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6 views27 pages

Lets Play and Learn Together Fill Your Babys Day With Creative Activities That Are Super Fun and Enhance Development Roni Leiderman Wendy Masi Instant Download

Educational material: Lets Play And Learn Together Fill Your Babys Day With Creative Activities That Are Super Fun And Enhance Development Roni Leiderman Wendy Masi Download Instantly. Complete educational package with detailed study materials, expert insights, and professional content for academic success.

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papers, memoranda, evidences of her past experience, so that she
was destitute of all aid, taken by surprise, and ordered to obey and
answer people who had been instructed for a long time. The greater
part of them were evil disposed to her and only sought her ruin.”

The State Paper Office contains a rather different version of this


interview, which it will be interesting to compare with that of
Bourgoyne. It is as follows:—
“Relation of an interview between Sir Walter Mildmay, Sir Amias
Paulet, and Edward Barker, and the Queen of Scots:—
“Upon the repair of Sir Walter Mildmay, Sir Amias Paulet, and
Edward Barker to the Scottish Queen, and the delivery of Elizabeth's
letters, the Scottish Queen read the same and thereupon said she
was very sorry that the Queen her good sister was so evil informed
of her after so many offers made on her behalf. Notwithstanding any
assurance given to Elizabeth by her and her friends, she found she
was neglected, and that though she had forewarned things
dangerous to Her Majesty and the State, she was not believed but
contemned. This grieved her much, she being Her Majesty's nearest
kinswoman, saying that the association made here and the Act
thereupon passed in Parliament gave her sufficient understanding
what was intended against her. She added that she saw well
whatever danger should happen to Her Majesty, either through the
instrumentality of foreign princes, the discontent of private persons,
or matters of religion, it would all be laid upon her, for she had many
enemies. After some other words to the same effect, and a recital of
a long-endured captivity and of some supposed unkindnesses
offered to her, she said that a league had been made between Her
Majesty and the King her son without her consent or knowledge. For
answer to Her Majesty's letter she said she found it very strange that
Her Majesty wrote in such sort, for it was in the nature of a
command and that she should answer as a subject; but for her part
she was born a Queen, and she would not prejudice her rank and
state, nor the blood whereof she was descended, nor her son who
was to follow her, nor would give so prejudicial a precedent to
foreign princes, as to answer according to the desire of those letters.
For her heart could not yield to any compulsion. She referred to the
protestation which she had already made to the Lord Chancellor, the
Lord de la Warr, and others, adding that she was ignorant of the
laws and statutes of the realm, that she was destitute of counsel and
knew not who were her competent peers, also that her papers were
taken from her and that nobody dared or would speak on her behalf.
After this she solemnly protested that she was innocent and had not
procured or encouraged any hurt against Elizabeth, and that she was
not to be charged but by her word or writing, as she was sure that
neither the one nor the other could be shown against her, confessing
notwithstanding, that after so many offers made by herself and not
accepted by Elizabeth, she remitted herself and her cause to foreign
princes.”
Mary's sentiments having been communicated to Elizabeth, she
wrote Mary as follows:—
“You have in various ways and manners attempted to take my life
and bring my kingdom to destruction by bloodshed. I have never
proceeded harshly against you, but, on the contrary, protected and
maintained you like myself. These treasons will be proved to you and
will be made manifest. Yet it is my will that you answer the nobles
and peers of the kingdom as if I myself were present. I therefore
require, charge, and command you, that you make answer, for I
have been well informed of your arrogance. Act candidly, and you
will receive the greater favour of me.” [19]
“Sir Walter Mildmay repeated her conversation and then went and
reported it to the Council, which was assembled in a chamber
adjoining. This finished, all separated, and went to their places of
abode. Paulet, Barker, and Stallenge came to the Queen from the
Council, who having heard Her Majesty's answer to Elizabeth's letter
found it good to have it written and communicated to her that she
might verify it. Therefore Barker on his knees read it to her,
rewritten in a good style without anything forgotten except that she
wished to speak to Elizabeth. She verbally approved it without any
signature.
