Philosophy of indigenous cultures, rituals and traditions

Ojas Arnav
22CE01022
School of Infrastructure
Indian Institute of Technology, Bhubaneswar

Introduction

There is a growing interest in academic regarding indigenous

philosophy as a way of engaging with the thoughts and belief of
indigenous peoples, from both the past and the present. Unlike the
philosophies of India, China and Greece, indigenous philosophy did not
spread across the world through vast empires or feature centres of
formal learning.

The study of Indigenous philosophies, or ethnophilosophy, often must

rely on di erent methods than typical academic philosophy. Indigenous
philosophy is not usually recorded in texts that can be read and
analysed. Instead, those seeking to understand Indigenous
philosophical thinking must engage in the kind of research often used in
ethnographic and sociological study.

Due to several historical, cultural and methodological factors, there are

several challenges to studying indigenous people’s philosophies:

1. Colonialism: Many indigenous communities experienced several

centuries of colonialism, which often actively suppressed their
cultures and traditions. Indigenous people experienced extensive
cultural genocide, often being forced to learn in languages that were
not their own, resulting in di culty for the indigenous people to
maintain their rich philosophical traditions.
2. Language Barriers: It is often the case that indigenous philosophical
traditions are passed down orally and not in a written form, in a
language that is not widely spoken, resulting in it being di cult to
interpret and document their philosophies.
3. Biased views on indigenous people: The discipline of academic
philosophy has traditionally dismissed or ignores the philosophical
thought of indigenous people, considering it to lie outside the realm
of logos. This long history of erasure means that it is di cult to
engage in academic discussions about indigenous philosophy
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One of the key gures in the development of ethnophilosophy was the
Ghanian philosopher Kwasi Wiredu. Wiredu criticised the tendency of
western philosophers to dismiss African philosophy as “primitive” and
“pre-philosophical”, instead he pushed for the recognition of the rich
intellectual traditions of African societies.

Wiredu's work inspired other philosophers and anthropologists to

examine the philosophical ideas embedded in various cultures around
the world. Scholars such as Paulin J. Hountondji from Benin and
Emmanuel Eze from Nigeria further contributed to the development of
ethnophilosophy by challenging Western stereotypes and highlighting
the complexity and sophistication of non-Western philosophical
traditions.

Comparisons to Eastern and Western philosophies

Eastern and Western philosophies have, over the years, seen trends in
their way of thinking. For example, western philosophies tend to place
god as a ‘transcendent’ entity that is outside the world. Eastern
philosophies on the other hand, tend to place god inside the world, as
an ‘immanent’ entity.

Indigenous philosophies run a long a third line of thinking, which does

not place God within or without the world, but rather says that the
world is God.

Although indigenous communities represent most of the world’s

diversity, they have many similarities amongst them. There do seem to
be shared characteristics between the outlooks of Native Americans,
Aboriginal Australians, Arctic peoples and so on, as expressed in their
art, songs, stories and traditional wisdom.

Importance of studying indigenous philosophies

To deny the great philosophies of Indigenous nations a place next to

prevalent Western and Eastern philosophies, and to regard them as
nothing but amusing myths and stories, is no more than a form of
cultural colonialism. It is therefore essential that indigenous philosophies
be studied alongside Eastern and Western philosophies for the
enrichment of philosophical thinking worldwide.
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But there is another reason we may want to incorporate Indigenous
philosophical thinking: to empower Indigenous people themselves. They
include some of the most underprivileged, disadvantaged, and
oppressed of today’s citizens. Indigenous people across the world die
between ve and twenty years younger, on average, than non-
Indigenous people.

Such dismal statistics of physical wellbeing and mental health suggest

that systemic racism and structural violence are a prevailing truth for
Indigenous people. Despite sporadic acknowledgement of the great
societies they formed and some continue to form, and the great cultural
traditions of which they’re a part, Indigenous people are simultaneously
expected to conform to the materialistic Western ideal of success.

Many Indigenous people feel estranged within a Western culture that

forces them to t in yet does not fully accept them. Indigenous
philosophy can play a large role for Indigenous peoples in nally tipping
the scale in their favor.

It is therefore clear that despite the may challenges faced in studying

indigenous philosophies, it is clear that the advantages outweigh the
disadvantages and therefore important to study the extensive
knowledge present in indigenous philosophies. In this report, three types
of philosophies are to be examined:

Indigenous African Philosophies

Africa was home to the development of many ancient writing systems,

including the system of ancient Egyptian hieroglyphics that developed
during the fourth millennium BCE.

