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G E N D E R I N G T H E L A T E M E D I E V A L A N D E A R LY M O D E R N W O R L D
Gendered Temporalities
in the Early Modern World
Copyright © 2018. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.
Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam University Press, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World
Copyright © 2018. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.
Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam University Press, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
Gendering the Late Medieval and Early
Modern World
Series editors: James Daybell (Chair), Victoria E. Burke, Svante Norrhem, and
Merry Wiesner-Hanks
This series provides a forum for studies that investigate women, gender, and/
or sexuality in the late medieval and early modern world. The editors invite
proposals for book-length studies of an interdisciplinary nature, including,
but not exclusively, from the fields of history, literature, art and architectural
history, and visual and material culture. Consideration will be given to both
monographs and collections of essays. Chronologically, we welcome studies that
look at the period between 1400 and 1700, with a focus on any part of the world,
as well as comparative and global works. We invite proposals including, but not
limited to, the following broad themes: methodologies, theories and meanings
of gender; gender, power and political culture; monarchs, courts and power;
constructions of femininity and masculinity; gift-giving, diplomacy and the
politics of exchange; gender and the politics of early modern archives; gender
and architectural spaces (courts, salons, household); consumption and material
culture; objects and gendered power; women’s writing; gendered patronage and
power; gendered activities, behaviours, rituals and fashions.
Chivalry, Reading, and Women’s Culture in Early Modern Spain: From Amadís de
Gaula to Don Quixote
Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam University Press, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
Gendered Temporalities in the Early
Modern World
Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam University Press, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
Cover image: Pietro della Vecchia (1608-1678), The Three Fates. The Fates, female deities in
Greek mythology who determined the length and course of each person’s life, often symbolized
time’s passing in Renaissance and baroque art. Photo Credit: Alinari / Art Resource, NY
Amsterdam University Press English-language titles are distributed in the US and Canada by
the University of Chicago Press.
Copyright © 2018. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.
All rights reserved. Without limiting the rights under copyright reserved above, no part of
this book may be reproduced, stored in or introduced into a retrieval system, or transmitted,
in any form or by any means (electronic, mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise)
without the written permission of both the copyright owner and the author of the book.
Every effort has been made to obtain permission to use all copyrighted illustrations
reproduced in this book. Nonetheless, whosoever believes to have rights to this material is
advised to contact the publisher.
Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam University Press, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
Table of Contents
Introduction 7
Merry E. Wiesner-Hanks
Su Fang Ng
7 Feminist queer temporalities in Aemilia Lanyer and Lucy
Hutchinson 159
Penelope Anderson and Whitney Sperrazza
Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam University Press, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
9 Maybe baby 213
Pregnant possibilities in medieval and early modern literature
Holly Barbaccia, Bethany Packard, and Jane Wanninger
10 Evolving families 235
Realities and images of stepfamilies, remarriage, and half-siblings in
early modern Spain
Grace E. Coolidge and Lyndan Warner
Epilogue
Index 283
List of figures
Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam University Press, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
Introduction
Merry E. Wiesner-Hanks
objects examined in the book is the human body, as some essays explore
somatic experiences of temporality in periods that range from the moment
to the family life course. Whether they use material or textual evidence,
or both, essays examine categories, definitions, and conceptualizations
of time set out by both women and men, and by individuals across the
social scale, thus examining elite and popular culture. Taken together, the
essays allow an assessment of the ways that gender and other categories of
difference condition understandings of time, and note how contemporary
Wiesner-Hanks, M.E. (ed.), Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam
University Press, 2018.
DOI: 10.5117/9789462984585/INTRO
Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam University Press, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
8 Merry E. Wiesner-Hank s
and early modern conceptions of time inform one another and our work
as scholars and teachers.
Most of the essays in this volume began as presentations and conversa
tions at the ninth Attending to Early Modern Women conference, held
in 2015 at the University of Wisconsin– Milwaukee, for which the title
was the rather playful: ‘It’s About Time’. In choosing this focus, we were
both responding to and extending the renewed critical attention that is
being paid to temporality. As the cultural theorist Emily Apter put it in
another playful phrase in a recent forum on feminist theory, ‘It’s Time’s
time.’1 Time and temporality are now featured in handbooks and guides
for undergraduate students as ‘critical concepts’ or ‘key terms’ they should
understand.2 After a decade or so in which some queer theorists rejected
periodization, chronology, change over time, and sometimes time itself as
teleological, heterosexist, and normalizing metanarratives and advocated
‘unhistoricism’ or ‘new presentism’, literary critics are increasingly calling
for approaches that recognize the communal investments of historicist,
feminist, and queer methodologies.3 In the same summer that Attending
to Women was discussing time in Milwaukee, the International Society of
Cultural History was doing so in Bucharest, with a conference focusing on
culture and time.4 Peter Burke has examined the history of the idea that time
is culturally constructed, and in the 2006 Natalie Zemon Davis lectures at
Central European University, Lynn Hunt focused on changes in chronological
frameworks, past, present, and future.5 These considerations assert what
(For European history, see: College Board, ‘AP European History’, 2017, https://secure-media.
collegeboard.org/digitalServices/pdf/ap/ap-course-overviews/ap-european-history-course-
overview.pdf).
