCN
Se “ep’t—SSsCCST
‘en a aman
CO ee mg .LTCC
\ “WN

6 ee
Brass
1 eee

fel fel a5 42
= = = 7} , S
DD i oo Be 810 eae ee Eee or
Drums
Sa a aS ee oe Ser eee een we ree ee
oe
eo
SS .a 4
es
Ly
SS92
> a-_
a
SS = —é
ee
* 6 ' _—_ = a 2 _] = ' ' é bosiz
bo= WY WY
fw
 66 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
Example 20
Quietly : = c. 144

a Sey ween Re AE TT |
(a) BARITONE SOLO pp quietly

f)
= P
ClL~-
i|AO}Erte
sr) ri ty
e ae ae oe ee
ir
CHAMBER ORCHESTRA PP lively
Bu-gles sang,

of J See
ep rr or Ee ss |_|
a2
alae
(quietly as before)

(b) PP Str és <—S——___—_ 2.

PP

EE et
oe a eS a ee! Hn.
Bu-gles sang,

stb So Fe yo
the glorious trumpets of God, and then the bloody bugles
of man!
To someone who has been immersed in the culture of the
composer, the sounds Britten uses and the contrasts he makes
between them can be heart-rending and poignant. For one
whose school friends have been killed in action, it has the
same kind of effect as the contrasting photographs of cricket
fields, choirboys, rockets, and war which Peter Brook showed
at the beginning of his film of Lord of the Flies. In this case,
 CULTURE AND SOCIETY IN MUSIC 67
my reactions to the music may be closer to the feelings Britten
had when he wrote it than they were in the case of Mahler’s
Ninth and Tenth symphonies. But have Britten and Mahler
really used a language that is in any way akin to speech?
Composers acquire characteristics of style by listening to
the music of the past and present. Britten acknowledges a
debt to Mahler, and both Britten and Mahler spent some time
in the United States. But is there really a common factor in
their use of the same figure in the War Requiem and Das Lied
von der Erde? And is it likely that the creators of ““Nobody
Knows” would have used the same musical language as Brit-
ten and Mahler, when it is clear (to me, at any rate) that
spirituals are a development of African principles of music
making rather than an imitation of the European? (For in-
stance, the basic meter of “Nobody Knows” is 3+3-+2, and
the apparently un-African melody may have begun as the
lower part of a characteristically African ‘falling’ melody,
which was given the harmonic treatment that is typical of
African music and not necessarily borrowed from Europe.)
Just as Britten assigns different meanings to the same
timbre in the context of a single work, so the same pattern
of melody may have a variety of expressive meanings, and in
fact it is this variety in the context of unity which may add to
the expressive power of music. In Vivaldi’s The Four Seasons
(Op. 8), similar scales and arpeggios depict different subjects
ranging from the staggering of drunken peasants in ‘Aut-
umn” to icy winds in “Winter.” Even without a knowledge of
the sonnets that inspired the music, the meanings of the simi-
lar musical figures are clearly different when heard in the con-
text of the work. Again, the marchlike melodies of Mahler’s
Third and Sixth symphonies, and the March in Act 1, scene 3
of Berg’s Wozzeck, when Marie is admiring the sergeant-
major, have nothing to do with feelings about war. Their
musical and dramatic contexts suggest entirely different
meanings.
68 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
None of these musical meanings is absolute even within the
same European musical tradition, in which the rules are
clearly stated and the system of learning them has been simi-
lar for centuries. They depend not only on the context of the
work, but also on the musical conventions of the time. Much
has been written about the use of musical figures to illustrate
ideas, especially in the music of J. S. Bach. But the music of
Bach and Handel cannot be fully understood without refer-
ence to the eighteenth-century view of the world, in which
aesthetic theories included ‘‘a complicated doctrine of emo-
tional expression going back to certain correlations of rhythm
and melodic line with various emotions” (Hugo Leichtentritt,
Music, History and Ideas [Cambridge, Mass.; Harvard Uni-
versity Press, 1946], p. 142). For instance, F major was the
key of the pastoral idyll, and F-sharp major was a transcen-
dental key: ““Handel’s entire harmonic system and style of
modulations is based on the underlying meaning of the var-
ious keys” (ibid., p. 154). Similarly, if northern Indian music
claims to be able to bring out ‘a nuance of sadness, or of
love ... by careful and impermanent use of the intervals
that correspond with these emotions” (Alain Danielou,
Northern Indian Music [London: Halcyon Press, 1954], 2:9),
it is because the music is heard and performed in the context
of Hindu culture and of a musical system that is intricately
related to it.
The musical conventions of the eighteenth century stand
between the Gibbons madrigal and the Tchaikovsky sym-
phony to which I referred earlier. And so I find it hard to
accept that there has been a continuous musical tradition be-
tween England in 1612 and Russia in 1893, in which certain
musical figures have had corresponding emotional connota-
tions. The only justification for such an argument would be
that the emotional significance of certain intervals arises from
fundamental features of human physiology and psychology.
If this is so, some relationships between musical intervals and _
 CULTURE AND SOCIETY IN MUSIC 69
human feelings ought to be universal. An example from
Africa will be sufficient to question such a theory. It is not
sufficient to dismiss the theory altogether, because it is pos-
sible that Venda musical conventions have suppressed an
innate desire in Venda people to express their emotions in a
specific, universal way.
Figure 6a shows a Venda children’s song in which small
variations in the melody are generated by changes of speech
tone. When I first learned to sing it, the Venda told me that
I was doing well, but that I sang like a Tsonga (their neigh-
bors to the south). I sang all word phrases to the melody of
the first, and I thought that my fault lay in the pitch of my
intervals. Eventually, when I realized that the melody should
vary, they accepted my performance as truly Venda even if I
deliberately sang out of tune. The pattern of intervals is con-
sidered more important than their exact pitch, because in
certain parts of a melody they are expected to reflect changes
in speech tone. Figure 6b shows a children’s song in which
the speech-tone patterns of the first phrase generate the basic
melody, and subsequent variations in words bring about
rhythmic, as well as melodic, variations. Such rhythmic
changes are sometimes called agogic accents in orthodox
musical analysis. Variations in melody and rhythm may
therefore indicate not musical preferences, but the incidental
consequences of changes in speech tone, which are them-
selves generated by the use of different words whose sequence
is generated by the “story” of the song.
Essential generative factors in the music of these and other
Venda songs are therefore extramusical. Parts of the melodies
are formal representations of patterns of speech tone, which
are also formal and not necessarily related to the meaning
and expressive purpose of the words. Relationships between
the specific emotional content of the words and the shape of
its associated melody may exist, but they would be coinci-
dental.
ye eee70 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

ee ee
|} A —_—_?—_—_ Bg OC =
(a)p @ = 126-144 __

|e) —
epee
1. Ma-e - le- le! VhO-né Vh6 Mi-tshi-nye! 2. Ma-e - le- le! Vha hi - tsé-mé- 1a-'ni?

yO 9 Ae==e—
ySSA}——+—
)
— a Bh
eeea’ a
3. Ma-e - le- le! Ndftshf ta- mba zw4-nga, 4.Ma-e -le-le! Na mi-da-vhi wa-nga,

fh fp
[= Se ee
5. Ma-e-le- le! Ngé-f ba-mbe-16- ni, 6. Ma-e - le - le! Ngé-f Lua- wa -_ vhi?

(b)~ ¢.= 100-112 _

a -___.___»_—__-_» —_.——_2»— rans eee ee ees
°. st ’ » . » » > + ; + + +
Ly —— e __ SSS —— SS:
1. 1-nwi ha-é@ Nya-mi-dzt-nga ha- ée! 2. Ni na nwa-na wa- ni wa mi - ti - ka,

3. A néd go-nya mu- rf nga tshi ti - kd 4. Phi-ndd 4G shd-vha - ‘nf, Mu- i - ba-(na)?

a = high speech tone 4 = secondary high

a = falling high a= low
+ = points where some might clap to the melody

Figure 6. Parts of two Venda children’s songs, illustrating some

effects of changing speech tones on the patterns of melody.

