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THE
RADICAL
RIGHT
THE
RADICAL
RIGHT
Third Edition

Daniel Bell, editor

With a new introduction by David Plotke

Afterword by Daniel Bell

Ö Routledge
Taylor & Francis Group
LONDON AND NEW YORK
Originally published in 1955 by Criterion Books
Published 2002 by Transaction Publishers
Published 2017 by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon 0X14 4RN
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017, USA
Routledge is an imprint o f the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa
business
New material this edition copyright © 2002 by Taylor & Francis.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced
or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means,
now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording,
or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in
writing from the publishers.
Notice:
Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks,
and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to
infringe.
Library of Congress Catalog Number: 00-062927
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
New American right.
The radical right / Daniel Bell, editor ; with a new introduction by
David Plotke, and an afterword by Daniel Bell.—3rd ed.
p. cm.
Original title: The new American right.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN: 978-0-7658-0749-6 (pbk : alk. paper)
1. United States—Politics and government— 1953-1961.
2. United States—Politics and government— 1961-1963. 3. Conserva­
tism—United States. 4. Right and left (Political science)
I. Bell, Daniel. II. Title.

E835 .B4 2000

320.973Ό9Ό45—dc21 00-062927
ISBN 13: 978-0-7658-0749-6 (pbk)
Interpretations of American Politics, by Daniel Bell; The Pseudo-Conserva-
tive Revolt, by Richard Hofstadter; The Intellectuals and the Discontented
Classes, by David Riesman and Nathan Glazer; The Revolt Against the Elite, by
Peter Viereck; Social Strains in America, by Talcott Parsons; and The Sources
o f the “Radical Right,” by Seymour Martin Lipset, originally appeared in a
hardcover edition under the title The New American Right, which was pub­
lished in 1955 by Criterion Books. The Radical Right, an expanded and updated
version of The New American Right, was originally published in hardcover by
Doubleday & Company, Inc., in 1963, by arrangement with Criterion Books.
 To
SAMUEL M. LEVITAS
(1896-1961)
Executive Editor of The New Leader
In Memoriam
this book is personally dedicated
 CONTENTS