3 Queer theory’s rejection of futurity and of differences between past and present began
with Edelman, No Future, and Goldberg and Menon, ‘Queering History’. These were critiqued
by Valerie Traub, among others, in her ‘New Unhistoricism in Queer Studies’ and Thinking Sex
with the Early Moderns. Reviews of this debate, and calls to recognize commonalities as well as
differences, can be found in Friedlander, ‘Desiring History and Historicizing Desire’, several of
the essays in Loomba and Sanchez, eds., Rethinking Feminism in Early Modern Studies, and the
essay by Penelope Anderson and Whitney Sperrazza in this volume.
4 Five of the papers from this conference, along with several others, are in Arcangeli and
Korhonen, eds., ‘A Time of Their Own’. Some of the articles in this special issue focus on women’s
understanding and measurement of time.
5 Burke, ‘Reflections on the Cultural History of Time’. Hunt’s Davis lectures have been published
as Hunt, Measuring Time, Making History.
Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam University Press, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
Introduc tion 9
many of the essays in this volume do: time is an embodied aspect of human
existence, but also mediated by culture; experiences and understandings
of time change, and the early modern period may have been an era when
they changed significantly, with the introduction of new vocabularies and
technologies of time; time is gendered and also structured by other social
hierarchies; material objects shape experiences and conceptions of time.6
The three essays in Part I, ‘Temporality and Materiality’, take up this focus
on objects. In ‘Time, Gender and the Mystery of English Wine’, Frances E.
Dolan examines what at first appears to be a familiar ‘timeless’ beverage
but was actually unstable and unknowable. Although we often associate
the English with beer, ale, and cider, wine was everywhere in sixteenth- and
seventeenth-century England, Dolan notes. More than a beverage, it was
invested with all kinds of significance, starting with the communion cup,
but those meanings were often contested. This was in part because wine,
while highly valued, had often fallen victim to the ravages of time and
transport by the time it reached English consumers, and was doctored by
those who sold and served it, from coopers and tavern keepers to cooks
and housewives. As a consequence, wine was widely distrusted as foreign,
spoiled, and adulterated. It was also understood to have its own timeline
or life course, moving from ‘fresh’, ‘young’, or ‘brisk’ wines that were prized
above older vintages to the spent wines that formed the basis for distilled
spirits and medicines. Wine’s unpredictability was associated with feminin
ity, as it made women and men alike more disordered and vulnerable, but
was particularly dangerous for women, who were warned not to drink in
excess and praised for abstinence or moderation. Wine also occasionally
provided an opportunity for women, however, who joined experiments
in growing grapes and making wine in England. Ranging across a wide
variety of sources, from Elizabethan London to colonial Virginia, and from
Copyright © 2018. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.
6 For a cross-temporal look at how objects we use to ‘tell’ time, especially calendars and
clocks, shape our experiences and conceptions of time, see Birth, Objects of Time.
Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam University Press, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
10 Merry E. Wiesner-Hank s
7 This chapter began as a paper at the Gender, Power, and Materiality in Early Modern Europe
1500–1800 conference held at the University of Plymouth in April 2016.
Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam University Press, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
Introduc tion 11
of royal power and her father Iskandar Muda’s, especially their claim to
Alexander the Great as a legendary ancestor. Contesting the genealogy her
husband crafted, Taj al-Alam reinscribed a continuous genealogy from her
father in her elaborate diplomatic letters sent to foreign kings, including
one sent to Charles II of England in 1661, and in royal edicts. Continuity in
the rhetoric of royal power shows a daughter’s appropriation of paternal
as well as royal power. By the end of the seventeenth century, the myth of
queenship was so prevalent that some English visitors believed Aceh had
always been governed by queens, testifying to the power of Taj al-Alam’s
reworkings of genealogical memory.