This does not mean that the Venda are unmoved by music,
or that they regard it as a mere extension of language. The
treatment of a girls’ tshigombela dance song illustrates this
very clearly. The tendency is for the music to become more
musical as the performance proceeds. Even in solo vocal music
like the children’s songs, the form of melodies can be divided
into call and response sections, reflecting a social situation in
which someone “sows” (-sima) a song, and others “thunder
in response” (-bvumela)—a metaphor derived from horticul-
ture. It is only in the call section of the songs that melodies
follow the speech-tone patterns of words, and also the gen-
eral rule that each syllable of a word may be accompanied by
only one tone. If performers substitute for words various
 CULTURE AND SOCIETY IN MUSIC 71
combinations of phonemes such as ee, ahee, huwelele wee,
yowee, and so forth, they give themselve greater freedom of
musical expression. This is important, because it is the part of
the shared experience of musical activity which may become
transcendental in its effect on individuals. In the development
of a tshigombela song during a performance that may last
from ten to more than thirty minutes, the straightforward call
and response is elaborated into a quasi-contrapuntal sequence,
and words are abandoned. During the course of freer musical
expression, a variety of melodies come out “on top” because
in the excitement of the dance the pitch of the girls’ voices
rises, and when they cannot reach a tone they transpose it
down a fifth or an octave. Thus, falling intervals may some-
times express the feeling, “I can’t reach the next tone”!
There are also relationships between variations in the
social and emotional content of a tshigombela dance and the
form of the music, so that a formal analysis of different per-
formances is also an expressive analysis. But unless the
formal analysis begins as an analysis of the social situation
that generates the music, it is meaningless. One has only to
listen to performances on an afternoon when the girls are
few in number and bored, and on another occasion when
there is a good turnout, an appreciative audience, and an
atmosphere of excitement and concern, to realize how and
why two performances of the same song can be entirely
different in expressive power and in form. The number and
quality of variations in rhythm depend on the ability of the
drummers and dancers, but it is not simply a matter of run-
ning through the gamut of standard patterns which they
know. When and how these variations are introduced is what
gives the music its expressive power; and this depends on
the commitment of those present and the quality of the
shared experience that comes into being among performers,
and between performers and audience.
I introduced Deryck Cooke’s theory of the language of
72 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
music because, although I cannot accept it, it is undeniably
thought-provoking. I have concluded my criticism with ex-
amples from Venda music in order to show why an ethno-
musicological approach is necessary even in the study of
European music between 1400 and 1953. Cooke cannot be
faulted for choosing a particular area of music, but, because
his theory is not general enough to apply to any culture or
society, it is automatically inadequate for European music. It
is not sufficiently context-sensitive. Tonal music between
1400 and 1953 cannot be isolated as a thing in itself, espe-
cially if it is to be related to human emotions. The aesthetic
conventions of the eighteenth century cannot be considered
apart from the experience of the social groups who were or
were not involved in them. If music serves as a sign or symbol
of different kinds of human experience, its performance may
help to channel the feelings of listeners in certain directions.
A composer who hopes to communicate anything more than
pretty sounds must be aware of the associations that differ-
ent sounds conjure up in the minds of different social groups.
It is not simply a matter of expressing feeling by relating
sounds in the context of a single piece of music, as in Britten’s
War Requiem. The principles of musical organization must
be related to social experiences, of which listening to and
performing music form one aspect. The minuet is not simply
a musical form borrowed from dancing: it has entirely differ-
ent social and emotional associations before and after the
French Revolution.
From a distance, the forms, techniques, and building ma-
terials of music may seem to be cumulative, like a technologi-
cal tradition. But music is not a branch of technology, though
it is affected by technological developments. It is more like
philosophy, which may also give a superficial impression of
being evolutionary. Each apparently new idea in music, like
a new idea in philosophy, does not really grow out of pre-
viously expressed ideas, though it may well be limited by
 CULTURE AND SOCIETY IN MUSIC 73
them. It is a new emphasis which grows out of a composer’s
experience of his environment, a realization of certain aspects
of the experiences common to all human beings which seem
to him to be particularly relevant in the light of contemporary
events and personal experiences.
The most important thing about a cultural tradition at any
time in its history is the way in which its human components
relate to each other. It is in the context of these relationships
that emotional experiences are had and shared. Artistic en-
joyment is “based essentially upon the reaction of our minds
to form” (Franz Boas, Primitive Art [New York: Dover, 1955
(1927)], p. 349); but the forms are produced by human minds
whose working habits are, I believe, a synthesis of given,
universal systems of operation and acquired, cultural patterns
of expression. Since these patterns are always acquired
through and in the context of social relationships and their
associated emotions, the decisive style-forming factor in any
attempt to express feeling in music must be its social content.
If we want to find the basic organizing principles that affect
the shapes of patterns of music, we must look beyond the cul-
tural conventions of any century or society to the social situa-
tions in which they are applied and to which they refer.
The selection and use of scales may be the product of social
and cultural processes that are not necessarily related to the
acoustical properties of sound. In Venda, the use of penta-
tonic, hexatonic, and heptatonic scales reflects a process of
social change, in which different groups, with different musi-
cal styles, have become incorporated into a larger society. It is
strange that even a sociologist should ignore similar social
processes in the development of the European tonal system. In
his study of The Rational and Social Foundations of Music
(trans. and ed. Don Martindale, Johannes Riedel, and Ger-
trude Neuwirth [Carbondale, Ill.: Southern Illinois University
Press, 1958]), Max Weber claimed that the European musical
system was rationalized from within the tone system: it was
74 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
concerned not with real distances on instruments, such as
equidistance between frets or flute holes, but with harmonic
distances. ‘The appearance of theories dealing with the dis-
sonances marks the beginning of the special musical develop-
ment of the Occident” (p. 75), because “dissonance is the
basic element of chordal music, motivating the progression
from chord to chord” (p. 6). Weber attributes this develop-
ment to the scientific attitude that emerged at the time of the
Renaissance. Although he acknowledges that theory follows
practice and that “modern chordal harmony belonged to prac-
tical music long before Rameau and the encyclopaedists pro-
vided it with a theoretic basis’ (p. 103), he does not go
further and show how harmonic music arose out of poly-
phony, and that polyphony was at first modal and disting-
uished from monody more by its rhythm than by its tonal
relationships.
The polyphony of early European music is in principle not
unlike the polyrhythm of much African music; in both cases,
performance depends on a number of people holding separate
parts within a framework of metric unity, but the principle is
applied “vertically” to melodies in polyphony, and “‘horizon-
tally” to rhythmic figures in polyrhythm. The source of both
techniques is surely in cultural concepts and social activity,
such as dancing. The change in European musical technique
from the monody of plainchant to polyphony depended on
mensuration, on the strict organization of rhythm so that
the different singing parts would fit. And mensuration is the
chief feature of dance music, which was a vital activity of
the peasants. The medieval church had allowed only plain-
chant, which was intended to express the unity of society
within the framework of a church dedicated to God; its style
was completely divorced from the regular rhythms of secular
dancing and the unsophisticated “‘tonic-dominant” relation-
ships that occur in lively pieces such as “Sumer is icumen
in.” It is not surprising that the early masters of polyphony
 CULTURE AND SOCIETY IN MUSIC 75
came from the Netherlands and England, where the peasants
had become free during the thirteenth and fourteenth cen-
tries, respectively. As the peasants’ political importance grew,
so their dance music became incorporated in the music written
for the church by professional composers.
It is possible that the predominance of thirds and sixths in
the music of John Dunstable, and of fourths in the music of
the Flemish composers, may be explained as a legacy from
the popular music of their societies. (In Africa today, societies
who sing in parallel motion show preferences for certain
intervals.) Again, the remarkable development of polyphonic
music in England during the sixteenth century may have been
stimulated as much by the advent of Welsh monarchs and
their followers as by the musical invention of individual com-
posers in the first half of the fifteenth century. When the
Tudor King Henry VII came to the throne in 1485, he re-
established Welsh influence in England; and Welsh popular
music had been, noted for its polyphonic technique since at
least the twelfth century.
A composer’s style is “dictated by the kind of human
beings and human emotions” he “tries to bring into his art,
using the language elements of his time,” says Sidney Finkel-
stein in Art and Society ([New York: International Pub-
lishers, 1947], p. 29). The influence of popular culture is
strong in the works of many great composers, who have
striven to express themselves, and hence their society, in the
broadest terms. Lutheran chorales were deliberately derived
from “folk songs,” and Bach organized much of his music
round them. Haydn, Mozart, and Schubert, in particular,
organized their music round the Austrian “folk” idiom. Bar-
tok, Kodaly, Janacek, Copland, and numerous other com-
posers of national schools have found the greatest stimulus in
the sounds of their own societies. In the third and fourth
volumes of Man and His Music, and especially in The Sonata
Principle (from c. 1750) (London: Rockliff, 1957), Wilfrid
76 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
Mellers has shown how dance forms, the tone and stress of
the composer’s own language, and particularly the melodies
of “folk” music, have all played as vital a part in the process
of assimilation and creation as have conventions of musical
style. He has drawn attention to the successive dominance of
vocal and instrumental forms in the development of tech-
niques of European “art” music, and has linked these develop-
ments with changes in the social order (Wilfrid Mellers,
Music and Society [London: Dobson, 1950], pp. 81, 132).
Curt Sachs has likewise discussed the influence of societies’
styles of dancing on their melodies (in World History of the
Dance [New York: W. W. Norton, 1937], pp. 181-203).
Changes in musical style have generally been reflections of
changes in society. For example, after about a.p. 1200 in
Europe, knights and other secular powers turned increasingly
“to the people, whose popular style of singing they adapted to
their more refined taste” (Leichtentritt, Music, History and
Ideas, p. 60). In turning away from the social dominance of
the church, they also rejected its music. Similarly, the various
styles of Venda music reflect the variety of its social groups
and the degree of their assimilation into the body politic.
Musical performances are audible and visible signs of social
and political groupings in Venda society, and Figure 7 shows
their pattern in the social structure. Music in the traditional
style is contained in concentric circles symbolic of Venda
houses and dance patterns, and nontraditional music is in
rectangles, similar to the European house designs that many
educated people have adopted. The initiation schools vhusha,
tshikanda, and domba are directly controlled by rulers, while
murundu and sungwi are privately owned, but under the
auspices of rulers and traditionally oriented. Together with
the possession dances (ngoma dza midzimu), which are held
by family cult groups with the permission of rulers, each of
these institutions is regarded very seriously and called ngoma
(literally, drum). Other types of music may be referred to as
 PH \ 5
, 5 latshjkonaLmja
a
CULTURE AND SOCIETY IN MUSIC 77

I4EURQOPEAN
CHURCHES
ISSCHOOL MUSIC

SSEPARATIS
CHURCHES
—_—_ ~~
angoma
- . TSHELE
t

dzaq *. .
midz LMU maw;
6.murundu ‘SUNQWI
musununyu

| e nm d\ e--5-4----] I. mafhujwe
khwotha = pihaiaphala lid e m ba NGOMA }
M 8 { L\ A M Uv THILO ND O 2
ADEZA
DENDEOtshikanda
9. vhusha3 4
\ 0's,. 6@ ; LUGUB
eee
MaILA. 4tshikanganga
; nanga 3tshigombela
dza lutang THUNGWA
awe. MURUMBA
shitiringo
shipotoli yo
Gitigili
2.dzhom bo
MALE nyim Do dra vhana FEMALE (HWA

EXPLANATION OF TYPE:.
music with mirumba, thungwa,ngoma drums
music with mirumba and thunqwa
music without drums
STRINGED AND OTHER INSTRUMENTS
wind instruments
CIRCLES ENCLOSE TRADITIONAL, ANO RECTANGLES NON-TRADITIONAL, STYLES
l. THE MOST IMPORTANT MUSIC, CONTROLLED BY ARULERS[ngoma khulwone)