The Contributors ix

Introduction to the Transaction Edition xi

Preface lxxvii

1. The Dispossessed (1962) 1

DANIEL BELL

2. Interpretations of American Politics (1955) 47

DANIEL BELL

3. The Pseudo-Conservative Revolt (1955) 75

RICHARD HOFSTADTER

4. Pseudo-Conservatism Revisited:
A Postscript (1962) 97
RICHARD HOFSTADTER

5. The Intellectuals and the Discontented

Classes (1955) 105
DAVID RIESMAN and NATHAN GLAZER

6. The Intellectuals and the Discontented Classes:

Some Further Reflections (1962) 137
DAVID RIESMAN

7. The Revolt Against the Elite (1955) 161

PETER VIERECK

8. The Philosophical “New Conservatism” (1962) 185

PETER VIERECK
v iii CONTENTS

9. Social Strains in America (1955) 209

TALCOTT PARSONS

10. Social Strains in America: A Postscript (1962) 231

TALCOTT PARSONS

11. The John Birch Society (1962) 239

ALAN F. WESTIN

12. England and America: Climates of Tolerance

and Intolerance (1962) 269
HERBERT H. HYMAN

13. The Sources of the “Radical Right” (1955) 307

SEYMOUR MARTIN LIPSET

14. Three Decades of the Radical Right: Coughlinites,

McCarthyitesy and Birchers (1962) 373
SEYMOUR MARTIN LIPSET

Afterword (2001): From Class to Culture 447

Acknowledgments 505

507
Index
 THE CONTRIBUTORS

D B ell is Henry Ford II Professor of Social Science Emeritus at

a n ie l

Harvard University and currently Scholar-in-Residence at the Ameri­

can Academy of Arts and Sciences. He is the author/editor of eigh­
teen books. Among these are The Coming ofPost-Industrìal Society,
The End o f Ideology, and The Cultural Contradictions o f Capital­
ism, the latter two being named by the Times Literary Supplement
(London) in 1995 as among the one hundred most influential books
published since the end of World War II.
R ic h ar d H ofst a d t e r (1916-1970) was De Witt Clinton Professor of
American History at Columbia University and Pitt Professor in
American History at Cambridge University. He was the author of the
Pulitzer Prize-winning The Age o f Reform, and, among other books,
The American Political Tradition and Anti-Intellectualism in Ameri­
can Life.
D avid R ie s m a n is Henry Ford II Professor of Social Science Emeritus
at Harvard University. He was Professor of Social Science at the
University of Chicago, and a visiting professor at Yale. His books
include The Lonely Crowd, Individualism Reconsidered, Thorstein
Veblen, and Constraint and Variety in American Education.
N a th a n G l a ze r is Professor Emeritus at the Graduate School of Edu­
cation, Harvard University, and co-editor of The Public Interest. He
has taught at the University of California at Berkeley and Columbia
University. His books include The Lonely Crowd, Beyond the Melt­
ing Pot, The Social Basis o f American Communism, and We Are All
Multiculturalists Now.
P eter V iereck is Professor of Modem History Emeritus at Mount
Holyoke College. Among his writings in the history of ideas are
Metapolitics: From the Romantics to Hitler, Conservatism Revisited ,
,
The Shame and Glory o f the Intellectuals The Unadjusted Man, and
 Conservatism. He is the author of numerous books of poetry, in­
cluding Terror and Decorum and Tide and Continuities: Last and
First Poems, 1995-1938.
T a l c o t t P a r s o n s (1907-1979) was Professor of Sociology at Harvard
University, and a member of that department from its inception in
1931. He was a past president of the American Sociological Associa­
tion. His major works include The Structure o f Social Action, The
Social System, and Toward a General Theory o f Action (with Ed­
ward Shils).
A l a n F. W estem is Professor of Public Law and Government (retired) at
Columbia University. His books include The Changing Workplace,
Individual Rights in the Corporation, The Anatomy o f a Constitu­
tional Law Case, The Supreme Court: Views from the Inside, and
The Uses o f Power.
H e r b e r t H . H y m a n (1918-1985) was Professor of Sociology at
Wesleyan University and Columbia University ( 1951 -1969). He was
President of the American Association for Public Opinion Research
and recipient of its Julian Woodward Memorial Award for Distin­
guished Achievement. He was visiting professor at the University of
Oslo and the University of Ankara. His books include Survey De­
sign and Analysis, Interviewing in Social Research, and Political
Socialization.
Seymour M artin Lipset is a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution and
Hazel Professor of Public Policy at George Mason University. Pre­
viously he was the Caroline S.G. Munro Professor of Political Sci­
ence and Sociology at Stanford University (1975-90) and the George
D. Markham Professor of Government and Sociology at Harvard
University. He is the author of Political Man, Agrarian Socialism,
Union Democracy (with James Coleman and Martin Trow), Social
Mobility in Industrial Society (with Reinhard Bendix), American
Exceptionalism, and numerous other books.
D avid P lotke is Associate Professor of Political Science at the Gradu­
ate Faculty of New School University. He is the author of Building
a Democratic Political Order: Reshaping American Liberalism in
the 1930s and 1940s.
 Introduction to the
Transaction Edition (2001)
THE SUCCESS AND ANGER OF THE
MODERN AMERICAN RIGHT1
David Plotke

Two sets of vivid images capture the dramatic course of

the American right over the last quarter century. A triumphant
President Ronald Reagan provides the primary images. In the
1980s he often seemed to beam with the confidence of hav­
ing achieved great success. His position as the most effective
and influential president of recent decades seems secure, even
among those who remain strongly opposed to most of his poli­
cies. His administrations receive substantial credit for ending
the Cold War on American terms, even as debate continues
about the sources and meaning of this momentous result.
The horrible bombing of a major government building in
Oklahoma City provides a second set of enduring images, full
of death and destruction. Timothy McVeigh, the author of this
act, was linked to shadowy parts of the contemporary
ultraright. Facing his execution in 2001, McVeigh affirmed
the political rage and bitterness that led him to engage in spec­
tacular terrorism against the American state.
Reaganism, the dominant outlook of the modern American
right, has roots that go back to conservative intellectual and
political movements of the 1950s and 1960s, including cur­
rents which in those years were deemed marginal and extrem­
ist. The roots of the ultraright of the 1990s have intersecting,
though by no means identical, sources. Thus, one route from
 X ll DAVID PLOTKE

the conservative milieus of 1950-64 led toward national power

and redefining the terms of American political argument. An­
other led toward a furtive and conspiratorial network of
ultraright militants and terrorists.
To understand these developments it makes sense to look
at analyses of the American right in the first two decades af­
ter World War II. A serious evaluation of the American right
of those years might well begin with The Radical Right, which
was first published in 1963. The book is an expanded and up­
dated version of The New American Right, published in 1955.
The 1963 edition remains one of the best books about the mod­
ern American right. The New American Right focused on
McCarthyism as a political and a social phenomenon. The
Radical Right reprinted the main essays from that volume. It also
examined the new right of the early 1960s and included the
authors’ reflections on their prior evaluations of McCarthyism.2

I
The Radical Right’s Argument
In the United States, McCarthyism is part of history rather
than a fact of daily political life. Yet if Joseph McCarthy’s
efforts partly expressed frustration and anger at modernizing
forces that proved hard to resist, they also helped chart a po­
litical course that has been expanded and reshaped by notable
figures. The list of those who were influenced by McCarthy,
and who were willing to defend at least parts of his project,
includes Goldwater, Nixon, Reagan, and Gingrich. This list
signals the enduring political influence of elements of the far
right of the first two decades after World War II.
What were the main positions and the composition of these
distinctive forces on the right in the 1950s and the first half
of the 1960s? What warranted calling them radical? TRR's
authors recognized the vehement opposition of these currents
to domestic and international Communism, their sharp rejec­
tion of the New Deal, and their difficulty in distinguishing be­
tween the two. TRR's controversial point of departure was to
regard the basic positions of what it termed the radical right
 TRANSACTION INTRODUCTION ( 2 0 0 1 ) XÜi