With ‘Feminist Queer Temporalities in Aemilia Lanyer and Lucy Hutchin
son’, Penelope Anderson and Whitney Sperrazza explore times embedded in
Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam University Press, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
12 Merry E. Wiesner-Hank s
poems, and from Italy to England. They argue that the multiple temporalities
of Aemilia Lanyer’s ‘The Description of Cooke-ham’ and Lucy Hutchinson’s
Order and Disorder model a mutually galvanizing rather than antagonistic
relationship between feminist and queer theory. Lanyer’s and Hutchinson’s
texts return to long-standing feminist concerns: female communities, the
foundational stories of patriarchy, and a focus on desire both procreative
and emphatically not. But the theories the texts themselves manifest do
the work of queering—not as an alternative to, but in concert with—these
feminist concerns. For Lanyer, this involves not only a focus on the eroticism
of all-female communities, but also a lingering in a kiss oddly material and
suspended in time. For Hutchinson, it concerns the way that the impossibility
of procreative sex shows the needlessness of female harm. Lanyer’s and
Hutchinson’s feminist queer poems, Anderson and Sperrazza assert, rewrite
the sequence of events in order to imagine causality differently: pushing
back against received patriarchal narratives, they locate women at the
poetic origin not due to their reproductive capacities, but rather through a
consequentially queer desire founded upon disparaged affect.
Part III, ‘Embodied Time’, includes three essays that explore somatic
experiences of temporality in periods that range from the brief moment to
the generation. In ‘Embodied Temporality: Lucrezia Tornabuoni de’ Medici’s
sacra storia, Donatello’s Judith, and the Performance of Gendered Authority
in Palazzo Medici, Florence’, Allie Terry-Fritsch approaches Donatello’s
fifteenth-century bronze sculpture of Judith as a dramatic actor in Lucrezia
Tornabuoni de’ Medici’s sacred story, ‘The Story of Judith, Hebrew Widow’,
written in the 1470s. She traces how the performative cues of Lucrezia’s words
about how and when to look, listen, or imagine functioned to connect an
audience sitting in the garden of the Palazzo Medici somaesthetically with
the statue, thus prompting the opportunity for an active coproduction of the
Copyright © 2018. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.
Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam University Press, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
Introduc tion 13
Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam University Press, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
14 Merry E. Wiesner-Hank s
gender politics than a part of its literature, and where all teaching in the
humanities is threatened. Using Elizabeth Cary’s Tragedy of Mariam as a case
study, Dowd proposes that we can engage our students in more meaningful
discussions about how and why the fact of female authorship matters by
inviting them to consider the complex intersection between gender and
form, that is (somewhat paradoxically) to have them read it as a drama as
well as a female-authored text. The essay concludes by inviting strategic
advocacy for premodern women writers in the contemporary classroom,
advice that makes explicit what all the essays implicitly promote.
Concerns with the future evinced by so many of the female subjects of this
book as they wrote, built, spoke, planted, drew up wills, devised medicines,
embroidered, or just went about the business of their lives belie the notion
common in the early modern period (and to some degree our own) that
women and their ideas and desires were more time-bound, while men and
their ideas and desires were (and are) everlasting and timeless. Women
shaped the future because of their reproductive capacities, of course, and
several essays point out how concerns about childbirth and those about
time were connected, so much so that giving birth in German was referred
to as ‘going on her time’. But women shaped the future even more through
the textual and material products they created, ordered, or purchased that
allowed them to escape the bounds of human life. Their sense of obliga
tion to the future extended beyond their own families and kin to the less
fortunate whose lives they extended through food or medicine, and to
imagined readers or viewers for whom their writings or needlework would
be interruptions of a time past in the flow of daily life. Sometimes these
products crossed normative gender boundaries and allowed women—both
real and invented—to challenge or queer patrilineal and patriarchal norms,
while at other times they reinforced them, or they did all of these at once, as
Copyright © 2018. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.
Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam University Press, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
Introduc tion 15
Works cited
Time and Temporality in the Early Modern World’, special issue of Journal of
Early Modern Studies 6 (2017).
Birth, K.K., Objects of Time: How Things Shape Temporality (New York: Palgrave
Macmillan, 2012).
Burke, Peter, ‘Reflections on the Cultural History of Time’, Viator 35 (2004), 617–26.
Edelman, Lee, No Future: Queer Theory and the Death Drive (Durham, NC: Duke
University Press, 2004).
Friedlander, Ari, ‘Desiring History and Historicizing Desire’, Journal for Early
Modern Cultural Studies 16.2 (spring 2016), 1–20.
Goldberg, Jonathan, and Madhavi Menon, ‘Queering History’, PMLA 120.5 (2005),
1608–17.
Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam University Press, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
16 Merry E. Wiesner-Hank s
Hunt, Lynn, Measuring Time, Making History (Budapest: Central European Uni
versity Press, 2008).
Loomba, Ania, and Melissa E. Sanchez, eds., Rethinking Feminism in Early Modern
Studies: Gender, Race, and Sexuality (New York: Routledge, 2016).