The modern Western understanding of the deep history of philosophy is

severely hampered by the lack of scholarship in English and other
European languages, the loss of collective cultural knowledge
exacerbated by colonialism, and the sometimes deliberate destruction
of historical records, such as the burning of the Library of Alexandria.
As a result, research has relied heavily on oral traditions or the
rediscovery and translation of written evidence.

During the colonial era, young Africans identi ed as having intellectual

promise were sent to study at European universities, where they read
Plato, Aristotle, Kant, Hegel, and other Western philosophers. However,
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the result of these was a failure to preserve the history and knowledge
of the localities and surrounding regions.

In later decades, some Western-educated Africans began to engage

directly with African philosophies. In 1910, Congolese philosopher
Stefano Kaoze (c. 1885–1951) described the thought of the Bantu
people pertaining to moral values, knowledge, and God in an essay
entitled “The Psychology of the Bantus” (Bantu is a blanket term for
hundreds of di erent ethnic groups in Central and Southern African that
speak what are referred to as Bantu languages and share many cultural
features)

African philosophy gained popularity in the west when the Belgian

missionary Father Tempels’ book Bantu philosophy was published.
Tempels wrote that the key to Bantu thought was the idea of the vital
force, the source for this vital force is God.

Tempels uses the word ‘force’ as the African equivalent of, but di erent
from the concept of ‘being’, he wrote:

When we think in terms of the concept of 'being' they use the concept
‘force'. Where we see concrete beings, they see concrete forces. When
we say that ‘beings' are di erentiated by their essence or nature, Bantu
say that ‘forces' di er in their essence or nature. They hold that there is
the divine force, celestial or terrestrial forces, human forces, animal
forces or mineral forces.

He then proceeds to draw out its implications within the African world.
He saw the theory as the axis around which African cosmology revolves.
The whole content of African experience of the world, God, spirits and
divinities, ancestors, elders, society etc. were hedged in and
hierarchically accounted for with this concept.

He makes it clear that although god is the originator of all forces, and
wrote:

The Created Universe is centred on man. The present human

generation living on earth is the centre of all humanity, including the
world of the dead.

In summary, he made the following points in his book:

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(a) The nature of the universe to the African is nothing if not the
'universe of forces'.

(b) These 'forces' can weaken or strengthen the 'life force' of the
individual.

(c) In the face of the fact that one's 'life force' can be dangerously
diminished or bene cially enhanced and strengthened, the best course
of action for one is to take care to avoid the diminution of one's 'life
force”.

The point made is that some of these actors diminish 'life force', while
some enhance it. As a consequence the people are cast in the role of
manipulators.

Later African scholars and theologians, such John Mbiti (1931–2019)

and Alexis Kagame (1912–1981), indicated that Tempels was somewhat
inventive in his descriptions and interpretations. They engaged in a more
authentic study of Bantu philosophy, recording and analyzing African
proverbs, stories, art, and music to illuminate what they presented as a
shared worldview. One example of this shared worldview is the Zulu
term ubuntu, which can be translated as “humanity.”

Yoruba Philosophy:

The Yoruba are a prominent ethnic group in Nigeria and other locations
in sub-Saharan Africa. To the Yoruba, life means not merely existence of
physical life, gifted with breath like any other creature ; when the Yoruba
think or speak of life with reference to a person or society the meanings
they attach to it embrace good health, prosperity, longevity, peace and
happiness.

In life, the Yoruba expect to have felicity, well-being and good fortune.
But the prerequisite to these blessings, they believe, is peace. This is
what they call ala a. It is the sum total of all that is good that man may
desire — an undisturbed harmonious life.

Life, as the Yoruba conceive it, can be divided into two categories:

a) life on earth, that is present life.

b) life hereafter, that is after death.
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According to the Yoruba, the elements of a peaceful life are:

1. Joy and happiness

2. Increase in prosperity
3. Ritual devotion and observance of moral values
4. A long life

Nigerian Philosopher Sophie Olúwọlé was a practitioner of Yoruba

philosophy, one of her contributions was the translation of the Odu Ifá,
the oral history concerning the pantheon and divination system of Ifá,
the religion of the Yoruba peoples. Olúwọlé proposed that rúnmìlà, the
high priest featured in the Odu Ifá, was a historical gure and the rst
Yoruba philosopher. She argued that rúnmìlà had an equal claim to
that of Socrates as the founder of philosophy.