2. music OF A SERIOUS NATURE ,SPONSORED OR PERMITTED BY RULERS(ngomal

<3 AMUSEMENT SCmitambo) SPONSORED BY RULERS
4, INSTRUMENTAL MUSIC (zwilidzoJ, AMUSEMENTS ETC NOT SUBJECT TO CONTROL

; 55 anks DIVISION BETWEEN MUSIC-MAKING GROUPS THAT ARE COMPLETELY

ORTHOOOX ANO THCSE THAT ARE UNORTHODOX TO VARYING DEGREES
THE GROUPS IN RECTANGLES PARTICIPATE IN ORTHODOX MUSIC OFFICIALLY
TO THE EXTENT THAT THE RECTANGLES PENETRATE THE CIRCLES: IN
FACT MANY PENETRATE CIRCLES | ANO 2

Figure 7. Diagram showing the relationships between musical and

social structure in Venda society. Compare with Figure 5.
78 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
amusements (mitambo), but this does not mean they are not
an important part of Venda social and political life. The
European-run churches came and set themselves up in total
opposition to traditional Venda life, but schools and separa-
tist churches have developed music that reflects the syncre-
tism of their social life.
The variety and vigor of Venda musical styles are the pro-
duct of a political situation similar to that in Austria in the
late eighteenth century, when prominent families and princes
“rivalled each other in the excellence of their private orches-
tras” (ibid., p. 173). The diversity of musical styles reflects a
diversity that underlies the apparent homogeneity of Venda
culture and society, and hence both the historical process that
has brought them about, and their meaning in contemporary

life. |
life. There are only two types of politically regulated com-
munal music that can really bring traditionally oriented
Venda together. They are tshikona, the national dance, and
domba, the premarital initiation dance, which used to be per-
formed by youths and girls but is now performed almost
exclusively by girls because migrant labor and the growth of
school education have changed the pattern of Venda rural

The music and dance of the domba initiation school pro-

vide an astonishing illustration of the way in which formal
and expressive elements may be combined to portray symbol-
ically in music the essential themes of a culture. What makes
them all the more remarkable is that the process of creation
was almost certainly not self-conscious, but the forms are
systematically related to their expressive purpose. The Venda
explain that domba has been with them for centuries, and
they have much to say on the functions of the initiation
school and the beauty and value of the chief ritual dance.
They make no comment on the form of the dance and its
music, except to say that ““domba is domba; it’s an important
rite (ngoma).’’ And yet the music and dance depict an essen-
 CULTURE AND SOCIETY IN MUSIC 79
tial feature of adult life, and their regular performance sym-
bolize the importance of marriage, childbirth, and institution-
alized motherhood.
On the surface, domba sounds like a regular piece of Venda
music in call-response form, with polyrhythmic accompani-
ment and musical development of the response. The circular
form of the dance is characteristically Venda, and with a lot
of girls in relatively small dancing grounds, it is not unreas-
onable that they should hold each other. The movement has
been wrongly called ‘““The Python Dance” in illustrated jour-
nals and tourist brochures, in which it is cited as one of the
most interesting things about the Venda—presumably be-
cause it is performed by a chain of almost naked maidens.
And yet the dance movement, the kind of musical develop-
ment which the response is given, and the signals for the
beginning and the end of the dance movements are all gen-
erated by the expressive functions of the music. What is
more, I could never have discovered this if I had not attended
scores of performances of the dance in different parts of Ven-
da, recorded hundreds of the word-phrases sung by the solo-
ist, noted the relationships among words, dance, and music,
and learned the esoteric symbolism of the school. I had to
immerse myself in Venda culture and society in order to
understand this product of Venda minds.
The analysis of domba I present is derived from a combina-
tion of different kinds of ethnographic information. I do not
claim that it is the last word on the subject, but at least it is
logical and it arises out of the ethnography. When I began
the analysis, I had no idea how it would turn out, and I never
suspected that the formal and expressive elements would be
so unified. My conclusions were thrust on me by the regulari-
ties and correspondences that emerged from the material |
had collected in the field.
Domba is the last of a series of initiation schools that
prepare girls for marriage. Although there is much emphasis
80 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
on sex and reproduction, the schools are not concerned solely
with fertility. They are designed to prepare girls for institu-
tionalized motherhood, together with all the rights and
obligations that go with it. There is evidence that the content
and form of the school have changed over the years, particu-
larly since its “nationalization” by the ancestors of the ruling
clans. In the past, when domba was a ritual of the commoner
clans, the emphasis on physical growth seems to have been
stronger. The ruling clans have expanded the political sig-
nificance of the initiation schools, but the basically physical
orientation of the music and dance remains.
Each performance of the dance symbolizes sexual inter-
course, and successive performances symbolize the building
up of the fetus, for which regular intercourse is thought to
be necessary. The music and the dance are not meant to be
sexy: they symbolize the mystical act of sexual communion,
conception, the growth of the fetus, and childbirth. After
three warning drumbeats, the voice of the male soloist, the
master of initiation, “pierces the air like an arrow,” like a
phallus, and the girls reply with a low, murmuring response.
The man’s voice begins on what is functionally similar to a
dominant in Venda tonality, and the girls’ voices take the
response to the “tonic,” the point of relaxation. Three differ-
ently pitched drums enter in polyrhythm, two against three,
and the song is under way.
The girls are being symbolically roused. After a few
repeats of the basic melody, the master sings “the river reed
unwinds,” and the girls, who are in a line holding each other’s
bodies, begin to step around the drums. The river reed and
the line of girls are both phallic symbols, and the beginning
of the dance movement symbolizes the entry of the phallus.
The girls immediately begin quasi-orgastic singing which they
call khulo. As in the tshikona national dance, hocket technique
is employed. After several minutes, when the master sings the
word-phrase ““gudu has stirred up your entrails,” the girls
 CULTURE AND SOCIETY IN MUSIC 81

SS
stop moving and lean over toward the center of the dancing
circle, symbolizing detumescence.
There is a fire in the center of the dancing place, which

= ee Re
|
0p)TED
a
must be kept alight throughout the duration of the school.

————
Example 21
.= 60-76
On1Cnn
SOLO©~ns
2

2, “VER
es ©
Maa!
8

ER ee SS b WE ee eee

ho
DRUMS

, 3 CHORUS ,
OE
ee ee
Eee! -----------------------

°a5a
8

f" —

Gian6
9 Li a swa la do-go-de - la!
Se ee eee EEE OOO EEE
- ee
DRUMS

NB" 7 OoOO20—O——”-—-NO™™
p SOLO >
§ --------------- ee
NO IeR
O(c (SS
(ROSS
Bass 7 4 g ptt ¢

Maa!

DRUMS Alto __ yoy ¢

8

———————————
17P 2 F777 e TF ,y 7}
; ‘‘muffled’’ beat on center of d ‘fclear’’ beat on edge of skin with
y skin with left hand => right hand
beat with stick on wooden | | indicates notes that are yodeled
ff edge of drum
CO
eee
YY I | Spe
82 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
Example 21 (continued) , CHORUS ;
NG ee nD (NO
8

ww’ , - O Tee eee EOE

Kee !--------------------------

ee
Ee aee ee
.
)

eS
i 7oe
1 -+2eea
9 Ma-du-na-na, ta-vhamu~ko - si! ya, ya, ya,
|

i4SSeS
9_ 10
(a
ae
| NY _-
Go Waar onset canon enna eee
SOLO =>

Cys ——————— ==
8 ya. ee - hou! Maa! ee
P 5 : Cd o ld \ e ;
& os, e, oe, |

N CHORUS 12
8oe =FEee! -- ee
Fy _ _ 2 |S _
= —————— ere
8 Lu a so- ngo- lo-walu- ta - nga. ya, ya, ya,
 a
a
fa
fe r afn
nn
(a
CHORUS
Wes
Ane! ~—
Vey
Ae
Sa
_—____—
ee
Ut
O——
SS a : a
Ci?
oe -—es
A Aa
eee”
tivha
———
Ee
Sa=5ee=
CULTURE AND SOCIETY IN MUSIC 83
Example 21 (continued)

cee

Aa -- ya!
ya!Aa
ee
khulo)
Eas 13 | 14
9 _ eS
---- Ee, ee, ee, yo- wee----~ ) ------

- oo!
_ Aa ~~~ ----
- yoo!---____-

Aa
y
ms!a
Blas
e! —A.
=
eo
2 ——_ r
ellA SaA
se
fy é _— 5
ae&
o_o
d pp oS eg ES
LY _ _f
a
aan
ae
Os+ ee
EO
a
ya!_____ Aa - yoo - i! . Aa -

Ss
ya ------ Ee
Haa!- Ee
ya!- Ee
yo --wee!
ee -
You! Yo -wee, yo - wee, hee!_______-

Aa -_ ya! A r
a OSE
fBlan HI
ify s—C‘Csi‘“‘zaY? 5
__ a i ____ ag 4 es

§r
P15

frre6>
) —#aGxt
- SSS
aan
DE 2Ee
oN

DIR
Le
A eh
CTOf 16
SSS
u tivha khulo

+ aOT

ee EdEe
¥SS
>eS 17
Yee, feXe)
2 a "”’-_
= SS>18
A. LT _2 SS

r Oma:
a eyER.
- eo GRR
i Sa: Pe

SNS SE SE ES SE “gy OE ( CE CS $$$} eS

| | <7 et Ls Soe Sena; cesses me ees
py) byumela
Ee, yo- wee! ______

Pn. SESE
» GE: CS =,o SAEED
=” es ee

:t——
~ Dot
epan2 Wl
HO rr i pV... tC(<(CO
| Bie. 6 Ee eS CS A A : ~ Ce SS (OK ea TS SENOS SENT) GUNNS CU - 2 PRUE MENTED

“4 : EO
~~ O0Ww--.”-.-—.

. v eee
0
_— OO —-’-]
<a @ (4 ( Cd Cd Cd td @ @e eo Ce
ed
= ee
=e eee
DRUMS | |
SSS(OY
SS

rr
f) oe—
8
_a
84 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

|°19 20 £N
° , Eee!
eee ee
SOLO
21
Example 21 (continued)

Ya ri gu- du yo ri - tha vhu-la. Ya, ya, - hee !