“Thursday, 13th October.—Paulet, Barker, and Stallenge came to
her about ten o'clock in order to ask if it would please her to hear
the commissioners, who wished to speak to her. Being willing, they
entered her chamber each in their order with great ceremony, one
marching before the other bearing seals or the arms of the
Chancellor. Then the Chancellor, speaking first, said he came by
command of the Queen of England, she being informed that the
Queen of Scots was charged with some plot or enterprise against
her person or estate, with authority to examine her on certain
charges, and upon her answer to proceed as the Council were
disposed. She told them that she had seen the letter of the Queen of
England, and that she had replied to it the day before. She said this
with tears, moving everyone to pity. Burghley, a very vehement man,
speaking for the others, said that the Council had seen the answer
and he had taken the advice of the law doctors who were versed in
civil and canonical law, who after deliberation had found that,
notwithstanding her answer, he must proceed with the examination,
and therefore the lords had come to examine her; that she might
say whether she would hear them or not, because if she refused
they would proceed according to their commission. Her Majesty
remonstrated about her rank and that she was not a subject, to
which they replied that Elizabeth recognised no Queen in her
kingdom but herself. As to them, they would not speak to her as to a
subject; they knew well her origin and rank; that their commission
was not to give way to this, only to examine her upon international
and civil and canonical laws. After some conversation touching her
bad treatment and the severity she had endured, the commissioners,
seeing she would not consent to be examined because she was not
a subject, went away. After dinner she made some memorandums
with her own hand to refresh her memory when the commissioners
returned, as she could not remember everything. Her heart swelled
with affliction; her spirits seemed to awaken and become stronger,
so that she was able to debate the cause when she was rudely
assailed by the commissioners, and said more than she had written.
These returned after dinner, when she demanded the indictment of
the Queen; what she meant by the word 'protection'; why she (the
Queen of Scots) had come into England, and with what intention.
Burghley, who always did the speaking, was irritated, and said that
he had seen the letter, and what had been written had explained
itself. It would be presumptuous to undertake to interpret the letters
of his mistress. That did not belong to them. The Queen said he was
not so ignorant of the mind of Elizabeth as not to know her will and
intention. If he had power to interpret to the Council he had also
power and authority to interpret the Queen's letter to her. Burghley
denying that he had power to do so, said he knew well the Queen's
intention, namely, that everyone in her kingdom should be subject to
the laws, and what he wished to know was whether she would listen
to the commissioners or not, or that they might proceed without her.
She said she knew this letter was the invention of Walsingham, who
had confessed to being her enemy; that she had suspected him as
such, and he knew well what he had done against her and her son.
Thereupon they debated among themselves if Walsingham was in
London when the letter was written, but they came to no decision.
“This same afternoon they sent Paulet before the commissioners
came, with an attorney and Bagot and Stallenge, saying that Her
Majesty had desired the duplicate of the commission or the principal
points of it, and that this had been granted. The Council sent her the
roll of the commissioners, explaining the points and the subject of
the commission, which was founded by two Acts of Parliament
passed two years before, namely, that they must not talk of the
succession of the Scottish Queen during the life of Elizabeth, nor of
anyone of any station, rank, or dignity whatsoever outside or inside
the kingdom. They imagined or consented to the death of the
Queen. A certain number (I think eighty) elected and assembled
could judge. Therefore she who they called Mary Stuart had
consented to the horrible deed of the destruction of her person and
the invasion of her kingdom. She would be interrogated by the
commissioners upon this point, and they would judge her as they
found good. To a great part of this which was read Her Majesty took
exception, such as she did to the assembled lords later, and upon
their report demanded them to come and speak to her, which they
did. She again referred to her not being subject to the laws. They
said that if she was reigning peaceably in her kingdom and
someone, were it the greatest king on earth, were to conspire
against her, she would not recognise him as a king but would
proceed against him. She said she would never act in such a fashion,
and that she saw quite well they had already condemned her. What
they were doing was only a formality, but what she did was not for
the sake of her life. She was fighting for her honour, for those
belonging to her, and for the Church. Then she attacked what they
said in the morning about the civil and canonical law; that it had
been made by the Romish Church, who did not follow them; that
they only bound those in this kingdom who could make use of them,
since they neither approved nor received the authority of him who
had the right by succession. Burghley answered that as to them they
made a common use of the canonical law in many matters, such as
marriages, etc., the authority of the Pope excepted. She replied
