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NATURE AND CULTURE
Objects, disciplines and the Manchester Museum
SAMUEL J. M. M. ALBERTI
Nature and culture
 Nature and culture
Objects, disciplines and the
Manchester Museum

Samuel J. M. M. Alberti

Manchester University Press

Manchester
Copyright © J. M. M. Alberti 2009

The right of J. M. M. Alberti to be identified as the author of this work has been
asserted by him in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.

Published by Manchester University Press

Altrincham Street, Manchester M1 7JA, UK

www.manchesteruniversitypress.co.uk

British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data is available

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available

ISBN 978 0 7190 8903 9 paperback

First published by Manchester University Press in hardback 2009

The publisher has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLs for any external or
third-party internet websites referred to in this book, and does not guarantee that any content
on such websites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.
For Fay, Millie and Jacob
 Contents

List of figures page ix

Acknowledgements xii
List of abbreviations xiii

Introduction: museum historiographies 1

Museums and disciplines 2
The lives of objects 4
1 Prologue: the Manchester Natural History Society 10
The Museum on Peter Street 12
Visitors and staff 17
Transfer and dissolution 19
2 Nature: scientific disciplines in the museum 31
Unified nature 1887–1910 32
Expanding collections 1910–50 38
Nature dislocated 1950–90 43
Conclusion: cultural cartography and the museum 52
3 Culture: artefacts and disciplinary formation 64
Culture precipitated 1890–1927 65
Nature and culture distinguished 1927–69 72
Culture consolidated 1969–90 77
Conclusion: shaping disciplines 79
4 Acquisition: collecting networks and the museum 91
Foundation and empire 92
The economy of donation 95
Value for money? 100
The museum and the field 104
Transfers and loans 107
Conclusion: the politics of acquisition 110
5 Practice: technique and the lives of objects in the collection 123
Preparing and conserving 124
Recording and cataloguing 131
viii Contents

Storing and displaying 136

Conclusion: towards a history of museum practice 143
6 Visitors: audiences and objects 153
Organising the visitor 157
Educating the visitor 161
Town and gown 163
Involving the visitor 168
The visitor experience 171
Conclusion: expanding the history of museums 177
7 Conclusion: the museum in the twentieth century 189

Bibliography 196
Index 229
 List of figures

1.1 John Leigh Philips (1761–1814). (Reproduced by kind permission

of Manchester Central Library Archives and Local Studies.) 11
1.2 Victorian Manchester. (Detail from the Weekly Despatch, 1857;
graphics courtesy of Stephen Devine.) 14
1.3 The museum of the Manchester Natural History Society, Peter Street,
c.1865. (Reproduced by kind permission of Manchester Central
Library Archives and Local Studies.) 15
1.4 Thomas Huxley’s original sketch of the ideal arrangement of a natural
history museum, later published in ‘Suggestions for a proposed natural
history museum in Manchester’, Report of the Proceedings of the Museums
Association, 7 (1896), 126–31. (Manchester Museum Central Archive,
University of Manchester.) 21
1.5 Alfred Waterhouse’s conception of the Manchester Museum on
Oxford Road, 1882. (Courtesy of the Whitworth Art Gallery,
University of Manchester.) 23
2.1 Ground floor plan of Owens College in 1890. (From E. Fiddes,
Chapters in the History of Owens College and of Manchester University,
1851–1914 (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1937).) 33
2.2 The Museum staff in 1898. (Manchester Museum Central Archive,
University of Manchester.) 35
2.3 The Museum’s classification scheme after the 1912–13 extensions.
(From W. M. Tattersall, General Guide to the Collections in the
Manchester Museum (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1915).) 41
2.4 The arrangement of the Museum in 1941. (From G. H. Carpenter,
A Short Guide to the Manchester Museum, ed. R. U. Sayce
(Manchester: Manchester University Press, revised edn, 1941).) 43
2.5 The front entrance of the Museum in the 1927 extension. (From
G. H. Carpenter, Guide to the Manchester Museum, ed. R. U. Sayce
(Manchester: Manchester University Press, revised edn, 1948).) 44
2.6 The Museum staff in 1934. (Manchester Museum Central Archive,
University of Manchester.) 48
x List of figures