SS SS SSDE
(SO SS
DANCE STEPS OF NOVICES

Alternative pattern of basic melody:

SOLO CHORUS

STEPS OF MIDABE (Graduates)

Forward ..... Backward .... - Forward , ... «

The “white” ashes symbolize the semen that is considered
necessary for the growth of the fetus. The swinging bass
drum is called “the head of the child” in the esoteric symbol-
ism of the school. At the beginning of domba, it lies on the
ground. After three or four months (though sometimes less,
it seems), there is a ceremony at which the drum is “cooked”
and then hung from the crossbar. This is like the moving of
the child in the womb, symbolized by the dance circle. The
symbolism is not conclusive about the drums, but it seems
that their different beats express the heartbeats of father,
mother, and fetus.
On the last night of the initiation school, the girls dance
with their hands above their heads, symbolizing the pains of
 CULTURE AND SOCIETY IN MUSIC 85
childbirth and a night of labor. On the following morning
they are stripped and washed, and dressed in their gradua-
tion clothes. They are carried, like babies, on the backs of
their ““mothers” up to the ruler’s courtyard, where they dance
domba for the last time as novices. Thenceforth they are
ready for marriage and for fuller participation in Venda
society. One function of the music and dance was to create
a baby symbolically, and, as if to reinforce this, the bass
drum is removed from the crossbar for the final rites.
There is an important relationship between the music of
domba and of tshikona, which reflects the function of the
two types of music in Venda society. A complete set of
reed pipes is called mutavha. The word refers to the set and
not to the number of tones to an octave. The same word is
used to refer to a set of keys on the mbira and the xylophone.
However, names are given to the notes in such a way that
their relationships within the octave and their musical func-
tions are recognized. The chief tone of a set of heptatonic
reed pipes is called phala, and the tone an octave above it is
called phalana, or “little phala.”” The tone above phala is
called thakhula, the “lifter,” because it leads the melody back
down onto the chief tone. (It is functionally like a leading
note in European music.) Every tone has a companion tone, a
fifth below. This is not a device limited to tshikona: it is
implicit in every Venda melody based on heptatonic modes.
The companion tones in a pentatonic scale differ because of
the spacing of the intervals, but the basically social principle
that a tone must have a companion tone still applies, and it
may be expressed explicitly in the “harmonies” improvised
by other singers.
In instrumental music the interval of a tritone is permitted,
but in vocal music it is avoided as a chord. An interesting
contrast exists between tshikona and the khulo of domba, in
which girls sing with their voices almost the same pattern
that men play on their reed pipes (see Figure 8). The per-
86 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
mitted tritone is not in the same position in the pattern of
tshikona (c’’/f#” in 8a) as it would be in the pattern of khulo
(second chord in 8b), if it were not avoided. This is evidence
that khulo is not a simple transposition of tshikona: if it
were, the avoided tritone would appear, as in tshikona, in the
(a) TSHIKONA ‘ (b) KHULO

(c)
) | : —(d)
eae ee—_ \ |
ee ee
4A P+ 9+ 7 —@—o—_ — Te eo rr
| || ) e “A
a ae ae pe lace 4 i_}p° TT tg ft eee: ee 0

pa
pi)
(e)

ee
AO — gl 6 et — BB -O — — et e

Modes

A 9 i i err
(f)

Harmonic Progression

Figure 8. Illustration of the transformation process by which

khulo is related to tshikona, and summary of modes and basic
chord sequence.
(a) The upper tones of tshikona, transposed down a semitone.
(b) The basic pattern of khulo for girls’ voices.
(c) Transposition of tshikona to the same pitch as khulo. Note the
f natural and the position of the tritone.
(d) Transformation of tshikona, rewriting d’” as phala instead of
a’. Note how the position of the tritone differs from tshikona in
8c, but agrees with khulo in 8b.
(e) The three modes used in tshikona and khulo, rewritten without
accidentals.
(f) The harmonic basis of khulo. The sequence of chords also fits
the tshikona pattern, regardless of the different modes used.
Note: the figures indicate the number of semitones in the intervals
of the modes.
 CULTURE AND SOCIETY IN MUSIC 87
penultimate, and not in the second chord. Khulo is, rather, a
transformation that is generated by the different function of
the music. Thus the companion tones of the men’s tshikona (B
in 8a, 8c, and 8e) have been selected as the chief mode of the
girls’ khulo, for which a further set of companion tones has
been taken (C in 8b, 8d, and 8e). It is as if tshikona
embodies within its mutavha a male and a female mode, and
the male mode has been chosen for the men’s music and the
female mode for the girls’ music. Both are united by their
common relationship to a single basic harmonic progression
(8f). Notice that in the harmonic progression there is a shift
of tonal power from phala (d’’ in 8c, 8e, and 8f) to thakhula
(e” in 8c, 8e, and 8f), and then back to phala. The relation-
: ship between the chords is determined by the fact that in the
tshikona pattern every tone has two companion tones—the
first a fifth below and the second a fifth above. Thus d’’/g’ and
e’’/a’ are functionally “stronger” chords than d”’/a’ and e’’/b’
(see Figure 9).

Harmonic Progression

Figure 9. Diagram of the harmonic and tonal progressions of

tshikona and khulo, showing how the power of phala (d’”’) and
thakhula (e’”) alters as they change their companion tones. The
rectangles symbolize shifts of tonality, and the changing thickness
of the “wedges” illustrates the decrease and increase of the tonal
power of phala and thakhula.
88 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
In spite of their different timbre and tempi, the musical
affinity of tshikona and khulo ought to be apparent even to
one who has no knowledge of Venda culture. To a certain
extent the music speaks for itself. But, although the general
nature of the relationship is clearly audible, the precise way
in which this musical relationship has been achieved cannot
possibly be derived from a study of the notes alone. The
analysis must begin with the role of music in Venda society
and culture (see Figures 5 and 7), so that we can see how
patterns of culture and society have emerged in the shape of
humanly organized sound.
 Ox wed
; () ty
N THE FIRST CHAPTER I stated that, if we want to
know how musical man is, we must be able to describe
exactly what happens to any piece of music. In the second and
third chapters I have tried to show why we shall never be
able to do this until we understand what happens to the
human beings who make the music. Music is a synthesis of
cognitive processes which are present in culture and in the
human body: the forms it takes, and the effects it has on
people, are generated by the social experiences of human
bodies in different cultural environments. Because music is
humanly organized sound, it expresses aspects of the experi-
ence of individuals in society.
It follows that any assessment of human musicality must
account for processes that are extramusical, and that these
should be included in analyses of music. The answers to many
important questions about musical structure may not be
strictly musical. Why are certain scales, modes, and intervals
preferred? The explanation may be historical, political, philo-
sophical, or rational in terms of acoustical laws. What comes
next when a certain musical pattern has been played? Is the
next tone determined by the logic of the melodic pattern,

89
90 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
or by a more general rule relating melody to patterns of
speech tone, as in Venda music? Why should a pattern be
repeated at a certain point? Why should it be repeated at all?
Musicology must be able to answer these questions if it is to
explain what is going on in music; but I believe that it will
not succeed in answering general questions about music until
it recognizes the peculiarities of different musical systems.
Even the discoveries of systematic musicology may apply only
to the musical traditions of systematic musicologists and to
the perceptual faculties that have been developed in their
own cultures.
I will reinforce this point with reference to four of the
children’s songs included in my book, Venda Children’s
Songs (Johannesburg: Witwatersrand University Press, 1967).
This will show how an analysis of their sound alone is
inadequate and misleading. We will consider the songs
(Examples 22-25) first as “pure’’ music, then as sound orga-
nized in a particular cultural and social context.

Hyeeho)
SS SSS
Example 22

f) x
fy)
1, Po- ti - lo, 2. Ha- nga- la, 3. Ha- nga - la,
6

4, Nda te - ma, 5. Te- mi - so; 6. Tshi-no - ni

7.Tsha ga - la 8. Mu-ta-nda, 9. Ma-ndu-le. 10.Gu-ni- wee!

Potilo seems to be based on ten half-note beats divided by
the melody into 4+4+2, and incorporating thirty word-
syllables which are grouped into threes as 1-++1-+2 eighth
notes. One can imagine several ingenious explanations of the
metrical structure of the song, which may or may not be
 SOUNDLY ORGANIZED HUMANITY 91
correct; but the Venda who perform it are conscious of a
single explanation, which is assigned by its cultural context.
Potilo is a children’s song (luimbo lwa vhana) in the subcate-
gory of counting songs (nyimbo dza u vhala): on each half-
note beat, a finger is grasped and counted, from the left little
finger to the thumb, and then through from the right thumb
to the fourth finger, with a clap of the hands on the tenth
half beat.

SSS SS
Example 23
dis 112-120

1. Ndé' ndi ngée - i tha - vhad- nl,

2, Ndi pfi mi -kd - st @ tsht Ht - 4,

f)

3. Nda ta - nga -na na Ma - mw - be ~ be - dh.

The second song, Nde’ ndi ngei thavhani, uses five tones
and is based on repetitions of four dotted guarter notes. In
this case, we will consider not the meter but the changes in
the melody. Again, a “purely” musical analysis will not do,
because of the Venda system of relationships between speech
tone and melody. The tonal sequence at the beginning of
each phrase varies from GED to CED and CD, and there
are different patterns in later repetitions of the basic melody.
This may be heard as melodic variety that is balanced and
pleasing to the ear, but it is not conceived musically. It is a
consequence of changes in the speech tone of the different
words, which in turn are generated by the “story” of the
song (see also Figure 6). The form of the song is derived
from a social model, so that the varying call and the unchang-
92 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
ing response reflect a situation in which a soloist works
with a chorus. Thus, speech-tone changes are reflected in the
first, but not the second, section of each phrase, so that in the
performance of a single person there is a condensation of a
social situation which children will encounter when they grow
up and participate in larger social groups.
Example 24

ieIe+ 0: YO 0 op
, d-=100° 112 Soh eS
SS | an en Oe Oe ee a ee 7 ee ee ee ee ee Gee” Ae eee
1. Tha-tha - tha! Tha-nga dzi a swa, Nde’ dai a swa:

Ae tf eg tf
)

2. Dai a sw na Vhé -Mé - ra - mba na Vhé-Nyi - ndd.

A)

Ht pata dre Spa g=

3. Vh6é-Nyi - ndé vhé’ Ri ya 'fhi? Ri ya shd-ndé - ni;

The third song also uses five tones, but a different arrange-
ment of five tones. Notice the pattern EGCE, similar to that
in Potilo, CEAC. This might be called a fanfare pattern; but
bugles and fanfares are irrelevant in the context of tradi-
tional Venda culture. Again, the first part of the melody is
like the call of call-response form, and there are minor varia-
tions of melody dependent on changes in speech tone. The
same principles apply in the fourth song, which uses six tones
and also has the “fanfare” pattern CEAC.