wisely that he could not in consequence approve the right of him
when he disapproved the authority, he being the sole interpreter of
those in the same Church. She knew nobody in England to whom he
had delegated this authority. After this observation they were
obliged to change the subject, seeing that they were not able to
answer without doing wrong to their religion and government. Her
Majesty said that the civil laws made by ancient Catholic emperors,
or at least received and approved by them, could only be used by
those who approved their actions; and as they were difficult to
understand and put in force, each wished to interpret them
according to his fancy, therefore they had founded universities in
France, Italy, and Spain to teach them. Those who had none could
not have the true version, but interpreted them at their own will. If
they wished to judge her according to these laws, she would like to
have people from these universities, so as not to be judged by
lawyers who served the laws of England. She told them that she saw
quite well they rejected the civil and canonical law and wished to
subject her to the laws of the country. She did not know these laws;
it was not her profession, and they had taken away her means of
learning them. Kings and princes had people near them versed in
these, she had none; they had taken them away, therefore she
desired to be informed how they were in the habit of acting toward
those similarly situated. They said if she pleased she might hear the
judges and lawyers who had come; she could then learn what was
the law on this point. At first she was content until she perceived by
Burghley's proposal that they meant her to understand that she had
a bad case, that she was subject to the laws, and that they had a
right to cause her to be judged by them. She, seeing that she could
not remonstrate with them without humiliating herself, refused to
hear them further. They proposed the reading of the other
commission. She refused the request, suspecting that they were
making laws expressly to convict her, and that they wished to
dispossess her of her right of succession to the kingdom. She was
answered that they were indeed new laws, and that they were as
just and equitable as any others before God and justice; that she
knew well it was necessary from time to time to abrogate some and
to make others. She replied that the new laws could not affect her,
being a stranger and not subject to them. She confessed to being a
Catholic, and for that religion she wished to die and shed the last
drop of her blood; that she was ready, and would esteem herself
happy if God would give her grace to die in this cause. They,
astonished at the firmness of her attitude, pressed her no longer and
reserved their answer. She asked for the protest she had made at
Sheffield. The Chancellor and the Treasurer read the duplicate as
they had promised in the morning at her request when they had
presented the original, but would not leave it with her as they had
no authority to do so. They confessed that the Chancellor took it,
being one of the deputies at Sheffield in the cause of the Duke of
Norfolk. He had taken charge of her and represented her, but it had
never been received nor approved, and she would not make use of
it. The Queen of England had a right in her kingdom over everyone
who plotted against her without respect of quality or dignity; at the
same time one could see how honourably the Queen had proceeded,
having chosen such an honourable company of lords and nobles of
the kingdom, commissioners to proceed in this matter, assuring her
that nothing had been done against her; they were not judges, only
examiners.
“The rest of the day passed in these agitated conversations until
night, when Hatton spoke saying they debated many things which
did not belong to their commission, and that they had only come
because the Queen their mistress was warned that Her Majesty had
consented to what had been undertaken against her person, her
State, and the public peace. It was a question whether she was
guilty or not. It seemed to him that Her Majesty ought not to refuse
to be examined; answering would make evident her innocence,
which would be an honour to her and a comfort to the Queen and all
the lords, whether present or absent. It was the last speech Her
Majesty made to him, with tears; that nothing had ever touched his
heart or grieved him so much as to come here to undertake such a
case against her. Her Majesty asked what recompense she would
have when she had proved her innocence, and what reparation
would be made to her for having been in prison so long and
accused. They replied that no harm would happen, and she would
be honoured, and it would satisfy their mistress.
“She remained all night in perplexity, and at last resolved to
intimate to the commissioners that she wished to speak to them
before they assembled.
“14th October 1586.—This day they came with other Lords,
including Walsingham, who had not attended the previous day. She
thus addressed them:—'Sirs, consider my rank, having been born a
Queen, a foreigner, a near relation to your Queen. It cannot surprise
you that I should be offended at the manner in which you proceed
against me, nor that I refuse to recognise your assembly and your
mode of procedure as not being obligatory; nor am I subject to your
laws nor to your Queen. I cannot answer without prejudicing my
state, mine and the other kings and princes of my rank. And at all
times I am careful of my honour, to defend which I would not spare
my life. Rather than do wrong to the other princes and to my son I
am ready to die, if so be that the Queen has a bad opinion of me.