as so excessive in their estimation of the Communist threat

and so unrealistic in their rejection of New Deal reforms as
to be unreasonable. Thus Richard Hofstadter cited the “dense
and massive irrationality” of the radical right (Richard
Hofstadter, “The Pseudo-Conservative Revolt,” 81). From this
starting point the authors sought to understand the radical right
in ways that went beyond the programs and self-descriptions
of its leaders and organizers (Daniel Bell, “The Dispossessed,”
8, 13; Seymour Martin Lipset, “The Sources of the ‘Radical
Right,’” 360-65; Talcott Parsons, “Social Strains in America,”
209). In this context “radical” was intended not merely as a
way to underline that these groups were very conservative in
conventional left-right terms, but to stress that these currents
aimed at a real break with prevailing institutions and practices,
though they disagreed among themselves about just how pro­
found a break was required.
The key argument of The Radical Right explained the phe­
nomenon of McCarthyism and its political successors in terms
of conflicts over social status and the shape of American cul­
ture. The introductory essay by Daniel Bell focused on the so­
cial dislocation of significant groups in the post-New Deal de­
cades. Many members of these groups perceived themselves
as dispossessed and victimized by recent changes, even if it
was not possible to regard them as having undergone any great
suffering. Richard Hofstadter’s essay focused on his concept
of status politics. Hofstadter linked McCarthyism to prior
forms of American radicalism that blamed opaque processes
and concealed forces for creating disorder and uncertainty.
Thus McCarthyism echoed pre-New Deal modes of political
and social radicalism in its hyperbole and inclination toward
conspiratorial views of political life. Seymour Martin Lipset
elaborated the status politics view. He also traced the recent
history of radicalism on the right, linking McCarthyism to
populist anti-Communism in the 1930s. Nathan Glazer and
David Riesman emphasized the resentful anti-elitism that suf­
fused the radical right in the 1950s, and considered why in­
tellectuals had trouble responding effectively. For Peter
Viereck, this populist radicalism and anti-elitism were nota-
xiv DAVID PLOTKE

bly distant from any genuine conservatism. The wide support

for such positions marked the failure of the American right
to police its own precincts. Talcott Parsons emphasized the
inability of the radical right to reconcile itself to modernizing
imperatives.
The authors of The Radical Right converged in regarding
McCarthyism and the radical right of the early 1960s as a dis­
torted and unrealistic response to Communism. A major source
of this distortion was the inability of relevant social groups
to recognize or cope with status changes that had been gener­
ated by postwar prosperity. There was a Communist threat,
at least internationally, and there were deep social changes in
the United States. McCarthyism was distinguished by its un-
reflective linking of these realities, which resulted in an out­
pouring of anger and resentment at allegedly disloyal elites.
McCarthyism was anti-elitist, conspiratorial, and fevered.
For the authors of The Radical Right, this linked McCarthyism
both to American traditions of populist radicalism and to pre­
vious expressions of authoritarian radicalism on the right. Here
the authors were easily misinterpreted to mean either that
McCarthyism was literally continuous in social and organi­
zational terms with prior populist movements; or that
McCarthyism was wholly a popular movement of the intoler­
ant and fanatical. In part, this reading was fostered by the au­
thors’ attempts to distance themselves from Marxist and Pro­
gressive readings of the political right in which its popular
forms merely reflect the schemes of reactionary elites. The au­
thors’ main point is now familiar. Once a movement intro­
duces durable themes into a national political culture or tra­
dition, those themes (or discourses) become widely available
to later forces who may not be identical in aims or composi­
tion to those who came before them.
The Radical Right viewed its subject as historically rooted
rather than episodic or spontaneous. It considered these forces
to have a mass character and a real popular following. They
did not simply express the strategies of other political agents,
notably conservative Republican elites or business groups. In
the large literature on the American right it remains distinc­
 TRANSACTION INTRODUCTION ( 2 0 0 1 ) XV

tive to consider the radical right as historically rooted, mass,

and popular. By historically rooted I mean that The Radical
Right linked the upsurge of radical right activity and thought
in the 1950s and early 1960s to aspects of prior political ef­
forts and discourses, from Populism in the 1890s through
Coughlin in the 1930s.3 Each of these links can be debated.
The point is that the postwar radical right did not emerge sim­
ply as a response to special Cold War circumstances. By mass
and popular, I mean that the authors consider the radical right
to have gained significant support and widespread sympathy.
If these currents were almost certain to remain a minority, es­
pecially in such variants as the John Birch society, they were
by no means inconsequential. The diversity of their support
indicates that we are talking about more than a narrow sec­
tarian outburst. The authors of TRR argued that the political
initiatives of the radical right expressed and partly articulated
general social tensions. Its leaders and main organizations de­
veloped political views, rather than taking isolated positions
for narrow or purely instrumental reasons.
The New American Right and The Radical Right occasioned
debate in academic circles and beyond.4 Among the criticisms of
the book’s arguments, four stand out for their enduring interest.
From the right—and not only the radical right—there was
general hostility to the basic project of The Radical Right. Its
starting point was rejected in favor of the view that
McCarthyism was a reasonable, if sometimes excessive, re­
action to the genuine threat of Communism. If McCarthy’s
methods were dubious, and his claims about the extent of do­
mestic Communist influence were inflated, these were partial
errors rather than grave misjudgments that could warrant de­
fining his project as unreasonable. Critics on the right thus took
issue with the basic effort to find status or other dynamics to
explain McCarthyism. In their view, there was no need to
search for latent sources of a political effort whose manifest
self-description was close enough to the truth to require that
it be treated with the same respect accorded other reasonable
political forces.5
From a different political direction several analysts, nota-
 xvi DAVID PLOTKE