3.1 Plan of the first floor of the Museum after the 1912–13 extensions.
(From W. M. Tattersall, General Guide to the Collections in the
Manchester Museum (Manchester: Manchester University Press,
1915).) 67
3.2 Margaret Murray of University College London and members of
the Manchester Museum and Victoria University staff unwrap the
remains of Khnum-Nakht, 1908. (Manchester Museum Central
Archive, University of Manchester.) 69
3.3 Extensions to the Museum in 1913. (Manchester Museum Central
Archive, University of Manchester.) 70
3.4 ‘O! Osiris, Live Forever’ touring exhibition poster, 1980. (Manchester
Museum Central Archive, University of Manchester.) 80
4.1 Postcard of the first floor gallery in 1911. (Manchester Museum
Central Archive, University of Manchester.) 96
4.2 The arrangement of the Museum in 1970. (From Guide to the
Manchester Museum (Stockport: Dean, 1970).) 98
4.3 The Egyptology gallery under construction, 1911. (Manchester
Museum Central Archive, University of Manchester.) 102
4.4 Vivarist Jim Whitworth and members of the Belle Vue Zoo staff,
c.1970. (Manchester Museum Central Archive, University of
Manchester.) 105
5.1 An unidentified man (probably the taxidermist Harry Brazenor)
riding the newly-installed sperm whale, 1898. (Manchester Museum
Central Archive, University of Manchester.) 126
5.2 Archaeologist Mary Shaw and technician Harry Spencer, c.1937.
(Manchester Museum Central Archive, University of Manchester.) 128
5.3 Cleaning a badger, 1988. (Courtesy of Roy Garner. Manchester
Museum Central Archive, University of Manchester.) 131
5.4 Electric lighting in the Museum, 1898. (From W. E. Hoyle, ‘The
electric light installation in the Manchester Museum’, Report of the
Proceedings of the Museums Association, 9 (1898), 95–105.) 139
6.1 The Manchester Museum staff in 1987. (Manchester Museum
Central Archive, University of Manchester.) 158
6.2 Schoolchildren in the entrance hall, 1973. (Manchester Museum
Central Archive, University of Manchester.) 164
6.3 The Manchester Museum in its urban context, c.1925. (Reproduced
by kind permission from the University of Manchester Image
Library.) 167
6.4 A school group in the Museum classroom, c.1980. (Manchester
Museum Central Archive, University of Manchester.) 174
6.5 Drawing birds on the gallery, c.1950. (Manchester Museum
Central Archive, University of Manchester.) 175
List of figures xi

7.1 The Manchester Museum frontage on Oxford Road, 2003.

(Reproduced by kind permission from the University of
Manchester Image Library.) 190
7.2 The new Manchester Museum entrance, opened in 2003.
(Reproduced by kind permission from the University of
Manchester Image Library.) 194
 Acknowledgements

For most of the three years spent preparing this book I was in and around the
Manchester Museum, and my first debt of gratitude is to all my colleagues there,
past and present, for their unstinting enthusiasm and tireless responses to my
queries. Among those who were especially helpful and supportive were George
Bankes, George Fildes (for his invaluable notes), Piotr Bienkowski, Pete Brown,
Malcolm Chapman, Stephen Devine, Karen Exell, David Gelsthorpe, Andrew
Gray, David Green, Suzanne Grieve, Dmitri Logunov, Maria Kostoglou, Lindsey
Loughtman, Bernadette Lynch, Henry McGhie, Rebecca Machin, Phil Manning,
Nick Merriman, John Miller, Irit Narkiss, Phyllis Stoddart, Joyce Tyldesley and
Leander Wolstenholme. I would like to thank all the participants in the oral history
project Re-Collecting at the Manchester Museum, including Roy Garner, Tom Goss,
Keith Sugden and especially John and Kay Prag. Kostas Arvanitis, Louise Tythacott
and the PhD students provided a warm and convivial environment at the Centre
for Museology. Elsewhere in the University, I am grateful to Heather Birchall, Jane
Naylor, John Rowcroft and especially John Pickstone. Tristram Besterman and
Helen Rees Leahy believed in this project from its inception and have supported
it ever since. The manuscript was completed while on research leave generously
funded by the Wellcome Trust.
Further afield, I benefited from the help of David Allen, Sophie Forgan, Kate Hill,
Andrew Schofield at the North West Sound Archive, Emilene Coventry (who read
the whole thing) and Chris Whitehead. Thanks also to Manchester University Press
and to six anonymous reviewers. My final and most heartfelt gratitude is to all the
assorted Albertis, especially my parents and my brothers. But it is to my wife and
children, Fay, Millie and Jacob, that I dedicate the book that they have lived with for
so long.
 List of abbreviations

