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History
in the Media
History
in the Media
Film and Television
Robert Niemi
ABC-CLIO
Santa Barbara, California • Denver, Colorado • Oxford, England
Copyright 2006 by ABC-CLIO
PN1995.9.H5N54 2006
791.43'658—dc22
2006007457
This book is also available on the World Wide Web as an eBook. Visit abc-clio.com for
details.
ABC-CLIO, Inc.
130 Cremona Drive, P.O. Box 1911
Santa Barbara, California 93116–1911
Acknowledgments, xix
Introduction, xxi
vii
viii Contents
Eyes on the Prize: America’s Civil Rights Years (1954–1965) (1987), 367
Mississippi Burning (1988), 368
Malcolm X (1992), 369
Ghosts of Mississippi (1996), 372
Amistad (1997), 373
Rosewood (1997), 375
4 Little Girls (1997), 376
Africans in America: America’s Journey through Slavery (1998), 377
Antwone Fisher (2002), 378
With All Deliberate Speed (2004), 380
Bibliography, 437
Index, 449
About the Author, 501
Acknowledgments
F
irst of all, I offer special thanks to my friend, Alan Harris Stein, oral historian
and archivist extraordinaire, for facilitating this project. Thanks to my editors,
Jim Ciment and Laura Esterman, for their expert advice, good cheer, and
patience. Thanks to my colleagues in the English Department and other departments
at St. Michael’s College: Mike Arena, Jeff Ayres, Nick Clary, Carrie Kaplan, Bill Grover,
Nat Lewis, Jack MacDonald, Will Marquis, Susan Ouellette, Christina Root, Kerry Shea,
Lorrie Smith, and Erin Stehmeyer. Thanks to Laurence Suid and Jim Leger who read
and commented on portions of the manuscript in progress. I owe a heartfelt thanks to
Don and Lynn Feeser for all their help and support and also acknowledge Paul Mal-
one, Richard Davis, Mick, Cindy, Alex, Andy, Buzz, Karen, my mom, my brothers Tom
and Al, my sister, Karen, my daughter, Elena, foster son, Dima, and my good friends
Mark Madigan and Steve Soitos for many years of loyalty. Finally, I owe my continuing
spiritual well-being to my wife, best friend, and life partner, Gretchen.
xix
Introduction
F
rom 1981 to 2005, thirteen of the twenty-five Oscar winners for Best Picture
have been movies based in history. Over the same period, 32 of the 100 films
nominated for Best Picture have had their basis in historical events. Both sta-
tistics testify to the continuing power and prestige of history as source material in the
film business. Likewise, when members of a viewing audience see the familiar phrase,
“based on a true story,” flash on the screen during the opening credit sequence, they
tend to assume, rightly or wrongly, that the movie they are about to watch will deliver
more significance than a pure fiction and will therefore require a heightened level of
attentive engagement and respect. The irony is rich: in a constantly accelerating cul-
ture of consumption that fosters short attention spans and shorter memories, histori-
cal subject matter somehow continues to hold strong sway over filmmakers and
moviegoers.
Perhaps much of the appeal of history films has to do with an unsatisfied popu-
lar hunger for some sort of grounding in “truth” and “reality.” As postmodern business
civilization becomes more standardized, authoritarian, and alienating, its culture
industries have had to aspire to new depths of insipidity and escapism to mask and
compensate for the real, and really depressing, social conditions that prevail. Though
never of great quality, a preponderance of contemporary movie and television fare is
weird, puerile, banal, and slyly contemptuous of its audience. Sizable fractions of the
populace are quite aware that products of corporate media do not emanate from, or
reflect, any reality they know. In a world of simulacra and contrivance, people want
some recognizable token of life on planet Earth before “Commodity” became a raven-
ous god.