Traub, Valerie, ‘The New Unhistoricism in Queer Studies’, PMLA 128.1 (2013), 21–39.
— Thinking Sex with the Early Moderns (Philadelphia, PA: University of Pennsylvania
Press, 2015).
West-Pavlov, Russell, Temporalities, The New Critical Idiom (London: Routledge, 2012).
Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam University Press, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
Part I
Temporality and materiality
Copyright © 2018. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.
Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam University Press, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
Copyright © 2018. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.
Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam University Press, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
1 Time, gender, and the mystery of
English wine
Frances E. Dolan
Abstract
Wine was widely drunk in early modern England. But would we recognize it?
Time unsettles the meaning of this ‘timeless’ beverage because early modern
people were unable to control its effects on the wines they consumed.
Wine’s unpredictability was, in the early modern period, both associated
with femininity and, occasionally, an opportunity for women who joined
experiments in growing grapes and making wine in England so as to make
wine that was more dependable and affordable. Ranging across a wide
variety of sources, from the sixteenth century to popular depictions of that
period today, this essay argues that wine connects us to the past largely
to the extent that it continues to be a mystery or a knowledge problem.
We know early modern women and men drank wine. But we can’t know
exactly what that wine tasted like. As a knowledge problem, wine joins many
other mysteries of gendered experience in the past. Surviving evidence con-
firms an historical phenomenon we can call ‘English wine’ and some of the
ways in which it was gendered. As we will see, it is easy to document popular
Copyright © 2018. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.
attitudes toward wine in ballads and plays. We can readily find recipes for
making, using, or ameliorating wine, as well as fulminations against and
paeans to it. We can also find references to wine in inventories and account
books, lyric poetry, letters and diaries, popular accounts of commensality
and of murder, recipe compilations, medical texts, the notebooks of early
experimental scientists, and in the surprisingly large literature advocating
English grape growing and wine making in the seventeenth century. Moving
across the social landscape, wine left archival stains that offer tantalizing
Wiesner-Hanks, M.E. (ed.), Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam
University Press, 2018.
DOI: 10.5117/9789462984585/CH01
Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam University Press, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
20 Fr ances E. Dol an
traces of its cultural centrality and its instability. To understand it, we need
to gather evidence from a range of sources, accepting that the resulting
assemblage will still be missing pieces and can never answer all of our
questions. As we try to pin down women’s lived relationship to wine as
consumers and producers, we find enigmatic hints, marginal comments,
texts of questionable provenance. No matter how widely we forage, the
specifics of how that wine smelled and tasted elude us.
In early modern England, most people, young and old, male and female,
queens and servants, routinely drank fermented beverages of some sort since
water was widely and wisely distrusted. Although we often associate the
English with beer, ale, and cider, those beverages they still manufacture and
export, wine, largely imported, was a favored beverage in England for most
of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, until coffee, tea, chocolate, and
distilled spirits diversified beverage options and challenged its monopoly.
Wine had sacramental meanings, of course, in the communion cup at the
center of the celebration of the mass as well as in its supposed inversion,
the witches’ sabbath.1 Its sacramental meaning depended on its capacity for
transformation, its ability to become or be experienced as something else,
as well as its ability to change and bind its consumers. It was the lubricant
of good fellowship, from households to taverns to palaces. A standard gift to
and from royals and among aristocrats, it was so prized that it was the object
of piracy and profiteering; Sir Francis Drake, for instance, seized wine from
the Spanish.2 Fortunes were made in importing wine. Elizabeth I rented out
or farmed the right to collect customs duties on all imported sweet wines to
her particular favorites, first Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester, and later the
Earl of Essex. While it could be a luxury good, and a marker of elite status,
wine was also a crucial part of recompense for servants, high and low.3
While wine was highly valued and widely drunk, it had often fallen victim
Copyright © 2018. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.
to the ravages of time and transport by the time it reached English consumers’
cups. As a consequence, wine was widely distrusted as foreign, spoiled,
and adulterated. It was also understood to have its own timeline or life
course, moving from new wines that were prized above older vintages to the
spent wines that formed the basis for distilled spirits and medicines. Frugal
housekeepers and tapsters found uses for wine at every stage in its timeline,
from grape lees to vinegar, from new wine to distillations. Tackling wine
as a work in progress, most who served wine, from housewives to coopers
Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam University Press, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
Time, gender, and the mystery of English wine 21
and tavern keepers, artfully amended and blended it. Did this make wine
foreign or domestic, a taste of the past, as it is often still called, or a fragile
compromise in the present? No one could be sure. That uncertainty was both
associated with femininity and, occasionally, an opportunity for women
who joined experiments in growing grapes and making wine in England.