bly Nelson Polsby (and later Michael Rogin), charged TRR

with missing the obvious—that McCarthyism was a political
force primarily among Republicans. Its dynamic, in this view,
had more to do with political and strategic maneuvers in and
around that party than with any allegedly deeper social and
cultural forces.6 For some proponents of this view, TRR's
judgment of McCarthyism as unreasonable missed its strate­
gic rationality for parts of the Republican right. McCarthy was
a useful club, for a time, with which to beat Democratic lead­
ers and elites.
It was consistent with this view, though not logically re­
quired by it, for critics on the left to argue that TRR went
wrong whenever and to whatever extent it sought to depict
McCarthyism as having a popular and mass dimension. At the
political level, this critique meant emphasizing the links be­
tween McCarthyism and conservative Republican forces. At
the social level, this meant trying to refute claims about the
popular and multiclass character of McCarthy’s supporters. At
the cultural level, the aim was to reject any association of the
authoritarian elements of the radical right with working class
and other nonelite social groups. In historical terms, the idea
was to mark off the radical right of the postwar decades as
sharply as possible from the populism of the late 19,h and early
20lh centuries, so the latter might remain as a source of demo­
cratic inspiration for contemporary reformers and radicals.
Finally, several commentators on TRR argued that the cen­
tral concepts of status politics, dispossession, and related con­
cepts were not specified clearly and were therefore hard to as­
sess accurately.7
In the decades since the publication of TRR, these critiques
have remained alive in debates about how to understand radi­
cal right politics. Whenever the radical right is analyzed in
terms of status and cultural conflicts, critics counter that its
significance lies mainly in political conflicts among party fac­
tions. Others point out that the radical right’s initiatives are
in some sense functional for the projects of the right as a
whole. And analysts debate whether and in what sense the
radical right has gained a genuinely popular character.
 TRANSACTION INTRODUCTION ( 2 0 0 1 ) XVÜ

These debates are most pertinent at times when the broader

right has made its largest advances. One notable moment was
the late 1960s and early 1970s. A second important moment
was the early 1980s, when making sense of Reaganism and
the “new right” was obviously necessary. A third important
moment was marked by the conservative electoral shift in the
mid-1990s associated with Newt Gingrich and the “Contract
with America.”
While the arguments of TRR have been vigorously criti­
cized, its framework has not been replaced by a better way of
understanding its subject. Arguments about how to interpret
the presence and intermittent growth of a radical right have
most often counterposed views like those in TRR to theories
in which the radical right acts as a commando force on be­
half of more respectable rightist forces. The latter accounts are
at times partly true, but rarely do much explanatory work be­
cause they do not illuminate why such initiatives sometimes
gain substantial popularity and at other points fail badly.
Three questions arise in reconsidering TRR's account of the
radical right in the 1950s and 1960s:
First, how should one assess TRR’s evaluation of McCar­
thyism and the Birch Society?
Second, what does this analysis suggest about the course
of the American right after the early 1960s?
Third, how should one assess the theoretical and concep­
tual efforts of TRR? I will consider this question mainly in
terms of TRR’s account of the radical right and the implica­
tions of that account for analyzing the subsequent develop­
ment of the right in American politics. Given the broad theo­
retical interests of the authors, this question raises general is­
sues. One concerns the role of psychological categories and
evaluations in evaluating political protest. Another concerns
the theoretical implications of the concept of status politics.

II
McCarthyism and American Politics
I begin with the book’s judgments of McCarthyism and the
radical right of the early 1960s. How should we evaluate the
 XV111 DAVID PLOTKE

authors’ analyses? We can gauge their efforts partly by weigh­

ing TRR's arguments against those of its critics.
Was McCarthyism Reasonable?
The question is not whether McCarthy’s judgments and tac­
tics were valid. The issue is whether they were sufficiently
defective to be regarded as unreasonable. Was it legitimate for
the authors to consider McCarthyism and its successors in the
1960s to be lacking in basic judgment to such an extent that
no account with explanatory aims could simply take these
forces on their own terms? Conservative critics of TRR rec­
ognized the importance of TRR’s depiction of McCarthyism
as essentially unreasonable. On that basis alone they rejected
the book.
Here the substance of TRR’s position remains valid. To
consider a political position or project as unreasonable entails
claims about both its validity and its forms of expression. The
basic point of McCarthyism was that American society was
at grave risk of internal subversion from Communists and their
sympathizers. Yet no such large and grave risk of internal
Communist subversion existed by the early 1950s. Commu­
nists had been present in the government in the 1930s and
1940s. They had gained prominence in cultural life, and sub­
stantial influence in the mass movements affiliated with the
New Deal, prim arily the trade unions. By the time of
McCarthy’s initial prominence in 1950, however, loyalty in­
vestigations and purges had been underway for years in all
these areas. The Communist Party was politically marginal,
on its own and in the broader Popular Front milieus that had
withered in the first years of the Cold War.8
Democratic foreign policies were more consistently anti­
communist in an active, internationalist form than the poli­
cies proposed by m ost conservative R epublicans.
McCarthyism might be depicted as a reasonable but excessive
response to Communism if its domestic hyperbole were com­
pensated for by advocacy of a coherent and plausible foreign
policy. No such policy was proposed. Among the reasons for
this absence, lingering divisions about internationalism among
conservative Republicans certainly figured.9
 TRANSACTION INTRODUCTION ( 2 0 0 1 ) XIX