As a field of study, film and history have undergone a tremendous upsurge in
interest in recent years that is commensurate with the growing public appetite for his-
torical representations on film and television. First-rate history-film reference guides,
essay anthologies, and critical-theoretical works are now being published on a regular
basis (see the Bibliography at the end of this volume). Typically a “history film” is
defined, in very broad and loose terms, as either a “true story” or simply a period piece
that conjures a bygone era (e.g., All Quiet on the Western Front or The Searchers). The
xxi
xxii Introduction
theory goes that, even if the narrative and characters are largely fictional, the set-
ting is real and evocative enough to qualify the film as “historical.” There is noth-
ing wrong with this idea; historical fiction films can be profitably “read” as both
reflective and productive of the ideological temperament that informed the time
in which they were made, as well as the time they purport to represent. Indeed,
virtually any film can be analyzed as a revealing “historical” document.
To stake out new and exclusive ground, the present study applies a some-
what more rigorous litmus test: the film in question needs to be firmly “based on
a true story,” that is, it has to deal with an actual, documented historical incident.
The movie can contain fictional elements—every history film does—but must
describe a once real moment in a real place involving real people. Consequently
I have sidestepped the enormous repertoire of historical fiction films that most
other film-history studies treat as their bread and butter. I have also avoided
films dealing with ancient history topics because the existing documentation to
support the film’s veracity is often weak. Finally I have to confess to being much
more interested in films engaging modern history because the political and ide-
ological ramifications hit much closer to home.
As for theoretical presuppositions, while I have narrowed the definition of
what I consider to be a true “history” film, I have expanded the notion of what
constitutes “history” beyond the conventionally dominant categories of military,
social, and political history. Half the book treats these standard categories but
the other half examines films dealing with the history of sports, music, art, race
relations, and crime—types of human endeavor not necessarily tied up with
shaping and reshaping nation-states but important nonetheless as specimens of
ideology and psychohistory. Furthermore, I have opted to treat the films under
consideration not as discreet artifacts but as events—an axiom that precludes an
alphabetical, encyclopedic arrangement. Instead the ten chapters herein are gen-
erally laid out in uninterrupted chronological sequences to delineate patterns of
stylistic and ideological development that may arise from or reflect changes in
political temperament over periods of time. Treating a film as an event also
means dealing with the aesthetic, personal, and political character of the people
who conceived it, the historical moment in which it was spawned, the film’s
genre kin and immediate antecedents, the resources the filmmaker had at hand,
the commercial requisites that shape tone and narrative structure, the concrete
circumstances of the film’s production, and the sort of critical and popular recep-
tion it received. All these factors make up the gestalt of the film as representa-
tive of history, as an historical event in its own right, and as part of a larger his-
torical mosaic formed by the entire body of films on the subject.
As for conclusions arrived at after intensively researching, studying, and
analyzing some 375 history films, a few things come to the fore. Because it focuses
Introduction xxiii
exclusively on the “true story,” this book deals with two types of history film: the
docudrama and the documentary. Docudramas invariably streamline, distill, and
radically simplify historical events. In keeping with the Anglo-American ideology
of heroic hyperindividualism, docudrama narratives have room for one or two
protagonists but no more than that. Consequently, docudramas routinely create
composite characters or erase important participants in the real event altogether
because the requisites of economical storytelling dictate as much. Docudramas
also tend toward melodrama as they exaggerate internal and interpersonal con-
flicts and emotional Sturm und Drang. In a similarly reductive way, they posit
Manichaean moral schemes with clearly recognizable heroes and villains, jump to
arbitrary conclusions when the evidence is incongruous, and structure the histor-
ical incident into a classic three-act drama that ends with the requisite satisfactory
closure. These common narrative tropes militate against the ambiguity and com-
plexity that naturally inheres in any real event. Docudramas also get lots of great
and small details wrong, either deliberately—to argue a partisan political point or
drum up sympathy or antipathy for a particular person—or inadvertently, due to
poor research or fallacious assumptions. Ultimately historical accuracy is a func-
tion of the filmmakers’ political and intellectual integrity and varies wildly depend-
ing on the persons involved and the lasting ideological significance of the histori-
cal event being depicted.