The mystery of early modern wine is not only a function of the time that
has passed between now and then. Then as now, taste would have been
highly subjective, varying from person to person. More than that, early
moderns themselves struggled to anticipate and control the taste of their
wine because the process of importing and storing wine exposed it to the
ravages of time, temperature, and oxygen. While the causes of wine’s decay
were not fully understood, the effects were widely lamented. As we will
see, if we focus on early modern wine as a process unfolding in time, rather
than a stable product, we can see more clearly women’s roles as agents who
made and amended wine as well as consumed it.
Starting in the nineteenth century, the discovery of bacteria’s role in
making and spoiling wine opened up strategies for managing fermentation
and for preserving wine. But precisely because winemakers today have so
many ingredients and techniques available to them, the provenance and
contents of the wine we drink now remain less certain than we sometimes
like to think. Although many describe wine as a vehicle for tasting the time
and place where grapes ripened, this romanticization glosses over the many
interventions between vine and glass. What we know about early modern
wine is that it was inscrutable: unstable, contaminated, mixed up. What
we share with early modern drinkers, I contend, is uncertainty about what,
exactly, is in the wine we drink. It might seem as if wine links us to drinkers
in the past. But that link is tenuous. Ranging across a wide variety of sources,
from the sixteenth century to popular depictions of that period today, this
Copyright © 2018. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.
Various scholars have explored the relationships among alcohol, sex, and
gender in medieval and early modern Europe, demonstrating the associations
of drunkenness with violence, sexual excess, and disorder for both sexes. 4
4 Martin, Alcohol, Sex, and Gender; Kümin, Drinking Matters; Bloom, ‘Manly Drunkenness’;
Ellinghausen, ‘University of Vice’; and Pleasing Sinne.
Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam University Press, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
22 Fr ances E. Dol an
6 Oxford Dictionary of English Proverbs, W 473, p. 474. See also Apperson, English Proverbs
and Proverbial Phrases, pp. 692–93.
7 See, for example, ‘The subtil Miss of LONDON’; ‘A Merry Dialogue’; ‘A Mornings Ramble’;
and ‘A Caueat or VVarning’. See also Wine and Women. On the association of wine and women,
see Scott, ‘Discovering the Sins of the Cellar,’ in which she emphasizes the homonyms cellar
and seller.
8 Oxford Dictionary of English Proverbs, W 490. Even ‘Put not good Wine into an ill bottle’
can have gendered implications. In The Arte of Rhetoric, Thomas Wilson elaborates on this as an
example of allegory or extended metaphor: ‘It is evill putting strong Wine into weake vesselles,
that is to say, it is evill trusting some women with weightie matters’, sig. N2r. This is connected
to advisories against women drinking wine since they were sometimes thought to have weaker
brains in general and thus poorer heads for wine.
9 Boorde, Compendious Regiment of Health, sigs. D1v–D2r.
10 Venner, Via recta, p. 40.
11 Oxford Dictionary of English Proverbs, W 483.
Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam University Press, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
Time, gender, and the mystery of English wine 23
The drama provides another gauge both of the ubiquity of wine in early
modern England and the gendering of its consumption. According to Alan
Dessen and Leslie Thompson’s Dictionary of Stage Directions, wine is ‘the
most common item in tavern or banquet scenes or at other times when
figures drink’, appearing in about 65 stage directions. Shakespeare’s plays
mention wine at least 82 times. This doesn’t count the other words for
wine, including canary, malmsy, sack, and bastard.12 While some female
characters drink wine—Gertrude, for instance, pledges Hamlet with a
poisoned stoup of wine—it is male characters who most often call for wine.
‘Give me some wine; fill full’, requests Macbeth (3.4.90), trying to recover
from seeing Banquo’s ghost; ‘a Stoup of wine’ Sir Toby Belch demands in
Twelfth Night (2.3.111).13 In Antony and Cleopatra, Antony and Pompey call
for wine, but Cleopatra does not.
In Shakespeare’s plays, men’s wine drinking is as much a vulnerability as
it is an entitlement. In Richard III, the Duke of Clarence begs his executioner
for ‘a cup of wine’, is offered ‘wine enough’ then stabbed and drowned in ‘the
malmsey butt’ (malmsey was a fortified wine like Madeira; 1.4.147–48, 245);
his ghost later laments that he was ‘washed to death with fulsome wine’
(5.3.130). In The Tempest, Stefano exploits Caliban’s unfamiliarity with and
immediate lust for wine. The most famous manipulator of a man’s weakness
for wine would probably be Iago, who both insists on Desdemona’s sexual
availability through a leveling aphorism he appears to have invented—‘the
wine she drinks is made of grapes’ (2.1.239)—and exploits Cassio’s ‘very
poor and unhappy brains for drinking’ (2.3.29–30). He explicitly offers
Cassio ‘a stoup of wine’ (l.26; the very thing Claudius calls for and from
which Gertrude drinks in Hamlet). Cassio elaborates that he ‘could well
wish courtesy would invent some other custom of entertainment’, that he
has already had the one cup he allows himself, ‘craftily qualified’ or diluted,
Copyright © 2018. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.