She compared the two philosophers and found many similarities

between them. They both placed a primacy on the concepts of virtue
and learning to live in keeping with virtue. Surprisingly, they shared
cosmological views, such as a belief in reincarnation and
predestination.

There were however, some important distinctions between the two,

socrates maintained a contrast between the eternal and unchanging
forms (the idea) and the form in which it manifests in the physical world
(the matter). rúnmìlà, on the other hand believed that matter and ideas
are inseparable. Similarly, while Socrates distinguished the concepts of
good and bad, rúnmìlà held that they are “an inseparable pair”.

Indigenous North American Philosophical thought

Work on Native American philosophy has expanded in recent years,

with many philosophers being Native Americans themselves. Like
African societies, Native American societies also followed an oral
tradition. Therefore, all knowledge of Native American philosophy
mostly comes from these oral traditions such as rituals, ceremonies,
songs and dance.

Any attempt to de ne Indigenous North American philosophical thought

is further complicated by the fact that thousands of distinct societies
have existed on the continent, each with their own ideas about how the
world was created, what are the basic elements of reality, what
constitutes the self, and other metaphysical issues.
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 Still, there are several common things that stand out between them

1. It is common to envision the creative process of the universe as a

form of thought or mental process.
2. It is common to have a source of creation that is plural, either
because several entities participate in creation or because the
process as it unfolds includes many sacred actors stemming from a
First Principle (Father/Mother or Grandfather/Grandmother).
3. The agents of creation are seldom pictured as human, but are
depicted instead as “wakan” (holy), or animal-like (coyote, raven,
great white hare, etc.), or as forces of nature (such as wind/breath).

The Lakota medicine man Lame Deer says about the Great Spirit that it
“is not like a human being. . . . He is a power. That power could be in a
cup of co ee. The Great Spirit is no old man with a beard.”

Winona LaDuke, a contemporary leader from White Earth Anishinabe

land, tells us that:

Native American teachings describe the relations all around— animals,

sh, trees, and rocks—as our brothers, sisters, uncles, and
grandpas. . . .

These relations are honoured in ceremony, song, story, and life that
keep relations close—to bu alo, sturgeon, salmon, turtles, bears,
wolves, and panthers. These are our older relatives—the ones who
came before and taught us how to live.

Contrary to the belief of the European colonisers, who viewed nature as

crude, primitive, wild, untamed and savage, the Native Americans
viewed nature (mountains, lakes, valleys, etc.) as nished beauty.

Events such as the dawn, the day, time and in fact the ow of life in its
totality are seen as sacred and holy events that were gifts from the
gods. In relation to all of these gifts, human beings are expected to be
humble, not arrogant, and to respect other creatures. Humility and a
lack of arrogance are accompanied by a tendency toward simple living,
which reinforces the ideal of non-exploitation of other living creatures. A
consciousness of death also adds to the awareness of the importance
of concentrating on the ethical quality of one’s life as opposed to
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 considerations of quantity of possessions or size of religious edi ces.
“A man’s life is short. Make yours a worthy one,” says Lame Deer.

The Wemi Tali

For the indigenous people, our ecos “the house we live in, our place of
habitation.” extends out to the very boundaries of the great totality of
existence, the Wemi Tali. Many indigenous thinkers have considered
humans part of the Wemi Tali, not separate from it.

Additionally, there are a number of characteristics common to

Indigenous North American metaphysical concepts. Many Native
American peoples, for example, emphasise balance, complementarity,
and exchange between the di erent entities that make up the world.
For instance, the Diné see breath as a fundamental force in nature, with
the exchange of the internal and the external passing through all natural
processes. Similarly, the Zuni note that twins, such as the twin Evening
Star and the Morning Star—both of which are actually Venus – share a
complementary and mirrored existence, serving as a reminder that
there can be multiple manifestations of the same thing in nature.
Additionally, concepts such as gender identity are understood as
animated, non-binary, and non-discrete, such that gender may develop
and change over time.

North American Indigenous peoples also have views of the self that
di er from the European tradition. The Pueblo possess a sense of
personal and community identity shaped by both place and time.
Known as a transformative model of identity, this social identity is
understood to spiral both outward and inward through expanding and
retracting in uences over a certain area of land. Extant petroglyphic
spirals show the migration of a clan outward to the boundaries of its
physical and spiritual territory as well as the inward journey homeward.
These journeys also re ect a temporal component, as they were
coordinated with the cycles of the solstice calendar. Such metaphysical
understandings are re ected in the tendency of many Native American
cultures to build moral and ethical concepts on the idea that human
beings are fundamentally social rather than individual—a “we,” not an
“I.”