TRR’s depiction of McCarthyism as basically unreasonable

is more accurate than considering the latter as a reasonable if
excessive response to a dire internal threat. This does not grant
a license to deny any forms of rationality to the proponents
of McCarthyism. It does justify widening the explanatory lens
in something like the manner that the authors of TRR recom­
mend. This means looking at social and cultural forces that
might be implicated in generating support for McCarthy’s
project.
TRR’s position also means that McCarthy’s wild speeches
and statements signified something, and that it is worth con­
sidering what they meant. Unless one takes the position that
political discourses don’t matter at all (as against behavior or
some other factor) one only needs to read a few of McCarthy’s
speeches to see that he was distinctive. He was unusual and
at times innovative in his fury, his willingness to name and
attack individuals, his disrespect for liberal norms, and his in­
tensely resentful criticism of elites. He often laced his argu­
ments with strong claims of conspiracy, as in 1951 when he
grouped George Marshall and Dean Acheson as members of
“a conspiracy on a scale so immense as to dwarf any previ­
ous such venture in the history of man.”10

McCarthyism as a Republican Strategy?

Several commentators criticized TRR for failing to appre­
ciate the obvious: McCarthy’s supporters were largely Repub­
lican, and his efforts aided Republicans who wanted to reduce
Democratic power. Taken too narrowly this claim would not
make sense, however, because TRR’s authors clearly recog­
nized both points. The force of the argum ent is that
McCarthyism can best be explained as a conservative Repub­
lican initiative.
This criticism is limited by an apparent misunderstanding
of what TRR was trying to explain. The aim was not to ex­
plain the existence of conservative Republicans. Nor was the
aim to explain the attraction of McCarthyism for some of
them, although this attraction was noted (Lipset, “The Sources
of the ‘Radical Right,”’ 345).
XX DAVID PLOTKE

W hat needed explanation was the em ergence of

McCarthyism as a relatively broad and occasionally success­
ful effort to reshape national political discourse and to influ­
ence the results of elections. The presence of conservative Re­
publicans who generally agreed with McCarthy cannot explain
these results, as such currents had existed from the early New
Deal to the 1950s. Numerous attempts had been made to un­
dermine the New Deal and Democratic power by denouncing
Communist influence and assailing the radicalism of the new
state agencies and programs. Most such efforts failed to pro­
duce major political results.
Why did McCarthyism get so much further, even if its sup­
porters (and some opponents) overstated its successes? The
main relevant factors cited by Polsby were linked to a chang­
ing international situation in which Communism loomed large
and American power was newly challenged. But such factors
would be much more salient in explaining a McCarthyism that
did not exist. This McCarthyism would have focused clearly
on the Soviet Union and its allies and would have posed a
compelling alternative to the containment strategy developed
by the Truman administration.
Several critics suggested a similar but subtler explanation
for the rise of McCarthyism. In this view, McCarthyism’s brief
ascent as a significant political force was due to the fact that
conservative and even centrist Republicans regarded it as a
valuable device for damaging Democrats. The idea is that Re­
publican leaders were happy to see someone attack the Demo­
cratic leadership in an unqualified and even brutal way. They
were also pleased that the critic and his main associates were
far enough away from them so that they did not have to bear
much responsibility for the attacks.
This might have been a provocative explanation: M c­
Carthyism grew from a minor current to a substantial politi­
cal force because Republican elites encouraged and benefited
from it. We would not need to refer to status politics or to
make any other social and cultural argument to account for
something that could be explained by the adroit maneuvering
of Republican leaders.
 TRANSACTION INTRODUCTION ( 2 0 0 1 ) XXÌ