Example 25

SOLO CHORUS
d= 300 -336

1. Ndd bva na _ tshi - do - ngo tsha na - ma.

 SOUNDLY ORGANIZED HUMANITY 93

, SOLO CHORUS
2. Ndi~ yO 14 ~—n_—snhyf? Na Sé - sé.
SOLO CHORUS

a gg hh
3. Sé- sé a tshi- bva -'fhi? Vhii -twa - na- mba.

4. Fha -]a ha Mt -kwa-i vh6 kwa-ya vha vhi - ya.

62.10! 2) AEE ? | EE A 9 SE ee Y SE 9 FP
5. Vha vhi - ya vho 1a - 'ni? Vho 14 mt - tshé-nzhe.

It could be argued that these four songs represent stages

of musical evolution from a four-tone nucleus EDCA. It is
possible to analyze them just as musical patterns, in terms of
| the iteration of tones and their convergence on tone centers,
the rhythmic reinforcement of tones, tonic-dominant to-
nality, patterns of melodic relaxation and tension, and so on.
If you treat these melodies as things in themselves, as “sonic
objects,” which is the kind of approach I am objecting to, you
can work out several different analyses. This procedure is
very common in analyses of European music and may be one
of the reasons why musical journals are so full of contradic-
tory explanations of the same music. Everyone disagrees hotly
and stakes his academic reputation on what Mozart really
meant in this or that bar of one of his symphonies, concertos,
or quartets. If we knew exactly what went on inside Mozart’s
mind when he wrote them, there could be only one explana-
tion.
If we analyze the four songs as music in culture, it seems
that we can explain them without resort to arguments about
musical evolution or the merits of alternative analyses. Fur-
94 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
thermore, it is not necessary to concoct a theory that the
songs are part of a musical Gradus by which children prepare
for adult music, like Carl Orff’s Music for Children. Two of
the first songs that small children were singing in 1956-58
were the four-tone Potilo and the six-tone Ndo bva na tshi-
dongo (Examples 22 and 25). They were the most popular
children’s songs, they belonged to classes of songs that are
sung by boys and girls together, and they were generally
learned before certain two- or three-tone songs that accom-
panied games children rarely played at an early age. Social
factors tend to regulate the age at which Venda children
learn the songs, and the fact that one has four tones, and
others have five, six, or seven tones, has little to do with the
learning process. It is the total pattern of the music and its
associated situations which are more significant than the
number of tones used in songs. Children learn these songs as
they learn language, as complete ideas, and not gradually by
musical progression.
The children’s songs are the first music Venda children
learn, in the sense of actively performing music. They are
not the first music they hear, which is more likely to be the
music of the national dance (tshikona), the premarital initia-
tion dance (domba), or the many beer songs that will assail
their ears as they are strapped to their mothers’ backs. Other
music that Venda boys hear and play is the music of the
boys’ dance (tshikanganga) and a series of associated reed-
pipe dances for the pentatonic pipes (nanga dza lutanga).
Tshikona, the national dance, is played on different sets of
heptatonic pipes. As I pointed out in the second and third
chapters, it is the most important Venda music; and there
is a close relationship between its musical form and its ex-
pressive purposes. The music of tshikona is such that if you
ask a Venda to sing it, he may give one of several possible
versions (see Figure 10). He may even attempt to give a more
graphic representation in which snatches of vocal phrases
Le a es
SOUNDLY ORGANIZED HUMANITY 95

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fe B
5=@&E

Frcure 10. Different ways in which the Venda may sing tshikona,
their national dance for reed pipes and drums. The figures indicate
the number of semitones in each interval. D and E are the nearest
equivalents to a scale that the Venda sing: singers do not complete
the octave, but pause on the seventh toné or repeat the pattern.
The names of one octave of reed pipes are given. Tshikona is here
transposed down a minor third.

accompany an imitation of the pipes. All these variations, and

many others, can be drawn from the tshikona pattern (see
Figure 11a). All are transformations that are accepted by the
Venda as tshikona. Figure 11 also shows how three of the
children’s songs (Examples 22, 24, and 25) may be derived
from the tshikona pattern: the recurrence of the “fanfare”
patterns suggests strongly that the relationship is not an
imaginary creation of the music analyst. Besides, on one occa-
sion a group of Venda boys actually converted Thathatha
(Example 24) into tshikona, abandoning the words for sounds
that are said to represent the sound of reed pipes, fhe, fhe,
fhe.
 96 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?

(a)
8 C2ya
5 (adbe
= Ce 6 er
a QQ va hg
SS oe se ae 2 eae | as
Pattern of Tshikona

(b) fp 2S--.ew
—)—___..
| NY
- e gt

é
’ D
Ae 0 ®
eee © =
Pattem of Potilo (Example 22)

(c) fy 8 = a ~

(d)
pp ggSS
ng ey
Pattern of Thathatha (Example 24)

Pattem of Ndo bva na tshidongo (Example 25)

Figure 11. Relationship between the melodies of three Venda

children’s songs and the music of tshikona, only part of which is
given, transposed down a minor third.

Similarly, the song Nde’ ndi ngei thavhani (Example 23) is

related to the pattern of Mutshaini (see Figure 12a), which is
one of the pentatonic reed-pipe melodies. The relationship of
a four-tone song Nandi Munzhedzi (see Figure 12c) to an-
other reed-pipe melody, Mangovho (see Figure 12b), shows
how that song is not related to tshikona, as is Potilo (see
Figure 11b), although both use the same tones. What reveals
their relationship is the pattern of their melodies. Thus one
four-tone song is derived from a pentatonic model and an-
other is derived from a heptatonic model. The principles of
transformation are the same, and the musical results are
similar at the surface level, but their basic conceptual models
are different. This is why I maintained above that the total
pattern of a melody may be more significant than the number
of tones used. An apparently elementary product may conceal
a complex process, and vice versa.
There are many other songs that are related to tshikona and
 SOUNDLY ORGANIZED HUMANITY 97
(a) Pattern of Mutshaini (b) Pattern of Mangovho
a ee es ae ae eae ae ee
Cy EE ESE
de=t00-112

1. Na-ndf Mu-nzhé-dzi ha- e& - to! 2. To -'Da - ni nge-n6d rf ti-mbe - to!

Ficure 12. Relationship between two Venda children’s songs and
two pentatonic reed-pipe melodies played by youths and boys (No.
4 in Figures 5 and 7).

to the boys’ reed-pipe dances, as I have demonstrated in my

book. My point is that formal musicological analysis may
become inadequate and even irrelevant as soon as the songs
are analyzed in relation to other items of Venda music and
in terms of the Venda music system, and also in relation to
the social “origins” of that system. The children’s songs are
transformations of music that children must have heard and
will almost certainly perform later in their lives. They have
been condensed by a process of ellipsis not unlike that which
occurs in the early speech of children. Instead of imitating a
downward-moving, often heptatonic pattern of melody, they
exhibit a new type of pattern, which happens to suit the more
limited range of children’s voices.
The processes of creation were probably unconscious; and
it is even possible that the songs were originally composed by
children. But if they were not, and they are now learned by
conscious imitation rather than by osmosis, there was a time
when they were composed, and the transformation process
used was similar in principle to that which relates the pat-
tern of tshikona to the khulo of domba, as discussed in chap-
ter 3 (see Figure 8). The important point here is that the
principles of the creative process cannot always be found in
the surface structures of the music, and many of the genera-
98 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
tive factors are not musical. For instance, I also showed how a
basic melody may be restructured to suit changes in the
speech-tone patterns of words (see Figure 6). Even Venda
children are able to set entirely new strings of words to an
existing melody in a way that is recognized as characteristic-
ally Venda (see page 69), although they receive no formal
instruction and the rules of the system can be derived only
from a comparative analysis of many different songs. Cre-
ativity in Venda music depends on the use and transformation
of the basic conceptual models that generate its surface
structures; and because these models are acquired uncon-
sciously as part of the maturation process, I do not think that
they can be used really creatively by someone who is not
deeply involved in Venda society.
In other words, the rules of Venda music are not arbitrary,
like the rules of a game. In order to create new Venda music,
you must be a Venda, sharing Venda social and cultural life
from early childhood. The technical resources of Venda music
may not seem very great to one accustomed to European clas-
sical music, and the basic rules of composition could probably
be learned from a study of recordings and of my own
analyses. But I am convinced that a trained musician could
not compose music that was absolutely new and specifically
Venda, and acceptable as such to Venda audiences, unless he
had been brought up in Venda society. Because the composi-
tion of Venda music depends so much on being a Venda, and
its structure is correspondingly related to that condition of
being, it follows that an analysis of the sound cannot be
conceived apart from its social and cultural context. The
music of the four songs could have been analyzed in terms of
their notes only, but such analyses would not have revealed
the deep structures of the music, the processes by which they
were created in the context of Venda society. A context-
sensitive analysis turns out to be more general, because it
explains the music of the children’s songs according to a
 SOUNDLY ORGANIZED HUMANITY 99
system that applies to other items of Venda music, and in
terms of their respective social functions. That is, the social
and expressive relationships between the function of the
children’s songs and the different reed-pipe dances in Venda
society is reflected in their formal, musical relationships.
Analyses of music are essentially descriptions of sequences
of different kinds of creative act: they should explain the
social, cultural, psychological, and musical events in the lives
of individuals and groups that lead to the production of
organized sound. At the surface level, creativity in music is
expressed chiefly in musical composition and in performance,
in the organization of new relationships between sounds or
new ways of producing them. Concern for the sound as an
end in itself, or for the social means to the attainment of that
end, are two aspects of musical creativity that cannot be
separated, and both seem to be present in many societies.
Whether the emphasis is on humanly organized sound or on
soundly organized humanity, on a tonal experience related to
people or a shared experience related to tones, the function of
music is to reinforce, or relate people more closely to, certain
experiences which have come to have meaning in their social
life.
Musical creativity can be described in terms of social,
musical, and cognitive processes. In two other published
analyses of over one hundred Venda songs, I have drawn up
six sets of rules that explain their patterns of sound. The first
set, ‘“social and cultural factors,” begins with the rule 1.0.0.
“Music is performed as part of a social situation.” This may
seem absurdly obvious, but it is a necessary prelude to more
complex rules that explain musical patterns as products of
their social antecedents. The next four sets are basically
musical: “Tempo, meter, and rhythm,” “Speech tone and
melody,” “Harmony and tonality,” and ‘Musical develop-
ment’; and the last is cognitive: ‘“Transformation processes.”
These rules are clumsy and provisional, and they are inade-
100 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
quate because they assume a working knowledge of Venda
culture and society. I shall not discuss them further, but I
want to suggest how and why such rules could be generalized
and refined in terms of a unified theory of cognition, society,
culture, and creativity.
First, let me outline certain theoretical assumptions. Emile
Durkheim, in The Elementary Forms of the Religious Life
({London: Allen and Unwin, 1968 (1915)], p. 447) argues that
society is ““not a nominal being created by reason, but a
system of active forces.” I believe that behavior is an integral
part of an animal’s constitution; that human beings are not
infinitely plastic; and that we shall learn more about music
and human musicality if we look for basic rules of musical
behavior which are biologically, as well as culturally, condi-
tioned and species-specific. It seems to me that what is
ultimately of most importance in music cannot be learned like
other cultural skills: it is there in the body, waiting to be
brought out and developed, like the basic principles of
language formation. You cannot really learn to improvise, but
this does not mean that improvisation is random. The man
who does it is not improvised: all aspects of his behavior are
subject to a series of interrelated, structured systems, and,
when he improvises, he is expressing these systems in relation
to the reactions he picks up from his audience. Similarly,
married Venda women do not relearn the music of domba
every four or five years, when a new school is set up: they
relive a social situation, and the right music emerges when
that experience is shared under certain conditions of indi-
viduality in community.
The rules of musical behavior are not arbitrary cultural
conventions, and techniques of music are not like develop-
ments in technology. Musical behavior may reflect varying
degrees of consciousness of social forces, and the structure
and function of music may be related to basic human drives
and to the biological need to maintain a balance among them.
 SOUNDLY ORGANIZED HUMANITY © 101