She has been wrongly informed if she thinks I have plotted against
her person. To show the goodwill I bear her I have demonstrated
many times in the offers I have submitted to her, and by my
behaviour. In order that you should not think I refuse to answer
because I am guilty, and that ambition has induced me to do a
reproachable act unworthy of my sacred person, I offer to answer
upon this point alone—the life of the Queen—of which I swear to
you I am entirely innocent. In making this protestation I demand a
deed in writing.' They were very glad to have brought her to this
point, and said that they would not trouble her with anything else.
In order to satisfy her and prove whether she was guilty or not, they
would receive her protestation and hoped she would prepare herself
to come into the Council. She promised to do so immediately after
she had dined, with a little wine, feeling herself feeble and ill.
They had erected at the east of the hall the daïs of the Queen,
and on the two sides along the partition below were seated the
Lords named in the commission; and in the middle along tables and
benches were seated the commissioners and Chief Justice in their
order. Below they had erected a barrier, one part of which could be
raised in order to pass out and in. Her Majesty entered with a veil, a
mantle, with a long train held by one of her ladies. Beauregard was
seated in one of the chairs of crimson velvet at the side of the daïs,
under her feet a square of the same material; assisted by Melville,
Bourgoyne, Jervis, Mowbray, and Beauregard, with Jane Kennedy
and Alice Curle, maids, behind her. None of the other servants were
allowed to be present. Paulet and Stallenge were seated behind her
as guards. Bromley, the Chancellor, opened the proceedings, and
began to say that the Queen of England had been informed, to her
great regret, that the destruction of her person and the overthrow of
her kingdom had almost been accomplished by the Queen of Scots.
Notwithstanding her tolerance and patience, the Queen of Scots
continued these evil practices and had become the disturber of
religion and the public peace in her kingdom and also in countries
beyond the sea. The Queen of England because of this had ordered
this assembly to investigate the same without malice. If the Queen
of Scots were guilty of this deed, and if the Queen of England were
careless or so ill-advised as not to have it investigated, she would
have committed a great offence against God and would carry the
sword in vain. Therefore she had sent this commission, upon the
reading of which and hearing the things proposed by Council, the
Queen of Scots would be able to say what seemed good for her
defence and the declaring of her innocence.
“Addressing the Queen of Scots, Bromley said: 'Madam, you have
heard the reason why we are here; you have heard the indictment,
and you will be able to say what pleases you.' She then commenced
boldly to make a speech, the substance of which was that she had
come into England in the hope of succour and under the promise of
aid against her enemies; she protested that she was a sovereign and
free princess, not recognising any superior but God; that whatever
she did in answering the commissioners, who she believed were
wrong and falsely informed against her, she might do prejudice to
herself, the princes her allies, the King her son, or anyone who might
succeed her. Which protestation she made not in regard to her life or
to prevent anything becoming known, but for the preservation of her
prerogative and honour and dignity, not wishing because she
appeared before the commissioners to be compromised or declared
a subject of the Queen of England; but that she might show by her
answers that she was not guilty of the crime against the person of
Elizabeth with which she was charged. And this point alone and no
other she would answer. She desired that each of them would keep
this in remembrance, and that her protest would be put into a public
act, and that all the Lords present and the nobility might testify to it,
all of whom she called to bear witness if some day there should be
need of it. And she protested before the living God that she loved
the Queen her dear friend and sister, and that she had always borne
goodwill to the kingdom.
“The Chancellor in name of the commissioners not at all approving
of Mary's entering England under the promise of Elizabeth, but
disavowing it, said that these protests were of no importance
inasmuch as the Queen of Scots was in the kingdom and charged
with such a crime whatever rank or state she wears. She had
become subject to the laws notwithstanding the commissioners were
content without any approval or deliverance by them. In the name of
all present he protested that the protestation of the Queen of Scots
was nothing and of no effect in law, and was in no way prejudicial to
the dignity and supreme power of their Sovereign, the majesty of
her kingdom, or the prerogative of her crown. Which protestation he
required to be registered and all present to bear witness to it. In the
meantime they were required to read the commission, which was in
Latin and contained the above.