Yet the proponents of this argument did not develop or sup­

port it seriously. They did not show that Republican elites ac­
tually did manage events to produce such a result; in fact, no
one has shown that this occurred. A more likely story is that
McCarthyism emerged mainly apart from any explicit strate­
gic intervention or calculation by Republican national lead­
ers. Center and center-right Republicans were ambivalent
about McCarthy even while Truman was in power. They ap­
preciated his strident anti-Democratic attacks, but not his evi­
dent disrespect for authority. Ambivalence became opposition
for many leading Republicans when Eisenhower’s victory was
not matched by any new restraint from McCarthy. Instead, he
continued and even expanded his attacks on national elites.
If this account is basically accurate, we cannot explain
McCarthyism primarily in terms of elite Republican maneu­
vers. (And we are therefore not forced onto the shaky ground
of “who benefits?” arguments.) Instead, we return to the prob­
lem of understanding how political currents that had been mar­
ginal in the 1930s and 1940s gained so much attention and
achieved at least a few notable political victories in the 1950s,
even while taking more extreme and extravagant forms.
Yet another strategic and political account of McCarthyism
might start by emphasizing not the unsurprising elements of
McCarthy’s support but its more distinctive features. Public
opinion data available on McCarthyism do show that the stron­
gest support for McCarthy came from conservative Republi­
cans and the strongest supporters of the Republican Party (ana­
lytically distinct categories that were often identified). But it
is misleading to leave the characterization of McCarthyism’s
support at that point. First, if one brackets “strong Republi­
cans,” support for McCarthy was similar among all other
groups defined by their party identification ! Roughly 10 per­
cent of weak Republicans and of Democrats of all types
avowed their support for McCarthy. Second, support for
McCarthy was relatively strong among a number of prima­
rily Democratic social groups.11
These factors suggest a significant strategic dimension to
McCarthyism. McCarthy did not simply rally the troops, as­
xxii DAVID PLOTKE

sembling the most conservative parts of the Republican Party

to reenact their routine defeats by supporters of the New Deal.
While McCarthy certainly mobilized conservative Republi­
cans, what made his effort distinctive was its ability to cut into
the Democratic coalition and gain support from among pro-
Democratic social forces. Seen in this light, McCarthyism ap­
pears as an early effort to break apart the national Democratic
coalition “from below.” It is less the predecessor of the ex­
otic radical right currents of the early 1960s than of parts of
the Goldwater campaign and of the Wallace movement of the
second half of the 1960s. To appreciate this strategic dimen­
sion o f McCarthyism would mean emphasizing what was un­
usual in its approach, rather than focusing on its continuity
with traditional conservative Republicanism.
The critique of TRR for not recognizing the obvious is un­
satisfactory. It misunderstands what needs to be explained,
which was not the presence of Republican conservatism, but
its vitality and intermittent success after years of failure. The
more interesting strategic elements of McCarthyism were
linked to its political and social novelty.
McCarthyism and Populism
An important criticism of TRR charged it with failing to
understand American Populism and wrongly identifying
McCarthy and his supporters as heirs to that movement. This
charge was developed in M ichael R ogin’s 1967 book,
McCarthy and the Intellectuals. Partly following Polsby’s cri­
tique, Rogin emphasized the conservative and Republican
sources of McCarthy’s support. His argument was based on
analyzing electoral data in Wisconsin and the Dakotas. These
data showed considerable discontinuities between the geo­
graphic (and thus social) sources of McCarthy’s support and
support for earlier Populist and Progressive campaigns.12
TRR's claims about the populist dimension of McCarthyism
are often loosely formulated (Lipset, “Sources of the ‘Radi­
cal Right,”’ 335). Yet they are not really refuted by Rogin’s
analysis. He showed that there was not a high degree of con­
tinuity between the organizations and constituencies of post-
 TRANSACTION INTRODUCTION ( 2 0 0 1 ) Χ Χ ΐϊί

World War I populism and progressivism in the upper Mid­

west and McCarthyism. TRR’s authors sometimes made claims
that are vulnerable to this rejoinder. However, their main ar­
gument regarding populism was not about specific organiza­
tions or even constituencies. Hofstadter, Bell, and others pro­
posed that McCarthy’s popularity derived partly from his abil­
ity to link up with elements of a durable populist tradition that
had resonance in numerous political and social locations.
This difference registers a familiar disagreement among
analysts of American Populism of the late 19lh century and its
successors. Defenders of the earlier movement generally stay
close to its original and primary organizations, and then fo­
cus on successor political forms that were located clearly on
the left. Those who are less convinced of the virtues of Popu­
lism define the phenomenon more broadly to include a vari­
ety of political figures and movements. Rogin’s book strongly
advanced the first conception. He vigorously criticized what
he took to be an underlying fear of popular movements and
mass democratic politics in TRR. McCarthyism, in his view,
was not populism at all, but a mobilization of familiar strands
of extreme conservatism. Thus imputing the authoritarian and
sinister elements of McCarthyism to populism is not only
wrong but also a clear expression of a fearful and distrustful
stance toward popular politics.
For historians of American politics in the 19lh century, this
continues to be an interesting controversy. As regards the
American right in the second half of the twentieth century, this
debate was settled soon after Rogin’s book appeared, insofar
as such debates can ever be settled by actual political events.
With the national prominence of George Wallace in the late
1960s and early 1970s it was obvious that populist motifs in
American political culture were available to a wide array of
political forces.13 American populism is varied and complex
in its meanings. There is no way to expel McCarthy from a
diverse tradition that includes several versions of Tom Watson
and William Jennings Bryan, Robert La Follette and Father
Coughlin, and Huey Long and George Wallace. Innumerable
Southern racists have relied on populist themes, while in the
xxiv DAVID PLOTKE