If the Venda perform communal music chiefly when their

stomachs are full, it is not simply to kill time. If drives of
cooperation, reproduction, and exploration are overlooked in
the pursuit of self-preservation, the harmony of nature is
disturbed. Man cannot be satisfied with having: he must
also be, and become. But neither can he be, without having.
When the Venda are hungry, or busy working to avoid
hunger, they do not have the time or energy to make much
music. Nor do they imagine that music might in some magical
way alleviate their hunger, any more than their rain makers
expect rain to fall before they have seen the insects whose
movements precede it. The music is in them, but it requires
special conditions to emerge. I suggest that the Venda make
music when their stomachs are full because, consciously or
unconsciously, they sense the forces of separation inherent
in the satisfaction of self-preservation, and they are driven
to restore the balance with exceptionally cooperative and ex-
ploratory behavior. Thus forces in culture and society would
be expressed in humanly organized sound, because the chief
function of music in society and culture is to promote soundly
organized humanity by enhancing human consciousness.
In the third chapter I suggested that many formal changes
in European music came about as a result of attempts by
composers to make people more aware of social disharmony
and inequality. Musical creativity was thus a function of com-
posers’ attitudes to the separation of people in societies which
should have been fully cooperative. In much the same way,
we may say that the thematic relationships of tshikona and
the Venda children’s songs express corresponding social rela-
tionships. Tshikona symbolized the largest society known to
the Venda in the past; and because the oppression of apart-
heid restricts them in the larger society of which they are
painfully aware, this traditional society still remains the larg-
est in which they can move about with comparative freedom.
Tshikona is universal both in content and in form: everyone
102 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
attends it; it epitomizes the principle of individuality in com-
munity (like a Bach chorale, it is interesting for all perform-
ers, in contrast to the average hymn accompaniment which
reduces altos and tenors to slaves of sopranos and basses);
and its musical structure incorporates the most important
features of Venda music. It is a shared experience, both so-
cially and musically.
Venda children’s songs are also universal, rather than
parochial, in that every Venda child is expected to sing some
of them and their performance is not limited to a cult group
or social clique. Thus it is not surprising to find musical rela-
tionships between tshikona and the children’s songs that
parallel their social relationships. In the context of Venda
social and musical life, the children’s songs can be seen as
“contrasting on the surface but identical in substance,” as
Rudolph Reti has described some great works of music in
his book, The Thematic Process in Music ({London: Faber
and Faber, 1961], p. 5).
It is tempting to see the basic musical form of theme and
variation as an expression of social situations and social forces
transformed according to patterns of culture and the state of
the division of labor in society. Thus the essential differences
between music in one society and another may be social and
not musical. If English music may seem to be more complex
than Venda music and practiced by a smaller number of
people, it is because of the consequences of the division of
labor in society, and not because the English are less musical
or their music is cognitively more complex. There are not
more or less things for an individual to learn in different
societies, and in the context of each culture they are not
basically more or less difficult. There are more or fewer differ-
ent fields in which to learn. It is neither easier nor more diffi-
cult to be a Bushman than an American. It is different.
As a result of the division of labor in society, some people
must do things for others. If I were a Bushman I would have
 SOUNDLY ORGANIZED HUMANITY — 103

made my own clothes and I would hunt for my own food: I

would really be an individual in a way no American can be.
(Americans who opt out and live a folksy or utopian life are
not really escaping the division of labor in their society.
Because of the protection of the larger society they enjoy an
easy life that has almost nothing in common with the lives of
peasants and tribesmen who cannot afford the luxuries they
take for granted, and they try to avoid the problems of
collective responsibility with which the more extensive
division of labor presents them.)
In any society, cultural behavior is learned; although the
introduction of new skills may represent an intellectual break-
through, the learning of accumulated skills does not present
essentially different or more difficult tasks to the members of
different cultures. If there is a pattern to the difference, it is
that Americans have to learn more about less. This means
that they must learn less than the Bushmen about some
things. Problems in human societies begin when people learn
less about love, because love is the basis of our existence as
human beings. Kierkegaard has expressed this in the follow-
| ing words:
One generation can learn much from another, but that which is
purely human no generation can learn from the preceding genera-
tion. In this respect every generation begins again from the begin-
ning, possessing no other tasks but those of preceding generations
and going no further, unless the preceding generation has betrayed
itself and deceived itself. . . . No generation has learned how to
love from another, no generation begins at any other point than
the beginning, and no subsequent generation has a shorter task
than the generation which preceded it [Fear and Trembling (Lon-
don and New York: Oxford University Press, 1939), pp. 183-84].

The hard task is to love, and music is a skill that prepares

man for this most difficult task. Because in this respect every
generation has to begin again from the beginning, many com-
posers feel that their task is to write new music not as if they
104 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
were designing a new model of automobile, but as if they
were assessing the human situation in which new automobiles
are made and used. The task of designing new automobiles is
basically a technical and commercial problem that may be
compared to writing incidental music in the style of Tchai-
kovsky, Mahler, or Debussy. Provided a person is brought
up in a certain social class, with adequate emotional oppor-
tunities, writing music in the style of Tchaikovsky could be
learned without great effort and carried on from one genera-
tion to another, like many other cultural skills. Although a
composer might have the greatest respect for Tchaikovsky’s
music, if he were aware of and concerned with the contem-
porary task of being human and wanted to say something
about it in his music, he could not reproduce that sort of
music in a society whose tasks are different from Tchai-
kovsky’s. (Stravinsky’s Le Baiser de la Fée may have begun
as a rehash of Tchaikovsky, but it turns out as pure Stravin-
sky, and essentially a new work.) Thus if a composer wants
to produce music that is relevant to his contemporaries, his
chief problem is not really musical, though it may seem to him
to be so: it is a problem of attitude to contemporary society
and culture in relation to the basic human problem of learning
to be human. Music is not a language that describes the way
society seems to be, but a metaphorical expression of feelings
associated with the way society really is. It is a reflection of
and response to social forces, and particularly to the conse-
quences of the division of labor in society.
Some music expresses the actual solidarity of groups when
people come together and produce patterns of sound that are
signs of their group allegiances; and other music expresses
theoretical solidarity when a composer brings together pat-
terns of sound that express aspects of social experience. Just
as diverse social groups in, say, Venda society may be
brought together by a performance of their national dance, so
in an industrial society contrasting patterns of sound may be
 SOUNDLY ORGANIZED HUMANITY © 105