The popular perception is that a documentary film is far more objective
and reliable a source of historical truth than a docudrama. This is, of course, not
true. Documentaries are susceptible to the same sorts of narrative distortions
that characterize docudramas and are even more dangerously seductive because
they appear to adhere to a higher standard of epistemological neutrality by typ-
ically showcasing authoritative and explanatory voice-overs; interviews with
experts and other real people in the know; and obviously genuine archival
footage, maps, still photographs, and other sorts of visually compelling graphic
evidence to prove their cases. The source materials are all real enough and the
interviewees supposedly sincere. The documentary filmmaker manipulates in a
more subtle way, through what he or she inserts or omits and how the film’s
materials are edited. Finally both docudrama and documentary filmmakers tend
to skew history by offering a partisan interpretation, or perhaps two simple,
opposing interpretations, of an historical event when the event calls for many
more points of view to do justice to its mysterious aspects, insoluble contradic-
tions, and complexities. In sum, a history film of any sort might be emotionally
compelling, intellectually persuasive, and an artistic triumph but none of these
apparent strengths mean that it is good history—buyer beware.
1
Military History on Film
and Television: Wallace’s
Rising to the Boer War
A
t the outset of this chapter, a crucial distinction needs to be drawn
between the vast war film genre and a subset of the war film: the mili-
tary history film. The Internet Movie Database (http://www.imdb.com)
lists over 4,500 war films. Of that number, less than 150 (or about 3 percent) qual-
ify as films that more or less accurately deal with authentic episodes in military
history. The remaining 4,350 war movies have to be classified as war fiction
films—that is, films that superimpose largely or entirely fictional narratives onto
war history settings. As is true of all genre classifications, there are a number of
gray areas here. For example, films like Gallipoli and Das Boot involve fictional
characters, but the settings and war action depicted are so specific and realistic
as to qualify them as military history films. Conversely, even a fastidiously accu-
rate military history film like Gettysburg will inevitably fabricate much of its dia-
logue; historical sources can only supply so much. Genre conventions, narrative
requisites, and ideological imperatives also introduce distortions into otherwise
credible renditions of military history. Still, all caveats aside, the distinction
between the war history and the war (fiction) film is clear enough to allow mean-
ingful classification. Military history on film essentially represents actual inci-
dents involving real persons. A war film may, in many ways, be a fairly accurate
pictorial representation of a particular conflict and may allegorize its salient
political, psychological, and moral issues brilliantly (for example, The Deer
Hunter) but it is still a fiction; the events depicted never happened. Quite a num-
ber of books have concerned themselves with ideological analyses of war films
per se. What is offered in what follows is a focused ideological-historicist read-
ing of military history on film.
1
2 History in the Media: Film and Television
The moment of inspiration for Braveheart, Mel Gibson’s 1995 biopic about Scot-
land’s greatest hero, Sir William Wallace (1272?–1305), apparently occurred some-
time in 1983 when the film’s screenwriter, Randall Wallace, came across a statue
of William Wallace outside of Edinburgh Castle while he was researching his
family genealogy. (An alternate version of the story is that Randall Wallace hap-
pened on a plaque in a wall of St. Bartholomew’s Hospital near London’s Smith-
field Market commemorating the site of William Wallace’s execution.) Whatever
the exact impetus, an intrigued Randall Wallace began to research and write a
screenplay based on the life of his legendary namesake. At least eight biogra-
phies of Wallace had been published between 1830 and 1983, but all had their ori-
gins in a single, highly speculative, source: The Actes and Deidis of the Illustre
and Vallyeant Campioun Schir William Wallace (circa 1477), an epic poem by
Scottish poet, Henry the Minstrel (aka, “Blind Harry,” circa 1440–1493) (Mackay
1995). Written 172 years after Wallace’s death, Henry’s poem drew on the stories
passed down over the generations; it was adulatory and patriotic but of very
dubious accuracy. No matter, Randall Wallace was not overly concerned with
historical exactitude; as an American of Scottish ancestry, his aim was to write
an exciting swashbuckler of epic proportions that would captivate audiences
and pay homage to his courageous ancestors.