1980s Jesse Jackson used populist arguments to try to expand

his electoral base to include more white voters. In the 1990s,
Patrick Buchanan deployed populist motifs as part of his at­
tack on the Republican national leadership. Part of the nov­
elty and dynamism of McCarthyism derived from McCarthy’s
willingness to experiment with populist themes, a course that
much of the Republican leadership regarded with skepticism
or disdain.
Status Politics?
What does one make of the core argument that McCarthy­
ism was driven by the status concerns of groups whose posi­
tions had been disrupted by economic and social growth?
I will discuss this argument at length later. In my view, this
conception was (and remains) provocative and fruitful, despite
being loosely formulated. It was a more promising route to­
ward explaining McCarthyism than the two main alternatives
on the table in the 1950s and 1960s. One of these was to iden­
tify McCarthyism as a conservative Republican mobilization.
The other was to claim that this mobilization served the in­
terests of reactionary elites and was thereby caused by them.
In this context, TRR's argument about status politics opened
important questions that otherwise would not have been ad­
dressed.
Diagnosis and Criticism
If McCarthyism was unreasonable, does that imply that
psychological categories are needed to understand its propo­
nents? One current of argument, though not primary in TRR,
suggests an affirmative answer. This might be the weakest part
of the book (Hofstadter, “Pseudo-Conservatism Revisited: A
Postscript,” 99—100; David Riesman and Nathan Glazer, “The
Intellectuals and the Discontented Classes,” 118).
In the 1950s and later, analysts of political and social life
often used psychological categories to explain the choices and
views of those with whom they strongly disagreed. This ap­
proach substitutes psychological for political categories in a
way that is often problematic. It tends to presume rather than
 TRANSACTION INTRODUCTION ( 2 0 0 1 ) XXV

show that a political position is unreasonable and further pre­

sumes that the problem is psychological. Such an approach
might have been valid for some of the cases with which TRR’s
authors were concerned. There were notably disturbed people
among those involved in the McCarthy effort, and that was
clearly the case with the Birchers and the radical right of the
early 1960s.
Yet even here the clinical approach does not do much ex­
planatory work. It is difficult to explain a political position or
action as a function of psychic conflict and disturbance. To
do so requires knowing more about the subject (and about the
clinical theory used to make such a judgment) than social sci­
entists and historians usually know.
The history of the right after TRR poses further problems.
If the positions of the 1950-63 radical right expressed psy­
chological disturbance, then today such problems appear at the
center of the Republican Party, in the Speaker’s office, and
on the Supreme Court. If it is disturbed to be angry and on
the fringe, how can we explain the capacity of such forces to
enter and transform mainstream American politics?
The clinical approach also threatens a key argument of
TRR. The concept of status politics implies that rightist activ­
ism is a plausible form of politics, not one distinctly in need
of psychological explanation. If status politics is a relatively
common political mode, why shouldn’t individuals who ex­
perience a decline in status try to recoup their losses? More­
over, it is in the nature of losing status that recovering it is an
uncertain and risky process, one apt to be full of passion.
Such difficulties have led to problems for those whose po­
litical view of the right is mainly critical. Beginning with TRR,
critics use psychoanalysis in discussing McCarthy, Nixon,
Reagan, and others on the right, and use political interpreta­
tion and argument in assessing the right’s critics and oppo­
nents. The tendency to treat one’s friends as healthy (even if
misguided) and one’s enemies as disordered seems hard to resist.
We are probably better off starting with social and politi­
cal causes and addressing the issues raised by substantive ar­
guments. Since TRR was published, political ideas that were
 xxvi DAVID PLOTKE

then widely regarded as crazy have become a major part of

national discourse. Such ideas include the following: govern­
ment is generally terrible, taxes are close to theft, and evolu­
tion is no more legitimate a view than the Bible’s account of
creation.
As these examples suggest, in considering political dis­
courses and arguments it is no easy matter to distinguish the
politically unreasonable from the clinically irrational. Both
concepts are valid, yet both are very difficult to define and
employ precisely, and both are vulnerable to partisan misuse.14
Here TRR's difficulties designate a zone of problems that
largely remain unsettled and unsettling.

The Problem o f Pseudoconservatism

One strand of The Radical Right still merits attention al­
though it was not often debated when the book’s merits were
first assessed. The authors identify and reject a politics that
claims to be conservative but strives with vigor and passion
to change political and social life. This conservatism wants
to undermine conventional practices. When its proponents urge
overturning corrupt forms and punishing betrayers, the impulse
is disruptive and even rageful.
This critique accompanies complaints about the lack of a
proper conservatism. As against the bully Joseph McCarthy
and the paranoid Robert Welch (head of the John Birch Soci­
ety in the early 1960s), where is the responsible right? Such
a right would respect authority. It would be resolutely com­
mitted to liberal procedures. It would accept at least limited
state action, with the aim of maintaining political and social
decency. Such a right might even hesitate before giving un­
qualified support to the market (Viereck, “The Philosophical
‘New Conservatism,’” 197-201).15
The Radical Right contrasts the actual radical right with this
conception of a responsible right. Yet something like this lat­
ter, more reasonable right had a major national presence in
the Eisenhower administration and the Republican Party’s cen­
ter. Should the radical right have emulated this moderate right?
That would have undermined its rationale. Eisenhower, after
 TRANSACTION INTRODUCTION ( 2 0 0 1 ) XXVÜ