brought together by a composer through the single idea, and

corresponding thematic unity, of a symphony. Just as a Venda
chief said to me, “You shall hear the finest performance
imaginable of our national dance: I will call to my capital
every available player in the district,” so Mahler said, “To
write a symphony means, to me, to construct a world with
all the tools of the available technique.”
Relationships between formal and expressive analyses of
music can be established even in matters such as the quality
of creativity, an issue that constantly occupies musicologists
and critics. In recent years, creative ability has been assessed
in terms of a composer’s ability to produce thematic unity
with expressive contrast, and the impressive studies of Hein-
rich Schenker, Rudolph Reti, Hans Keller, Alan Walker, and
others have tended to stress that this may often be an uncon-
scious process. For example, Alan Walker has shown how the
themes of Tchaikovsky’s Fourth Symphony spring from the
opening “fate theme,” which the composer recognized intui-
tively as the germ of the entire symphony (A Study in Mus-
ical Analysis [London: Barrie and Rockliff, 1962], pp. 116-
26). Many critics have dismissed this symphony as poorly
constructed on the grounds that its thematic material is not
treated as it ought to be according to the conventional rules
of symphonic construction. The work could be described as
an intellectual leap forward, in that Tchaikovsky was led to a
new way of working out symphonic form; and it is interest-
ing that the musical consequences of this basically human
achievement are appreciated intuitively by lay audiences,
though poorly understood by the closed minds of some
musical experts.
The theories of Rudolph Reti and his followers match well
with recent research that has shown that the ability to think
creatively and to construct new forms is a function of per-
sonality. Creativity requires breadth of view, or what Milton
Rokeach calls an “open mind,” and the ability to synthesize
106 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
is a critically important factor. People with open minds, who
are low in ethnocentricism, reveal a comprehensive cognitive
organization, which is potentially more creative than the nar-
rower cognitive organization exhibited by people with closed
minds. (I should add that surface ethnocentricism should not
always be taken as evidence of real ethnocentricism. For
example, in South Africa the surface ethnocentricism of
blacks who see a form of Black Power as the only means of
regaining their land and freedom is very different from the
ethnocentricism of the whites who oppose them.)
There is evidence which suggests that, although human
creativity may appear to be the result of individual effort, it
is in fact a collective effort that is expressed in the behavior of
individuals. Originality may be an expression of innate
exploratory behavior with the accumulated materials of a
cultural tradition; and the ability to synthesize, which is often
said to distinguish genius from talent, may express the com-
prehensive cognitive organization that is generated by expe-
rience of the relationships that exist between the social groups
who use and develop the techniques of the tradition. If this
is so—and I am convinced that it is true—differences in
cultures and developments in technology are the result of
differences not of intellect, but of human organization. If the
whites of South Africa seem to perform better than the
blacks, or the rich and elite of a country seem to perform
better than the poor or the masses, it is not because they or
their parents are cleverer or have a richer cultural heritage: it
is because their society is organized in such a way that they
have better opportunities to develop their human potential,
and consequently their cognitive organization. If intelligence
tests devised by members of a certain class show poor per-
formance by the members of another class in a theoretically
“open” society, we should first ask just how open the society
is and consider to what degree its class divisions may inhibit
the cognitive development of its less fortunate members.
 SOUNDLY ORGANIZED HUMANITY — 107

Changes and developments in culture and society are a

function of population growth and of people’s relationships
and attitudes within given populations. Greater productivity
has been achieved by larger groups of people involved in
joint enterprises. In such cases, an increase in the division of
labor is dynamically productive, but only when it is not also
a division of people. The interaction of minds developed
under different conditions is a stimulus to invention in a
new, shared situation, provided that the situation really is
shared. If a shared situation becomes static or formalized, or
disintegrates altogether, it follows that creativity will tend to
dry up, and it will become increasingly hard for members of
a society to adapt to the changes that must result inevitably
from the birth, life, and death of its individuals. It some-
times happens that remarkable cultural developments can
take place in societies in which man’s humanity is progres-
sively abused, restricted, and disregarded. This is because
cultural development can reach a stage where it is almost
| mechanically self-generative—but only in certain fields and
for a limited time. The history of many civilizations has
shown that a society and its culture may ultimately collapse
because of human alienation. The machine runs down without
the only power that can change it, the creative force that
springs from human self-consciousness. This is why the
Venda stress that “man is man because of his asociations with
other men,” and reinforce their belief with music. When
they share the experience of an invisible conductor in their
drumming and singing and pipe playing, they become more
aware of society’s system of active forces, and their own con-
sciousness is enhanced.
Music cannot change societies, as can changes in tech-
nology and political organization. It cannot make people act
unless they are already socially and culturally disposed to
act. It cannot instill brotherhood, as Tolstoy hoped, or any
other state or social value. If it can do anything to people,
108 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
the best that it can do is to confirm situations that already
exist. It cannot in itself generate thoughts that may benefit or
harm mankind, as some writers have suggested; but it can
make people more aware of feelings that they have experi-
enced, or partly experienced, by reinforcing, narrowing or
expanding their consciousness in a variety of ways. Since
music is learned in these kinds of context, it is composed in
the same spirit. A person may create music for financial gain,
for private pleasure, for entertainment, or to accompany a
variety of social events, and he need not express overt
concern for the human condition. But his music cannot escape
the stamp of the society that made its creator human, and
the kind of music he composes will be related to his con-
sciousness of, and concern for, his fellow human beings. His
cognitive organization will be a function of his personality.
Now those who are concerned with musicology and ethno-
musicology may be disappointed, because I seem to suggest
that there are no grounds for comparing different musical
systems; there is no possibility of any universal theory of
musical behavior, and no hope of cross-cultural communica-
tion. But if we consider our own experiences, we must realize
that this is not in fact so. Music can transcend time and
culture. Music that was exciting to the contemporaries of
Mozart and Beethoven is still exciting, although we do not
share their culture and society. The early Beatles’ songs are
still exciting although the Beatles have unfortunately broken
up. Similarly, some Venda songs that must have been com-
posed hundreds of years ago still excite the Venda, and they
also excite me. Many of us are thrilled by koto music from
Japan, sitar music from India, Chopi xylophone music, and
so on. I do not say that we receive the music in exactly the
same way as the players (and I have already suggested that
even the members of a single culture do not receive their own
music in the same ways), but our own experiences suggest
that there are some possibilities of cross-cultural communica-
 SOUNDLY ORGANIZED HUMANITY _—_ 109

tion. I am convinced that the explanation for this is to be

found in the fact that at the level of deep structures in music
there are elements that are common to the human psyche,
although they may not appear in the surface structures.
Consider the matter of “feeling in music,” which is often
invoked to distinguish two technically correct performances
of the same piece. This doctrine of feeling is in fact based on
the recognition of the existence and importance of deep struc-
tures in music. It asserts that music stands or falls by virtue
of what is heard and how people respond to what they hear
“in the notes,” but it assumes that the surface relationships
between tones which may be perceived as “sonic objects’’ are
only part of other systems of relationships. Because the
assumptions are not clearly stated and are only dimly under-
stood, the assertions become all the more dogmatic and are
often clothed in the language of an elitist sect. The effect of
this confusion on musically committed people can be trau-
matic, and the musically inclined may be discouraged alto-
gether.
When, as a boy, I mastered a technically difficult piece of
piano music, I was sometimes told that I played without
feeling. As a result of this I tended to play more loudly or
aggressively, or to fold up altogether. It seemed as if an
assault was being made on my integrity as a person, rather
than on my technical ability. In fact, my “unfeeling’”’ perform-
ance was the result of inadequate, hit-or-miss techniques of
teaching in a society whose educational theory was founded
on a confused doctrine relating success to a combination of
superior inheritance, hard work, and moral integrity. A snob-
bish distaste for technical expertise, technology, and “mere”
craftsmanship discouraged attention to basic mechanical
problems unless they were wrapped up in an aura of morality
—as was the diligent practice of scales and arpeggios. The
Venda attitude toward playing well is essentially technical
and not ego-deflating. When the rhythm of an alto drum in
- 110 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
domba is not quite right, the player may be told to move in
such a way that her beat is part of a total body movement:
she plays with feeling precisely because she is shown how to
experience the physical feeling of moving with her instru-
ment and in harmony with the other drummers and dancers.
There is no suggestion that she is an insensitive or inadequate
person. What is a commonplace of Venda musical instruction
seems to be a rarity in “my” society.
So often, the expressive purpose of a piece of music is to
be found through identification with the body movements
that generated it, and these in turn may have their origins. in
culture as much as in the peculiarities of an individual. There
are so many different tempi in the world of nature and the
body of man that music has endless possibilities of physical
coordination with any one of them, or several of them to-
gether. Without this kind of coordination, which can be
learned only by endless experimentation, or more quickly by
direct aural transmission, there is little possibility that music
will be felt. When we know the associated dance step, we
may know whether J. J. J. JJ, should be thought of as
1-2-3-123, 1231-2-3-, or 1-2-3-4, or whatever. It may be
necessary to slow down one’s breathing in order to “feel’’ a
piece of Korean music, whose unique elegance and refinement
are hard for a European to appreciate. A similar control of
the body makes it easier to catch the innigster empfindung
of Beethoven’s Piano Sonata, Op. 109, last movement. Just
breathe slowly, relax the body completely and play—and the
empfindung comes through the body. It is no longer an
elusive, mysterious Teutonic quality!
Obviously the most deeply felt performance of any piece
of music will be that which approaches most closely the feel-
ings of its creator when he began to capture the force of his
individual experience with musical form. Since this experience
may often begin as a rhythmical stirring of the body, it may
be possible for a performer to recapture the right feeling by
 SOUNDLY ORGANIZED HUMANITY | i111

finding the right movement. Is it surprising, then, that many

people abandon music because they cannot play what they
feel, or cannot feel what they play? By creating a false dichot-
omy between the deep and surface structures of music, many
industrial societies have taken away from people much of the
practice and pleasure of music making. What is the use of
teaching a pianist to play scales and arpeggios according to
some didactic system, and then expecting him to feel the
piano music of Mozart, Beethoven, Chopin, Debussy, and
Ravel by a separate effort of the will, or the employment of
some mysterious spiritual attribute? Exercise of the finger
muscles is one thing, but the scales and arpeggios of a com-
poser’s music will perhaps be felt most deeply when they are
played according to his system. That is, if you find out by
feeling for it how Debussy might have held his hands and
body when he played the piano, you might get a better feel-
ing for his music. You might find that you could play the
music with feeling without having to be immensely “deep.”
In fact you would be profoundly deep, because you would
be sharing the most important thing about music, that which
is in the human body and which is universal to all men. It
would be mysterious only in so far that we do not under-
stand what happens in the remarkable bodies all human
beings possess. It would not be mysterious in the sense of
being something for only a chosen few.
Perhaps there is a hope of cross-cultural understanding
after all. I do not say that we can experience exactly the same
thoughts associated with bodily experience; but to feel with
the body is probably as close as anyone can ever get to
resonating with another person. I shall not attempt to discuss
the issue of musical communication as a physiological phe-
nomenon; but if music begins, as I have suggested, as a
stirring of the body, we can recall the state in which it was
conceived by getting into the body movement of the music
and so feeling it very nearly as the composer felt it. Some
112 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
may be fortunate enough to be able to do this intuitively;
but for most people it will be easier if the notes of music are
regarded as the product of cognitive, physical, and social
processes.
I would like to consider again the examples of tshikona
and the children’s songs. I am no longer satisfied with the
analysis I gave in Venda Children’s Songs. | tried to explain
musical phenomena as expressions of social situations; but |
no longer consider this to be sufficiently general. For example,
the use of the terms call and response implies a socially de-
rived musical form, rather than seeking a basic structure
from which both responsorial form and solo-chorus/leader-
follower social situations may be derived. Suppose we look
at the social, musical, economic, legal, and other subsystems
of a culture as transformations of basic structures that are
in the body, innate in man, part of his biological equipment;
then we may have different explanations for a lot of things
that we have taken for granted, and we may be able to see
correspondences between apparently disparate elements in
social life. For example, the following relationships may be
transformations of a single structure: call/response, tone/
companion tone, tonic/countertonic, individual/community,
chief/subjects, theme/variation, male/female, and so forth.
Ethnomusicology is in some respects a branch of cognitive
anthropology. There seem to be universal structural principles
in music, such as the use of mirror forms (see Example 16, for
instance), theme and variation, repetition, and binary form.
It is always possible that these may arise from experience of
social relations or of the natural world: an unconscious con-
cern for mirror forms may spring from the regular experience
of mirror forms in nature, such as observation of the two
“halves” of the body. If different aspects and fields of human
behavior are analyzed in this way, we may have a new view
of human societies and human “progress,” and a new concept
of the future of man, which is most important.
 SOUNDLY ORGANIZED HUMANITY — 113