12 Varriano, Wine. Varriano has his own calculations: ‘In the 26 plays in which they are men-
tioned, sack appears 44 times, Rhenish wine four, and claret and malmsey once each’, p. 178.
In her study of sack in the Henry IV plays, Sebek, ‘More natural to the nation’, p. 109, points to
the play’s ‘interest in anchoring the wine that Falstaff consumes and that flows abundantly in
Eastcheap in the Elizabethan “moment”’, when imports from Spain dominated consumption
despite ongoing war with Spain.
13 All citations of Shakespeare will refer to The Norton Shakespeare.
Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam University Press, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
24 Fr ances E. Dol an
more sexually vulnerable. One sums this up helpfully: ‘When Wine is settled
in your braine,/ you may be got with Child.’14 While wine was often linked to
heterosexual congress and risk, it also linked women to one another. In the
satirical pamphlet ‘Tis Merry When Gossips Meet, the gossips are drinking
14 ‘A new Ballad’. A female character in John Fletcher’s comedy The Wild Goose Chase (1621)
suggests that wine makes women more sexually vulnerable not only when they drink it but
when men do. Oriana advises her brother that as men drink sack ‘they ne’r speak modestly/
Unless the wine be poor, or they want money […] if in Vino veritas be an Oracle,/ What woman
is, or has been ever honest?/ Give ‘em but ten round cups, they’ll swear Lucretia/ Dy’d not for
want of power to resist Tarquine,/ But want of Pleasure, that he stayed no longer’, Act 1 scene 1,
sig. B2r.
Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam University Press, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
Time, gender, and the mystery of English wine 25
15 Rowlands, Tis Merry. Women drank with male friends as well as female. In Cavendish’s
Convent of Pleasure (3.6), a Citizen’s Wife, Mrs. Negligent, looking for her husband, enters a tavern,
‘where a Bush is hung out’, advertising that it sells wine. But she lingers to accept the wine two
gentlemen offer her, confiding ‘In truth, I find a cup of Wine doth comfort me sometimes’, p. 114.
16 Middleton, A Chastemaid in Cheapside; Paster offers an illuminating reading of incontinence
in the play in Body Embarrassed, pp. 52–63. I want to emphasize the central role of wine drinking
in this incontinence.
Copyright © 2018. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.
17 While all the speakers in a dialogue called Wine, Beere, and Ale, Together by the Eares are
male (Wine is a gentleman and Beere is a citizen) several of them suggest that women drink
wine. Wine boasts to Beere: ‘I am a companion for Princes, the least droppe of my blood, worth
all thy body. I am sent for by the Citizens, visited by the Gallants, kist by the Gentlewomen: I am
their life, their Genius, the Poeticall furie, the Helicon of the Muses, of better value then Beere’,
sig. B2r. The unclear antecedent for ‘they’, following hard upon the reference to gentlewomen,
suggests that perhaps gentlewomen value wine as their genius. Beer points out that wine is ‘kept
under locke and key, conf inde to some corner of a Cellar, and there indeed commonly close
prisoner, unlesse the Iaylor or Yeoman of the Bottles turne the Key for the chamber-maid now
and then, for which shee vowes not to leave him till the last gaspe where Beere goes abroad,
and randevous in every place’, sigs. B2r–B2v. Asserting his own accessibility and mobility, Beere
associates women’s wine consumption with sexualized secrecy and confinement.
18 Goldstein wonders whether this drunkenness might be the result of ‘a psychosomatic
reaction to her disobedience, or because of the chemistry of this particular fruit, or both?’ in
Eating and Ethics, p. 189.
Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam University Press, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
26 Fr ances E. Dol an
Wine or strong Drink, which are bad for Men, but an hundred fold worse for
Women’, he advises.19 According to him, wine is worse for women because
it encourages an inclination to a sexual excess to which, he points out, only
human females descend. This includes activities he deems unproductive,
such as having sex while menstruating or pregnant and marrying younger
men. In A Way to Health, which begins with a laudatory poem from a Mrs.