all, appeared to the radical right as a moderate conservative

who changed nothing.
Perhaps the aim is subtler—the authors mean to indict the
right edge of respectable opinion (Robert Taft in the early
1950s, the conservative wing of Richard Nixon’s coalition in
the early 1960s) for not policing their own right flanks more
vigorously. The authors of TRR may have believed or hoped
that the radical right would be replaced by a more energetic
version of Taft. This new right would reject libertarian as well
as populist temptations.
TRR’s authors claim that McCarthyism revealed how much
of the right was aggressively uncivil. The post-World War II
radical right mistrusts authority even when speaking favorably
of it (Hofstadter, “The Pseudo-Conservative Revolt,” 76-77).
When authority figures appear politically unreliable, this right
is quick not only to attack individuals but also to attack their
institutions and question their legitimacy. From McCarthy on
(to Wallace and Buchanan, one might add) this radical right
has charged opponents with an elitist domination of Ameri­
can political and cultural life (as in the national media, lib­
eral Protestant denominations, and elite universities).
The Radical Right helps explain why, from the early 1950s
on, the most successful elements of the American right have
not been committed to temperate and sober modes of conser­
vatism. The civil and responsible conservatives that the au­
thors of The Radical Right preferred to the radical right can
be found at several points in American politics in later decades.
But these forces were not often leaders or victors, as they seem
to lack imagination or dynamism. Alone and even as leaders
of coalitions they are often easy targets for centrist or center-
left modernizers in national politics (Kennedy against Nixon,
Carter against Ford, Clinton against Bush). A restrained and
temperate conservatism, which mainly emphasizes order, can
make little headway on its own without alliances that include
other more dynamic forces on the right. In a fluid and unsettled
social context, much of the American right will have strong
commitments to growth and mobility. This openness to
change, in which many conservatives will support calls for
 xxviii DAVID PLOTKE

thorough transformation and renewal, makes it hard for a con­

ventional party of order to succeed.

The Merit ο/T h e Radical Right

The Radical Right is at times marred by overstatement. Its
arguments about status politics are imprecise. It pays too little
attention to the strategic uses of McCarthyism in national poli­
tics. Its use of psychological categories is sometimes partisan.
But its virtues are far more important and long-lasting than
these defects. TRR recognized the novelty and importance of
McCarthyism without overstating its reach or potential. It tried
to link that political force both to distinctive currents of post­
war social and cultural life and to more durable patterns of
American politics. Its main arguments about status politics,
the limits of traditionalist conservatism, and the ambivalence
of the populist tradition in the United States remain produc­
tive and interesting. Thus TRR provides a valuable point of
departure for analyzing the American right and American poli­
tics from the early 1960s to the end of the century.

Ill
The Changing Shape o f the Right, 1965-2001
TRR was published soon before a crucial development for
the American right—the nomination of Barry Goldwater as
Republican candidate for President in 1964. In one sense this
event confirmed the analysis of the authors of TRR. It dem­
onstrated the growing weakness of moderate conservatives,
whose inability to control their own political territory opened
the way for more aggressive forces.

The Goldwater Moment

Despite his massive defeat, Goldwater’s campaign reduced
the marginality of the radical right. His campaign built a new
and durable road from the radical right into national politics,
and made clear what had to be done to keep this road open.
Threats to dismantle all the social welfare policies of the 1930s
and 1940s, and to do so soon, had to go. So did loose talk
 TRANSACTION INTRODUCTION ( 2 0 0 1 ) ΧΧΐΧ

about nuclear confrontation; aggressive claims that major pub­

lic figures were effectively Communist in their outlook; and
claims of conspiracy about everything from the Supreme Court
to fluoridated water.16
Parts of the radical right of the 1950s and 1960s continued
to enter mainstream national politics after the Goldwater cam­
paign. There was mutual influence, as some of the views and
elements of the style of the radical right of the first postwar
decades were assimilated by leading figures on the broader
right in the 1960s and 1970s. The form and extent of this in­
corporation varied. But radical right elements were dynamic
and had a significant role in the successes of notable political
actors such as in Wallace’s populism, Reagan’s antistatism,
and later in Buchanan’s nativism.
These volatile elements were not simply a burden for the
right as a whole. The picture became more complex with the
rise of new and vigorous political forces concerned mainly
with cultural and social questions. Regarding such issues as
abortion, homosexuality, and prayer in school, it became dif­
ficult to draw a sharp line between the radical right and more
conventional forms of conservatism. After 1964, the distance
between the main centers of Republican power and less ex­
treme currents of the radical right (William F. Buckley, Jr.,
for example) diminished greatly.
Placing the Radical Right
Deep changes have occurred in national politics since TRR
was published. The political spectrum has moved well to the
right, and many whose positions resemble those of the radi­
cal right of 1950-62 have gained important national positions.
With each overall shift to the right, the space of the radical
right has been replenished with new themes and elements. The
most militant sections of the radical right have given rise to
an ultraright that is fully antagonistic toward public authority
and sometimes encourages terrorism. A dynamic of centrism
has not prevailed (in which radical tendencies would either
moderate or be marginalized in favor of less radical currents),
even if some major Republican leaders sincerely employ a cen­
trist political style.
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