The evolution of technology and an increase in the size

of societies cannot then be taken as signs of the evolution of
culture in general, or of man’s intellectual potential. An
African “folk” song is not necessarily less intellectual than
a symphony: the apparent simplicity of sound produced may
conceal complex processes of generation; it may have been
stimulated by an intellectual leap forward in which its com-
poser saw beyond the boundaries of his culture and was able
to invent a powerful new form to express in sound his vision
of the unlimited possibilities of human development. As a
human achievement, this would be more significant than the
surface complexity of a classroom symphony produced in the
context of a technologically advanced society, and so com-
parable to an original masterpiece. And, like a symphonic
masterpiece, it might survive because of its musical quality
and what it means to critical listeners.
Through the operations of the brain, three orders of con-
sciousness are working at the same time in one person’s
body: the universal, automatic complexity of the natural
world; group consciousness, which has been learned through
the shared experience of cultural life; and individual con-
sciousness, which may transcend the boundaries of group
consciousness when an individual uses or develops areas of
basic automatic complexity which have not been explored by
his society. I use the term “group consciousness” deliberately,
because I regard the more generalized “social consciousness”
as an aspect of individual consciousness. There is an impor-
tant difference between an individual’s ‘natural’ awareness of
any man next to him as a human neighbor, and his “cultural”
awareness of neighbors as people who speak certain languages
or belong to certain races, classes, or creeds. Because human
beings are physiologically parts of the natural world, |
doubt if they can create anything whose principles are not
already inherent in the system of automatic complexity
to which they belong. Computers, radios, X-ray photography,
114 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
and television are in a sense no more than extensions and
props to man’s inborn powers of calculation, telepathy, sen-
sory diagnosis, and clairvoyance. Inventions may be de-
scribed as purposeful discoveries of situations that are already
possible by means that already exist. I would modify the
hypothesis that “man makes himself” by suggesting that
through the centuries of cultural achievement man_ has
extended himself in the world, and has developed the expres-
sion of his consciousness of the world. He has devised experi-
ments in living that may help him better to be what he
already is. I am not claiming that cultures in themselves are
genetically inherited, but that they are generated by pro-
cesses that are acquired biologically and developed through
social interaction.
An analysis of the deeper processes of Venda musical
behavior suggests that some innate capacities are as neces-
sary as are experiences of learning for realizing even elemen-
tary musical ability, let alone exceptional musical ability. The
most convincing evidence of innate creative capacities is to
be found in the ways the Venda apply themselves to new
experiences of sonic order, and in the processes that have
generated different features of their musical tradition and
constantly generate the variations within that tradition. The
Venda adoption and adaptation of European music is testi-
mony to the unconscious, creative application of musical
processes. The so-called “mistakes” in their singing of Euro-
pean music may sometimes be due to inadequate learning
facilities, but they may also be intentional. The Venda are
able to imitate chromatic intervals or sharpened leading notes
or European chord sequences; but they generally prefer to
create rather than imitate, and they choose to ignore these
European features or even improve on them—not because
they are bound to learned patterns of behavior, but because
there are deeper processes at work in their music making,
which inspire a creative adaptation of the new sounds they
 SOUNDLY ORGANIZED HUMANITY — 115

hear. I am not arguing that particular musical systems are

innate, but that some of the processes that generate them may
be innate in all men and so species-specific. Similar evidence
of creativity may be found in Venda children’s songs, many
of which may have been composed by children. Their struc-
tures suggest a creative use of features of the musical system
which extends beyond techniques that might have been
learned in society. I do not see how the deeper, apparently
unconscious processes of generation could have been taught
or learned in society except through a whole complicated
process of relationships between innate potentialities and the
realization of these in culture through social interaction.
If we study music in the ways I have suggested, we ought
to be able to learn something about structures of human
interaction in general by way of the structures involved in
the creation of music, and so learn more about the inner
nature of man’s mind. One of the advantages of studying
music is that it is a relatively spontaneous and unconscious
process. It may represent the human mind working without
interference, and therefore observation of musical structures
may reveal some of the structural principles on which all
human life is based. If we can show exactly how musical
behavior (and, perhaps, all aspects of human behavior in
culture) is generated by finite sets of rules applied to an
infinite number of variables, we shall learn not only what
aspects of musical behavior are specifically musical, but also
how and when these rules and variables may be applied in
other kinds of human behavior.
By learning more about the automatic complexity of the
human body, we may be able to prove conclusively that all
men are born with potentially brilliant intellects, or at least a
very high degree of cognitive competence, and that the source
of cultural creativity is the consciousness that springs from
social cooperation and loving interaction. By discovering
precisely how music is created and appreciated in different
116 HOW MUSICAL IS MAN?
social and cultural contexts, and perhaps establishing that
musicality is a universal, species-specific characteristic, we
can show that human beings are even more remarkable than
we presently believe them to be—and not just a few human
beings, but all human beings—and that the majority of us
live far below our potential, because of the oppressive nature
of most societies. Armed with this vital information about
the minds of men, we can begin to discredit forever the myths
about the “stupidity” of the majority and the supposedly
“innate” selfishness and aggressiveness of man, which are
peddled all the time by people who use them to justify the
coercion of their fellow men into undemocratic social systems.
In a world in which authoritarian power is maintained by
means of superior technology, and the superior technology is
supposed to indicate a monopoly of intellect, it is necessary
to show that the real sources of technology, of all culture, are
to be found in the human body and in cooperative interaction
between human bodies. Even falling in love may be more
significant as a cognitive activity in which learned categories
are realigned, than as an exertion of the sex organs or a
hormonal reaction. In a world such as ours, in this world of
cruelty and exploitation in which the tawdry and the mediocre
are proliferated endlessly for the sake of financial profit, it is
necessary to understand why a madrigal by Gesualdo or a
Bach Passion, a sitar melody from India or a song from
Africa, Berg’s Wozzeck or Britten’s War Requiem, a Balinese
gamelan or a Cantonese opera, or a symphony by Mozart,
Beethoven, or Mahler, may be profoundly necessary for
human survival, quite apart from any merit they may have as
examples of creativity and technical progress. It is also neces-
sary to explain why, under certain circumstances, a “simple”
“folk” song may have more human value than a “complex”
symphony.
THE LATE JOHN BLACKING was professor of social anthropology
at the Queen’s University of Belfast, Northern Ireland. In 1970
he was appointed professor of anthropology at Western Michi-
gan University, where he first taught courses in anthropology
and ethnomusicology in 1971.
Born in England on October 22, 1928, he was educated at
Salisbury Cathedral and Sherborne schools, where he re-
ceived his early musical training. During a period of compul-
sory military service, he was commissioned in H.M. Cold-
stream Guards and spent the year 1948-49 in Malaya. He
learned the Malay language and, while on military operations
in the jungle, visited settlements of the Sakai and Senoi
tribesmen who lived there. These experiences, together with
many encounters with Malay, Chinese, and Indian people and
their cultures, changed the direction of his career and forced
a gradual reassessment of his own culture and its values.
In 1953, Dr. Blacking graduated from King’s College, Cam-
bridge, with a bachelor’s degree in social anthropology. Dur-
ing the summer of 1952, he had studied ethnomusicology at
the Musée de l’Homme, Paris, under André Schaeffner.
An appointment as Government Adviser on Aborigines in
Malaya lasted six days, until he was dismissed after a dis-
agreement with General Sir Gerald Templer in November
1953. Thereafter, he did some anthropological research, taught
at a secondary school in Singapore, broadcast on Radio Ma-
laya, accompanied Maurice Clare on a concert tour, returned
to Paris for piano lessons in June 1954, and went to South
Africa as musicologist of the International Library of African
Music.
He worked with Dr. Hugh Tracey on recording tours in
Zululand and Mocambique, and transcribed and analyzed
music in the library’s collection. During 1956-58 he under-
took fieldwork among the Venda of the Northern Transvaal,
and in 1959 he was appointed lecturer in social anthropology
and African government at the University of the Witwaters-
rand, Johannesburg. He was awarded his doctorate by the
university in 1965, and at the end of the year appointed pro-
fessor and head of the department. In 1965, he was also visit-
ing professor of African Music at Makerere University,
Kampala. In 1966, he was appointed chairman of the African
Studies Programme at the University of the Witwatersrand,
and at the end of 1969 he left South Africa.
Dr. Blacking has carried out ethnomusicological fieldwork
among the Gwembe Tonga and Nsenga of Zambia, and in
parts of Uganda and South Africa, as well as anthropological
research in and around Johannesburg. He is the author of
many publications on Venda initiation rites and music and on
the relationship between the patterns of music and culture.
Among his publications are two long-playing records of
Nsenga music, Black Background: The Childhood of a South
African Girl, Venda Children’s Songs: A Study in Ethno-
musicological Analysis, and Process and Product in Human
Society.