“The Queen answered that she did not approve this commission
nor its constitution, being based on new laws or articles newly made
expressly against her. Hearing the reading of a point she gave her
answer without their asking whether it was true or not. Their
manner was only to keep reading or speaking in order to persuade
the lords that the Queen was guilty. Addressing always their speech
to the lords was confusing and without any order, nobody answering
them a word, so that the Queen told us when she returned to her
chamber that it put her in mind of the passion of Jesus Christ, and
that it seemed to her, without making any comparison, that they did
to her in her place as the Jews did to Christ who cried, 'Away with
Him, crucify Him,' and that she was certain there were those in the
company who had pity on her and did not say what they thought.
“Notwithstanding all this the Queen never lost heart, and the more
they warmed up to hinder her the firmer she grew; her heart, her
strength, her reason rose to the occasion. She remonstrated on the
wrong Elizabeth had done her in keeping her a prisoner. She had
been kept eighteen years in affliction, treated as the meanest
subject would not have been, having no reason for doing this and
still less a right; and because of these trials she had lost her health
and the use of her limbs, as they could see; that she could neither
walk nor use her arms, and almost always was in bed; had become
aged and overwhelmed with misery, and had lost the little gift of
esprit that God had given her; also her memory to remember things
she had seen and read, which would have helped her in this place
when she was all alone; also the knowledge of business which she
had learned for the management of her affairs, the exercise of the
state to which God had called her and of which they had unjustly
and traitorously deprived her, and so hindered her from recovering
her rights. Besides, not content with this, her enemies by their ill-will
had tried to ruin her. She appealed to Almighty God, her Church, and
all Christian princes, and to the Estates of this kingdom lawfully
assembled. She was ready and prepared to sustain and defend her
honour as an innocent person provided they would give her a public
trial and in presence of some princes or foreign judges, even her
own proper judges, and all without prejudice to their mother Church,
to the Kings, sovereign princes, and her son; specially taking into
consideration the right which the English claimed, and pretended
that it appeared in their chronicles, that they were above the
predecessors of Her Majesty, the kings of Scotland. This right she
denied and would not admit or strengthen by any act which she
could now do, being forced to maintain the honour of these princes,
and for want of this she would declare them traitors or rebels, and
rather than approve she was ready to die for God and her right. And
in this cause being innocent she would offer her life and give herself
up to their judgment, and thereby show that she was not ambitious
and would not undertake anything against the Queen of England,
nor did she desire to reign; she had left all that, and no longer cared
for anything for herself but simply to pass the rest of her life in
peace and tranquillity of mind; that her age and strength were not
enough for the burden of reigning, and she had no desire for any
government or public duty, seeing she was in such poor health and
possibly having only two or three years to live. Also considering how
difficult it was to conduct herself and do justice, and acquit herself
with the dignity of a Queen in these evil times filled with wickedness,
the whole earth being filled thereby.”
WILLIAM CECIL, LORD BURGHLEY.
From the Hatfield Collection.
CHAPTER IX
The Queen and the Commissioners at Fotheringay, and the Babington and Queen
Mary letters of July 1586.

Burghley interrupted her at the point which concluded the last


chapter, “not being able to contain himself, reproaching her that she
had taken the name and arms of England and that she had aspired
to the crown. She said that what she had done formerly in this
respect was by order of King Henry II., her father-in-law, he knew
well why; she said she did not wish to give them up although there
was peace between them and King Henry. Although they had made
peace because it was to their advantage she had not been inclined
to give up her right for their profit, to renounce it to the great loss of
herself and her successors without receiving anything in return. She
owed them nothing, was not subject to them, nor was she their
subject, nor was she now to give up a thing of such great
consequence the memory of which would always have been a
dishonour and blame. Burghley replied that since then she had
always pretended and aspired. She said she had never given up this
right and never would, and begged him before this assembly not to
press her further; she wished to offend nobody, and therefore hoped
he would be satisfied, for he and many of the company knew well
why these things had been done, and there was no necessity to say
more at present. She knew well that her enemies and those who
had tried to nonsuit her had done everything they could by all
unlawful means, even to attempting her life, as had been discovered
in certain places, by people whom she could name if it were
necessary. She did not ask for vengeance, but would leave it to Him
who was the avenger of the innocent and of those who suffer in his
name, under whose will and power she placed herself; she liked
better the manner of Esther than of Judith, although both were
approved by the Church, and she prayed God to do with her
according to his good pleasure, to his honour and glory and the
good of his Church, as she had ever been brought up, and for which,
as she had already said, she would shed the last drop of her blood.