Mayan Philosophical thought

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 The Maya rst settled in villages in the area that runs from southern
Mexico through Guatemala and northern Belize around 1500 BCE.
Between 750 and 500 BCE, large city-states arose and established a
trading network. At the height of their civilization, between
approximately 250 CE and 900 CE, the Maya possessed a written
language that appears to have been a combination of an alphabetic/
phonetic language and a pictographic/hieroglyphic language, used not
only by the priesthood but also by the urban elite. This writing appears
on stone slabs, pottery, and sculptures as well as in books called
codices (plural of codex), written on a paper made from tree bark.

The Maya possessed advanced knowledge of mathematics and natural

philosophy. However, following the Spanish conquest of this territory,
Catholic priests burned almost all of the Maya codices as well as their
scienti c and technical manuals (Yucatan Times 2019). In the years that
followed the conquest, the Maya lost their written language. However,
some writings in clay did survive, providing scholars a glimpse into
Maya thought. They implemented a numerical system using symbols
that allowed for representation of very large numbers, and they may
have been the rst to use the number 0 in mathematics. This numerical
system enabled the Maya to gain insights into arithmetic and geometry
that surpassed those of the Egyptians. Their knowledge of astronomy
was so advanced that they could correctly predict the timing of solar
eclipses. Unlike other early civilizations, the Maya had a highly
sophisticated calendar and a unique conception of time.

The Maya calendar: The Maya developed a calendar that tracked

many cycles simultaneously, including the solar year and the “calendar
round,” a period of 52 years. The calendar played a central role in Maya
rituals and sacred celebrations. Astronomical events, in particular the
position of Venus relative to the sun and moon, have been noted to
align with the dates of historical battles, causing some to hypothesise
that the Maya may have scheduled battles to coincide with these
cycles. The Maya placed great importance on customs and rituals
surrounding the solar calendar. Using these calendars, the Maya were
able to record complex histories of their civilisation. The most famous
of these calendars are the Tzolk'in (260-day ritual calendar) and the
Haab' (365-day solar calendar). The combination of these two
calendars formed the Calendar Round.

Ethics and Morality: Mayan philosophy emphasised moral values such

as reciprocity, respect for elders and ancestors, communal solidarity,
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 and reverence for the natural world. Concepts of karma and the
consequences of one's actions in this life and the afterlife were also
present in Mayan thought. Social hierarchies were reinforced through
religious beliefs, with rulers and elites often depicted as divine or semi-
divine gures responsible for maintaining cosmic order.

Rituals and ceremonies: Rituals were central to Mayan religious and

spiritual life, serving to maintain harmony between humans, the
supernatural world, and the cosmos. These rituals were conducted by
specialised priests, known as ah k'ules or shamans, and were deeply
intertwined with Mayan cosmology, mythology, and societal values.
Mayan rituals were performed for various purposes, including
agricultural fertility, celestial events, seasonal changes, rites of passage,
and appeasing or communing with gods and ancestors.

• Bloodletting rituals: Bloodletting was a prominent feature of Mayan

religious practice and was performed to communicate with the gods,
ancestors, and other supernatural beings. Blood was considered a
sacred substance, symbolising the vital essence of life and a potent
medium for connecting with the divine.
• Ceremonial centres: Temples and pyramids served as architectural
representations of the cosmos, with their orientation and layout
aligning with celestial phenomena and mythological narratives. These
spaces were considered portals to the supernatural realm, where
communication with gods and ancestors was facilitated.
• O erings and sacri ces: O erings of food, incense, textiles, jade,
ceramics, and other valuable items were common in Mayan rituals.
• Music and Dance: Dance, music, and theatrical performances were
integral components of Mayan rituals, enhancing the ceremonial
atmosphere and invoking spiritual energies. Dancers adorned with
elaborate costumes and masks enacted mythological narratives,
mimicking the movements of gods, animals, and celestial
bodies.Music, featuring drums, utes, rattles, and other instruments,
accompanied rituals, serving to induce trance states, evoke emotions,
and amplify the sacred experience.
• Calendar based ceremonies: Mayan rituals were often tied to
calendrical cycles, including the Tzolk'in (260-day ritual calendar) and
the Haab' (365-day solar calendar). Important celestial events, such
as solstices, equinoxes, and the movements of Venus, were marked
by elaborate ceremonies, re ecting the Maya's profound
understanding of astronomy and cosmology. Calendar priests played
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 a crucial role in orchestrating these ceremonies, interpreting celestial
omens, and ensuring the alignment of temporal and spiritual realms.