In broad terms, the story Braveheart tells is true enough. William Wallace
(Mel Gibson) did, indeed, rebel against King Edward I (1239–1307) “Longshanks”
(Patrick McGoohan); he handily defeated the English in battle at Loudon Hill,
Ayr, Scone, and, most notably, Stirling Bridge (after which he was knighted and
appointed Guardian of Scotland by Robert the Bruce); behind the scenes, the
Scottish nobles likely sold out the popular revolt against the English; Wallace’s
forces lost the Battle of Falkirk (June 1298); stripped of his prestige after Falkirk,
Wallace went into hiding but was eventually captured, tried, and executed for
treason. It also appears to be true that Edward’s son and heir apparent, the
Prince of Wales (Peter Hanly), was effeminate, probably homosexual, and neg-
lectful of his wife, Princess Isabelle (Sophie Marceau). The film’s falsifications
and distortions are equally significant, however. Wallace did not swear eternal
enmity against the Crown for the murder of his young wife—the alleged murder
never happened. (One source suggests that Wallace became an outlaw in a much
more prosaic manner—after a deadly quarrel with British soldiers over some fish
he had caught.) In the film, King Edward I is portrayed as a sinister, devious char-
acter but was, in fact, a strong and well-respected king; the real Wallace did not
A scene still of actor and director Mel Gibson from Braveheart. (Icon/Ladd Co/Para-
mount/The Kobal Collection)
4 History in the Media: Film and Television
have an affair with Princess Isabelle; the English did not take heavy losses at
Falkirk; the film’s depiction of the Scottish warriors in blue face paint and kilts
is anachronistic; the historical William Wallace was a giant of a man (6 feet, 7
inches tall) whereas Mel Gibson is of average height (5 feet, 11 inches).
Whatever its failings as history, Braveheart certainly has epic grandeur and
plenty of bloody, frenetic battle sequences, romance, and high-minded senti-
ment. Shot in Ireland and Scotland, Braveheart used 1,700 Irish army troops as
extras for its battle scenes and cost a hefty $70–$80 million to make
(http://www.imdb.com). But Gibson’s gamble paid off handsomely. A huge inter-
national hit, Braveheart received rave reviews, generated revenues in excess of
$200 million, was nominated for ten Oscars, and won five (including two for Gib-
son, for Best Director and Best Picture). On a more ominous note, filmmaker
(Hoop Dreams) Steve James saw Braveheart’s celebration of Anglo-Saxon chau-
vinism as playing to crypto-fascist elements in American society: “It is apparent
that sections of the US far right . . . find a mythical version of Scottish history
useful for their present political purposes. This fabricated Scotland closely
echoes contemporary rhetoric. This nation of ‘Bravehearts’ has no social classes,
only Scots. It devotes itself to defending ‘ancient freedoms’—that are thankfully
bound up with land, property and religion—against a foreign threat, both exter-
nal and internal” (James 1999).
Radical media critic and filmmaker Peter Watkins started out in the mid-1950s, in
Britain, making short amateur (8mm) films. Two of his films—Diary of an
Unknown Soldier (1959) and The Forgotten Faces (1960)—won “Ten Best”
awards (the equivalent of the Oscar for amateur films in the UK) and were
screened at the London National Film Theatre. Impressed by his work, Huw
Wheldon, head of BBC-TV’s Documentary Film Department, hired Watkins as an
assistant film producer in 1962. In 1964 Watkins was granted a small budget to
make a film version of John Prebble’s Culloden (London: Secker & Warburg,
1961), a best-selling historical account of the British army’s destruction of Bonnie
Prince Charlie’s Scots Jacobin forces at Culloden Moor on April 16, 1746, the last
battle fought on British soil. Filming at Inverness, Scotland, with an all-amateur
cast in August 1964, Peter Watkins eschewed the conventional historical docu-
drama in favor of a cleverly mounted faux cinema verité approach that employed
Military History on Film and Television: The Boer War 5
After the envelopment and destruction of the German 6th Army at Stalingrad in
the winter of 1942–1943, it became obvious that Hitler’s war with the Soviet
Union was going to be a protracted and exceedingly difficult struggle that Ger-
many might well lose. On June 1, 1943, convinced that the German people needed
a great inspirational film to galvanize their fighting spirit, Propaganda Minister
Josef Goebbels commissioned Kolberg [also known as Burning Hearts] (1945),
a period epic directed by Veit Harlan (Jud Süss) about a small Baltic port’s stub-
born fight against Napoleon’s army. Written by Harlan in close collaboration with
Goebbels, Kolberg actually conflates two distinct events: the resistance of the cit-
izens of Kolberg to French invasion in 1806–1807 and an insurrection against
French occupation forces led by Prussian Lt. Ferdinand Baptist von Schill’s
Freikorps in the Hanseatic city of Stralsund in 1809. The historical reality is as
follows. Under the military command of Prussian Field Marshal Neidhardt von
Gneisenau (1760–1831), Kolberg became famous for its long and spirited resist-
ance to capture by the French after the larger fortresses in the area had surren-
dered. The Stralsund story was quite different. After three quick victories against
the French and their allies, Schill (Gustav Diessl in the film) led his rebel solders
to the seaport of Stralsund to seek support from English warships harbored
there. Unfortunately, the English had already departed by the time Schill arrived.