She was not afraid of the threats of men; she was resolved to suffer
and endure all that God pleased; that she would never deny Jesus
Christ, knowing well that those who deny Him in this world He will
deny before His father and disown them. As they read at intervals
letters of Babington to Her Majesty, and hers to Babington, she
denied flatly having ever seen such letters or received them, so that
she could not answer them. Upon this charge they insisted, being
that on which they founded all. They produced cyphered and other
letters and the depositions of those who had been examined, such
as Nau and Curle, to prove that she had received and answered this
letter from Babington, and in consequence consented to the murder
of Elizabeth. As to Ballard, who was one of the six who had
undertaken the murder, Her Majesty said she had heard him spoken
of, and had heard from France that he was a man of good
understanding and zeal in religion, a rigid Catholic, who wished to be
of use to her; that he had much intercourse with Walsingham, and
that she should beware of him; she knew nothing else about him.
Thereupon Walsingham got up and stood with his head uncovered,
and took up the charge that Her Majesty had been warned that he
did not wish her well, that he had said much against her and was
her open enemy, even that he had plotted against her life, hers and
her son's. He said he bore no ill-will to anyone; that he had never
attempted anyone's life, protesting that he was a gentleman and a
faithful servant of his mistress. Her Majesty avowed that she never
thought this, and had never believed what they said; that if he had
not been received in Scotland as he merited, she could not help it,
and she did not think he would wish to avenge himself upon her
who knew nothing about it. Of the four men on horseback who were
stationed in London to come and warn her when the blow should be
struck, she said she knew nothing whatever. Her Majesty owned to
some cyphers. There were old ones and recent ones, but that was
nothing, as many of them served for different occasions, and
Morgan, who was formerly in her service, was helped by these
cyphers to the intercourse he had with other princes. (This is the
first time she named Morgan.) They reproached her that he was still
her servant and that she gave him a pension although she knew well
that he had plotted the death of Elizabeth with Pary and was still a
prisoner in France. He was prosecuted and accused by Lord Derby,
who was a witness, at the request of the Queen. She answered that
they knew well she was not mixed up in that enterprise nor had
bribed anyone. They could easily see that other people wished the
Queen of England harm; if anyone had plotted against that Queen it
was not her. She was very sorry Morgan had been mixed up in such
a thing, but she was not responsible for his actions. She could not
do less than help him in recognition of his services, which she could
never forget.
“At last they changed the subject, after having insisted for a long
time that Morgan was a pensioner, which she denied. She said she
had merely given him money for his requirements. Of Nau and Curle
they said they had writings signed, that they owned to answers of
certain letters which they had always done by order of Her Majesty;
that they had written nothing without communicating with her as
was the custom, not allowing anything to be produced unknown to
her, thus proving her direction of letters. They were written
afterwards in her cabinet, where despatches were taken very often
in her presence, and after having written them they read them; that
she shut and sealed them always in her cabinet, and they often
wished to dissuade her from these enterprises. She replied that she
could not answer as to Nau and Curle what they had written about
this enterprise. They had done it of themselves and not
communicated with her; she entirely repudiated their evidence; that
Nau, a servant of the King of France, might have undertaken
something that she did not wish, and that there was intercourse she
knew nothing of. Nau confessed publicly that he belonged to the
King of France and not to her, and only did for her as he liked. They
had many quarrels because she would not give in to him and would
not instruct him; she knew well that Nau had many peculiarities,
which could not be said in public, for which she was sorry, and
further, that he did her great harm. She did not wish to accuse Nau
and Curle; she saw quite well that what they said was under fear of
death, under the promise of saving their lives, and that to do so they
accused her, thinking that she could save herself better than they,
never thinking that they would require to treat her in this fashion.