Ann Behn, he warns of
the too frequent drinking of Wine and strong Drinks, which heats the Seed,
and pervokes Nature, and make her lose her way, which is very pernicious
and dangerous to al sorts of People, but more especially to WOMEN; and
therefore the Ancients did direct those of that Sex, to observe an higher
degree of Temperance and Order than they prescribed to Men, as knowing
that the whole Wellfare and Preservation of Mankind did chiefly depend
on their good or ill Constitution.20
Note how Tryon’s concern with controlling women also asserts men’s
dependence on them for the ‘whole welfare and preservation of mankind’.
While some of Tryon’s concerns seem idiosyncratic, his recourse to the
ancients is not. In The English Gentlewoman, for instance, Richard Brathwait
similarly announces that wine drinking leads inevitably to adultery and that as
For these Feminine Epicures, who surfet out their time in an unwomanly
excesse, we exclude them the pale of our Common-weale. Be they of
what state soever, they are staines to their Sexe for ever. Especially such,
who carouse it in deepe healths, rejoyce at the colour of the wine, till it
sparkle in their veines, inflame their bloods, and lay open a breach to
the frailty of their Sexe. For prevention whereof, we reade [in Pliny] that
Copyright © 2018. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.
This is yet another instance of the fantasy we find everywhere in the early
modern period that disorderly women could be killed or banished, a fantasy
Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam University Press, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
Time, gender, and the mystery of English wine 27
that is always recalled wistfully as practice in some other time and place.
Kiss the girls and make them disappear. However different they may be,
Tryon and Brathwait both offer us vivid pictures of female desire enhanced
by wine and outside men’s control. Before cutting himself off with the
fantasy of a diagnostic kiss, Brathwait lingers over the vision of the ‘feminine
epicure’, risking the possibility of the reader who identifies with or desires
her. Sparkling in her veins, inflaming her blood, the wine she drinks seems
to become the blood it resembles, and therein lies its appeal and its danger.
We see the association of wine with bodily fluids in an erotic verse that is
often considered a curiosity or an embarrassment. In sonnet 63 of Barnabe
Barnes’s sonnet sequence Parthenophil and Parthenope (1593), the speaker
imagines copying the gods in taking different forms to gain access to his
mistress, contemplating encompassing various parts of her body as a glove,
a necklace, a belt. Parthenophil builds toward a discussion of becoming a
comestible, going inside rather than around. ‘Or that sweet wine which downe
her throate doth trickle,/ To kisse her lippes, and lye next at her hart,/ Runne
through her vaynes, and passe by pleasures parte’. Thomas Nashe ridiculed
this conceit as destined for the chamber pot, both fleeting and debasing.22
But what interests me is how the sonnet builds toward a desire to inhabit
the female body and imagines that the way to do that is as wine, which is
not quite digested as other nutrients might be but rather becomes part of
the body even as it passes through. Barnes’s conceit is affiliated with Ben
Jonson’s in much more famous and beloved lines: ‘Or leave a kiss but in the
cup,/ And I’ll not look for wine’.23 Jonson’s trick here is a displacement that
eludes Barnes. Contented with just a kiss in the cup, his speaker enjoins Celia
to drink to him only with her eyes, to quench their spiritual thirst with a
‘drink divine’. Just as, in the Song of Solomon, the bridegroom admires his
beloved’s mouth as ‘like the best wine […], that goeth down sweetly, causing
Copyright © 2018. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.
the lips of those that are asleep to speak’,24 Jonson’s speaker imagines himself
as the drinker and his beloved as the drink. In contrast, Barnes puts the male
lover, Parthenophil, in the position of what will be consumed and imagines
an unsettlingly material mistress, Parthenope, who not only drinks but
urinates. Her lover, Parthenophil, combines aggression, imagining encircling
and then invading her, with the abjection of being consumed and then
22 Barnes, Parthenophil and Parthenophe, sonnet 63, sig. F4r; Nashe, Have with You, sig. Q2v.
23 Jonson, ‘Song: To Celia’. Wine’s supposed property of being human adjacent, a supplementary
bodily fluid, was described as being ‘homogeneall’. See Whitaker, Tree of Humane Life, and Dolan,
‘Blood of the Grape’.
24 Song of Solomon 7.8–9, 7.12.
Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam University Press, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
28 Fr ances E. Dol an
eliminated. But both Barnes’ and Jonson’s poems exploit the erotics of wine
as an animate extension of or supplement to the female body.