Unable to stir a wider rebellion in Pomerania, Schill and his men (about 2,000
Prussians and Swedes) fortified Stralsund against the inevitable counterattack. It
came on May 31, 1809, when 5,000 mostly Dutch and Danish troops stormed the
town and overwhelmed Schill’s men in heavy fighting. In Stralsund’s market
square Dutch soldiers dragged Lieutenant Schill from his horse, bayoneted him,
stripped him of his uniform, and cut off his head, which was preserved and put
on display in a Dutch army museum until 1839. The French executed Schill’s
6 History in the Media: Film and Television
fellow officers by firing squad and sent his surviving soldiers into forced labor at
Brest and Cherbourg.
For Harlan and Goebbels, Kolberg’s staunch resistance to Napoleon’s
armies served as an allegorical example of what could be accomplished by a
patriotic people united at home and on the battlefront, despite the defeatism of
the generals. But eventually Kolberg did fall to the French, a historical fact omit-
ted from the Harlan-Goebbels version for obvious reasons. Likewise, the real
fate of the charismatic Lieutenant Schill—an allegorical stand-in for Hitler—was
elided from the movie. Though they played fast and loose with the historical
facts, Harlan and Goebbels made sure that Kolberg would rival Gone With the
Wind (1939) for pageantry and epic scope. Shot near Potsdam under constant
threat of air raids, Kolberg took two years to make, cost 8.5 million Reich marks,
and involved elaborate sets, 10,000 specially made uniforms, and trainloads of
salt for artificial snow. The film also used thousands of soldiers—Harlan makes
the unlikely claim of 185,000 in his memoir (Harlan 1966)—and 4,000 sailors as
extras at a time when the Third Reich needed every available combatant at the
front.
Kolberg’s public premier was one of the strangest in cinematic history. A
print of the film was parachuted into the besieged U-boat base garrison at La
Rochelle, France, and shown on January 30, 1945, the twelfth anniversary of
Hitler’s takeover, to exhort the surrounded troops to hold out—which they did
until a general surrender on May 9. Still, the overall propaganda effectiveness of
Kolberg was negligible and the yawning gap between Goebbels’ wish-fulfillment
fantasy and the war’s reality was manifest when the real Kolberg fell to advanc-
ing Soviet forces in early February 1945. Heinrich George, the actor who played
Joachim Nettelbeck (1738–1834), Kolberg’s heroic mayor, died of starvation in a
Soviet concentration camp in 1946. Twenty years after its initial release, Kolberg
was rereleased in West Germany as 30. Januar 1945, with an accompanying
documentary that corrected Kolberg’s many misrepresentations.
The reputation of French writer-director Abel Gance (1889–1981) rests pri-
marily on his 1927 silent masterpiece, Napoléon, a stirring and technically inno-
vative 4-hour epic that depicts Napoleon’s early life up to the beginning of his
military career. In 1981 director and film historian Kevin Brownlow released a
restored version with a new music score by Carmine Coppola. Gance had
intended to cover the remainder of Napoleon’s saga with another five films, but
when Napoléon proved to be a financial disaster, he had to abandon his ambi-
tious plan. Gance’s fascination with Napoleon never waned, however. In 1934
Gance released Napoléon Bonaparte, a reedited 2-hour, 20-minute version of
Napoléon with sound effects and dubbed dialogue added. Gance also released a
third reedited version, Bonaparte et la Révolution, in 1971.
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