For more than twelve months Nau had written nothing in her
cabinet. He did everything, made out his despatches in his own
room, for his own convenience and to be more at his ease, as Paulet
and all those in the house could testify. As to Curle, if he had done
anything he must have been constrained by Nau, whom he was
afraid of displeasing and for quietness. At the same time she did not
think that either the one or the other would have forgotten
themselves so far. Being for the greater part of the time ill, she could
not watch over everything and did not know much that they did but
left it to Nau.
“Burghley replied that Nau was owned by the King of France as his
subject, born in France; that he had been Cardinal Lorraine's
secretary, but he was her sworn servant and did her commands. He
had not been constrained in any way, but of his own free will had
made this deposition, sworn, signed, and written by his own hand.
Her Majesty replied that he was secretary to the King, and called
himself his treasurer in this country; and upon this pretext he gave
himself airs and was often disobedient. She ordered him in general
and was answerable generally for what he did, but she was not
responsible for his private actions, and would not believe that he
was not forced. Feeling himself feeble and delicate, fearing torture,
he thought to escape by laying it on the Queen. A criminal is not
received on oath nor his affirmation believed; his oath is worth
nothing. His first oath is to his master which detracts from all others,
which are no longer of any value. She saw quite well that he had
neither signed nor written what they affirmed he had. Then these
shufflers in a rage debated and fought over this speech of the Queen
like furies; all that had been said or written, all the circumstances,
suspicions, and conjectures—in short, all the reasons they could
imagine—were put forward to make their case good and accuse Her
Majesty without her being able to answer distinctly what they said;
but like madmen they went on, sometimes all together, sometimes
one after the other, in order to bring out the Queen as guilty, which
gave her occasion to make an eloquent speech.
“Next morning after she had returned to the hall, seated as usual,
all the lords, who approached bareheaded, listened with great
attention. She was permitted to speak freely, the Chancellor having
allowed it in name of the assembly. She found it very strange the
mode of proceeding towards her, because having made her come
into this place against what was due to her rank, they had given the
management of her cause to people whom they were not
accustomed to employ. Her Majesty was overwhelmed by the
importunity of lawyers and advocates, who seemed to indulge in the
technicalities used by the petty lawyers of the towns and the
chicanery that they used, rather than confine themselves to the
examination of this question; and although it was promised that she
would be interrogated and examined on this point alone concerning
the person of Elizabeth, they rather accused her and hindered her
from answering, and interrupted her, speaking and seeming to
debate among themselves as to who would plead the best and
distort the facts, wishing to force her to answer about what there
was no question. She appealed against what had been done and
what was being done against her.
“Burghley said it was quite right she should say what pleased her
and what was in her power; and that those who had spoken the
preceding day should have done what was necessary according to
their belief; that in order to know the truth they made use of all their
reasons which would serve their cause. As to her demanding
another assembly to answer to, that might be provided, but they
had no power to do it. He would lead them and cause them to speak
or be silent as he wished. Upon this we hoped they would not
continue long, because the greater part of the lords had come to the
assembly booted and some in their riding habits. At the same time
we were in doubt as to what verdict they might give before their
departure.
“The next morning was employed in the reading of letters as on
the preceding day, for the most part concerning the displacing of the
Queen of England by foreigners; the intercourse of Her Majesty with
Christian princes, and her deliverance from prison, all of which had
been already discussed. Her Majesty said if they wished to deliver
her from prison she was willing, but she did not know the means by
which they might proceed; that her hands were tied, she could do
nothing. Many times she had proposed an agreement for the utility
and profit of her kingdom. She had advanced these offers so far that
she had been suspected and blamed by the Christian princes and in
danger of excommunication, having done more and offered more
than was approved of, and what in reality was contrary to Catholic
interests; that she had often submitted on condition that they would
finish on their side what had been proposed, but they refused her
offers, so her submission was conceded. She tried to do what she
could for the best, and appealed to Beale, Mildmay, Sir Ralph Sadler,
and the gentlemen of the Council, as witnesses; also Somers, if he
had been present. All had to do with her affairs; she had often
warned them of what might happen, as she was not responsible,
and she had told them if anything happened they would blame her;
but foreseeing all that, she had repudiated responsibility long ago.