Because wine was so often associated with vulnerability, exemplary
women were praised for abstinence or moderation. According to the famously
ambivalent biography of Elizabeth Cary by one (or more) of her daughters,
while she ‘seemed not to have full power over herself in matter of diet’ and
had a weakness for sugar, ‘she by custome and nature never [drank] wine;
of which she never drunke more then a spoonfull att any time’.25 Of the
many contrasts between Elizabeth I and Mary Stuart, yet another is that
Elizabeth watered her wine, drinking more water than wine, while, by
various accounts, Mary Stuart both grew fat on wine and bathed in it.26 One
of Mary’s biographers, John Guy, argues that Mary asserted her queenship
even when imprisoned by maintaining the multicourse meals with wine
pairings that characterized the court. Apparently, she not only put on the
show but injudiciously indulged herself. Guy specifies her wine drinking as
particularly fattening.27 A letter from the Earl of Shrewsbury to Sir Walter
Mildmay (then Chancellor of the Exchequer and a member of the Privy
Council) in January 1569 complains that one of the unexpected costs of
housing Mary is the expense of procuring additional wine. He simply must
have more wine, he writes, because ‘truly two tonnes in a monthe have
not hitherunto sufficed ordinarily, besids that that is occupied at tymes
for her bathings, and suche like uses’.28 Each tun would be the equivalent
of about 252 gallons. A small bathing tub might have held around 40. To
place Shrewsbury’s request for more than 2 tuns a month for his household
or 24 per year in context, Elizabeth’s court went through about 300 tuns
per year at its heights, later reduced to 240. However little Elizabeth drank
herself, imported wine was a major expense for the court29—and for those
who entertained visits from her and her entourage.
Copyright © 2018. Amsterdam University Press. All rights reserved.
25 Elizabeth Cary, p. 144. There is some dispute as to which of Cary’s four daughters who became
Benedictines, Anne, Elizabeth, Lucy, or Mary, wrote the biography. Interest focuses on Anne
and Lucy.
26 On Elizabeth’s abstemiousness, see an undated manuscript attributed to John Clapham, a
member of William Cecil, Lord Burghley’s household: ‘The wine she drank was mingled with water,
containing three parts more in quantity than the wine itself’ (Read and Read, eds., Elizabeth of
England, p. 89). The editors claim that ‘these observations were rapidly composed within four
months of the death of Queen Elizabeth’ (ibid., vi). See also Somerset, Elizabeth I, p. 350.
27 Guy, True Life of Mary Stuart, pp. 431–32.
28 The letter, from the Talbot Papers, appears in Lodge, Illustrations, II, pp. 27–28.
29 Woodworth, ‘Purveyance for the Royal Household’. According to Woodworth, ‘The cellar was
expected to furnish annually from two hundred to three hundred tuns of wine. In the earlier
and more extravagant years of Elizabeth’s reign the household required three hundred tuns,
Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam University Press, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
Time, gender, and the mystery of English wine 29
Shrewsbury’s request in this letter hardens into a ‘fact’ about Mary in the
index of Lodge’s Illustrations of British History, which includes the entries
‘baths of wine used by the Queen of Scots’, and also, under Mary, ‘used to
bathe in wine’.30 Neither the Earl of Shrewsbury nor his wife, popularly
known as Bess of Hardwick, seems to have been happy about having
Mary billeted upon them by Elizabeth, who established the arrangement
immediately after they married. It would last for more than 15 years and
inflame conflict between the couple, including suspicions about possible
adultery between the Earl and Mary (who was 20 years younger than Bess).31
Mary, a prisoner, did not like this arrangement either. As a consequence,
communications from the Earl or Countess of Shrewsbury, or Mary herself,
regarding the arrangement have to be read critically. This letter from the
Earl was written very early in Mary’s stay. Is it evidence that she bathed in
wine or served or drank it at bath time? Is it evidence of the Earl’s prurient
interest in her habits? Or is it an attempt to capitalize on her reputation as
a larger than life consumer to get more support for what quickly emerged
as a financially ruinous assignment? For my purposes, it serves as evidence
that even when wine finds a place in the story or appears in the index, its
meaning is simultaneously gendered and murky. From communion cup to
bathtub wine was always bearing significance beyond itself. But what it
signified was usually under debate.
wines, old wines were seldom valued as better than young ones. Time was not
a friend to early modern wine, which was most consistently praised as ‘fresh’,
young, or ‘brisk’. As a consequence, early modern links between women and
wine do not celebrate maturity—in the way that we see in popular culture
but later the amount was reduced to two hundred and forty tuns. Most of the wine was French
wine. The merchants who supplied it were English and often were the same men who furnished
groceries for the spicery. Besides French wine the court used a small quantity of sweet wine
which it bought from merchants trading in Spain and the Levant’, p. 55. By the end of Elizabeth’s
reign, the cellar had compounded with wine merchants in order to reduce brokerage fees and
exert more control over the quality of the wine.
30 Lodge, Illustrations, II, pp. 435, 441.
31 See Durant, Bess of Hardwick.
Gendered Temporalities in the Early Modern World, Amsterdam University Press, 2018. ProQuest Ebook Central,
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