Cosmology for the Mayas: The Maya believed in a cyclical view of

time, where the universe went through repeated cycles of creation and
destruction. They conceived of a multi-layered cosmos, with various
levels representing di erent realms, such as the celestial, terrestrial, and
underworld. The movement of celestial bodies, particularly the sun,
moon, and Venus, played a central role in Mayan cosmology,
in uencing religious rituals, calendars, and agricultural practices.

The Maya had a complex understanding of time. They recognised an

experiential or existential aspect of time—for instance, observing that
disinterest or concentration can elongate or shorten time. The
experience of “awe” was considered particularly important because of
its ability to bring a person into the present moment, increasing their
awareness of the immediate e ect of fundamental forces such as the
energy of the sun and making them more capable of clear thinking,
decision-making, and understanding.

Although the Maya worshipped an array of gods, they believed in a

single godlike force, the sun’s force or energy, called K’in. This force
was understood in terms of the position of the sun relative to the
planets and the moon during di erent periods of the calendar. The king
served as a conduit through which this divine force, the solar energy,
passed to subjects. The Maya also believed that time is the expression
of K’in. The ability of rulers and priests to predict natural events, such
as an eclipse or the coming of spring, and thus seemingly to control
time served to secure the allegiance of their subjects and legitimized
their rule.

Aztec Philosophy

Aztec philosophy, rooted in the rich cultural and intellectual traditions of

the ancient Aztec civilisation, encompassed a complex system of
beliefs, cosmology, ethics, and spirituality. The Aztecs, who ourished
in Mesoamerica from the 14th to the early 16th century, developed a
sophisticated worldview that integrated religious, societal, and cosmic
elements.

Metaphysics for the Aztec civilisation:

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 For the Aztecs, the fundamental and total character of the universe was
captured by the concept of teotl, a godlike force or energy that is the
basis for all reality. They considered this energy to be a sacred source
fuelling all life, actions, and desires as well as the motion and power of
inanimate objects. In this sense, Aztec metaphysics adopted a view of
the world that was pantheistic and monist, meaning that it viewed all
reality as composed of a single kind of thing and that thing was divine
in nature. However, teotl is not an agent or moral force, like the
Abrahamic God, but rather a power or energy that is entirely amoral.

Teotl is not a static substance but a process through which nature

unfolds. It changes continually and develops through time toward an
endpoint or goal, a view that philosophers call teleological. For the
Aztecs, time was not linear but rather cyclical. Thus, even though teotl
tends toward an end point and there is an end of humanity and Earth as
we know it, from the point of view of the universe, this is part of a cycle,
just like leaves fall from trees before winter. Moreover, because teotl is
both the matter from which everything in the universe is made and the
force by which things are created, change, and move, it is an all-
encompassing, dynamic, and immanent force within nature. Teotl has
three di erent shapes, aspects, or manifestations, each with di erent
characteristics, including di erent motions, powers, and goals. These
three aspects of teotl have been assigned metaphorical positions
related to weaving, aligning an important cultural practice of the Aztecs
with their conception of fundamental reality.

Epistemology for the Aztecs:

Aztec epistemology understood the concept of knowledge and truth as

“well-rootedness.” To say that someone knows or understands the truth
is to say that they are well-grounded or stably founded in reality. The
Aztecs understood truth not in reference to some belief or proposition
of reality but as a property of one’s character when one is well-
grounded. Being well-grounded means understanding the ways reality
presents itself and being capable of acting according to what reality
dictates. Being well-rooted in reality allows one to grow and develop,
following the metaphor of a plant that is able to thrive because of its
well-rootedness in the soil. This concept has both an epistemological
aspect (relating to knowledge) and an ethical aspect (providing the
means by which people may ourish).
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Conclusion

It is clear that studying the philosophy of indigenous people can be

rewarding, for it o ers valuable insights into alternative world views,
ethical systems, and approaches to understanding the human
experience and the natural world, enabling us to learn about the
diversity of perspectives, environmental wisdom and a historical as well
as a cultural understanding of indigenous people.
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