“When the commissioners read, and wondered at her confession
of correspondence, she silenced them by telling them it was not
their business to speak of the affairs of princes. Did they not
understand that princes had secret correspondents? and it could not
be otherwise. Burghley did not blame her for this, and did not wish
to enter into it, but said if such a number of soldiers as was spoken
of had come into the country as the King of Spain, the Pope, and M.
Guise thought of sending, what opinion would she have had of
them, and would she have been willing to answer for the life of the
King and the state of the country; and would not the country have
been in danger of falling into the hands of foreigners? She said she
did not know what were their intentions, but she was certain they
might have done something for her, and if she could have employed
them she could have formulated some agreement, as she several
times offered to do. They ought not thus to reject her, and if they
lost her they would experience more harm than profit, and put
themselves in danger of what was being done by foreigners. She
knew nothing and wished for nothing but her deliverance. Burghley
again told her that the death of the Queen and principal lords and
councillors had been plotted; that her friends had talked of setting
fire to Chartley and killing her guards; they were to enter England by
all sides and harbours of the kingdom; that all the Catholics were to
rise, were to put Her Majesty in place of Elizabeth; that they already
called her their Queen and their Sovereign, and that the Pope had
sent bulls to deliver the kingdom from the illegitimate usurper; that
they made public prayers in Rome for Her Majesty as their legitimate
Queen; that the King of Spain and the Pope furnished ships, men,
and money to invade the kingdom; that already there had been a
revolt in Ireland which by the grace of God their mistress had
subdued, and had had a victory over her enemies. This plot was to
take the King of Scotland and give him to foreigners and Catholics in
order to dispose of him afterwards, and that Her Majesty had offered
her rights to the King of Spain. To all these things he said she was a
consenting party, as they found by the letters discovered and read
publicly, addressed to Mendoza, Ambassador of Spain, to Lord Paget,
who was in Spain, to the Ambassador of France in London, and
others. Her Majesty answered that she knew nothing of murder or
any attempt against the life of anyone or of a plot or invasion of the
kingdom; that as she had already said, she had warned her friends
that they must take care lest they undertook some such enterprise.
They were doing something, she knew not what; they had always
hidden it from her, knowing she would not consent, and they were
afraid of doing her harm; that they may have made use of her name
to authorise their plan, to render it stronger, but that no letter was
found written with her own hand signed, nor could they produce
anyone who had seen or received it, or had communicated or
spoken with her. Besides, they knew when she was in her kingdom
she had never molested anyone about their religion, trying always to
win by mildness and clemency. It had been the cause of her ruin,
her subjects becoming proud and abusing the good treatment she
had given them. They complained that they had not been so well as
they had been under her government. They were formerly in the
hands of a traitor and tyrant, the Earl of Morton, who had tyrannised
over them till the very end. Since the death of Morton they were
scarcely any better, having been almost always in subjection to the
English, and others who were traitors to their country. Of all that the
foreign princes had undertaken or done on her behalf she washed
her hands and had nothing to say. As to Chartley, she said she knew
nothing; she had not heard of setting fire to it, but they had
promised to deliver her, and owned that if the foreign princes had
assembled it was to take her out of prison, from which she could not
go without armed men to receive, defend, and conduct her; and if
the Catholics had offered assistance, it was for their own interests.
Being so wickedly treated, vexed, and afflicted in this kingdom, they
had fallen into despair, wishing rather to die than live longer under
such persecution; but so far as she was concerned, she knew
nothing of it. They would be none the better of afflicting either them
or her; she was only one person, and although she were dead
neither the Catholics nor foreign princes would keep quiet if the
English did not cease their persecutions. As regards taking the place
of the Queen, the letters they had read in this assembly answered
sufficiently for this if they would own it, because they declared
expressly that she desired neither honour nor kingdom, and no
schemes on her account. She only cared for the Catholics and the
kingdom of God. She desired the deliverance of the former and the
defence of the latter. They did not see that what they reproached
her for was as to her justification, and she proved the contrary of
what they laid to her charge, as was evident by the letters. She
could not hinder her friends from sending her such letters as seemed
good to them; that they knew in their conscience what they had
done, but if they spoke as they wished, and desired her to be
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