BM(NH) British Museum (Natural History), now the Natural History Museum
CNH Manchester Natural History Society series, MMCA
GMC Greater Manchester Council
HMSO Her/His Majesty’s Stationery Office
LEA local education authority
Lit and Phil [Manchester] Literary and Philosophical Society
MCL Manchester Central Library
MMCA Manchester Museum Central Archive
MMCM Manchester Museum Committee Minutes, MMCA
MMR Manchester Museum Reports, MMCA
MNHS Manchester Natural History Society
NASA [United States] National Aeronautics and Space Administration
NWSA North West Sound Archive
RVUM Annual Reports of the Victoria University of Manchester, UMA
UMA University of Manchester Archives, John Rylands University Library
ZAC Directors’ correspondence, Manchester Museum Zoology Archive
 Introduction: museum historiographies

There have been histories of museums for as long as there have been museums.
Renaissance collectors described their cabinets of curiosities in print to augment
their collections and enhance their own fame.1 Together with narratives penned by
travellers who visited them, these texts became intimately bound up with the col-
lections. In the centuries that followed, curators of the museums that absorbed the
Wunderkammern continued to account for their provenance. When the Glasgow
bibliophile and archaeologist David Murray set out to list this literature at the turn
of the nineteenth century, it took him seven years. His Museums: Their History and
Their Use (1904) remains the most comprehensive work of its kind – the ‘charter
text’ of museum history.2
Murray’s timing was no accident. Museums in Europe and North America
were then at their largest and most powerful. New buildings were bigger and more
numerous than ever before; objects flooded into them at an unprecedented rate;
and thanks to an increasingly public focus, more people visited them than ever
before. In 1890, at the crest of this wave, the Manchester Museum opened its doors
as the grand centrepiece of Owens College, later the University of Manchester. This
book is an account of the Museum’s first 100 years. As such, it follows the tradi-
tion of single-institution histories that Murray listed, which has blossomed in the
intervening century.3 However, Nature and Culture is also an experiment in museum
historiography: using one particular institution as a methodological prism, I refract
several distinct techniques in writing museum history to illuminate twentieth-
century sites for display more generally.
Between 1950 and 1990, alongside the learned studies of individual museums,
there emerged a number of different ways of studying collections more synthetically.
The collections, staff and architecture all provided fruitful topics for historical analy-
sis, often (but by no means always) written by those working within museums.4 But
it was from the emerging field of museum studies in the early 1990s that the history
of museums reached a coherent maturity. Eilean Hooper-Greenhill, Susan Pearce
and Tony Bennett replaced earlier progressive historiographies with accounts of
the multiple genealogies of collecting and collections, variously informed by struc-
turalism, post-structuralism and post-colonialism.5 Museums were cast as political
2 Nature and culture

instruments, machines for making meaning and imposing particular behaviours on

their visitors. These approaches have been developed and refined by art historians,
cultural theorists, anthropologists and historians of science.6
In the chapters that follow I apply existing museum historiographies to new ter-
ritory, I enrol methods from elsewhere, and I propose novel techniques. These are
adumbrated in this introduction, then applied to the Manchester Museum in the
chapters that follow. But why choose this particular institution? And, indeed, why
study a museum at all? Too often museologists take the latter for granted. It stands
reiterating that museums play a very particular role in the production and consump-
tion of Western knowledge, in the elucidation of identity and the organisation of
material culture. We should always compare the museum as a site for the production
of knowledge with the laboratory, the lecture hall and the field; and as a site for infor-
mal consumption with the theatre, the concert hall, the garden and the mass media.
Furthermore, comparisons should be made not only between sites, but also across
time. We have by now a clear understanding of the shifts in the function and role of the
museum from its origins in the sixteenth century to its apogee at the end of the nine-
teenth, but we know far less about the fate of museums in the last eighty years or so.
The Manchester Museum is an ideal candidate for understanding cultures of
display in twentieth-century Britain. Founded and articulated at the fin de siècle,
as a sizeable urban museum it is big enough to be significant but not so large as
to be unrepresentative. It is an accredited museum, indicating a professional level
of collections management and public service. Its collections are designated, and
therefore of international importance. And at the time of writing the Museum is
part of the North-West England ‘hub’, demonstrating its history of political clout
and regional leadership.7 It boasts ancient mummies, exotic (dead) quadrupeds and
spectacular (living) reptiles. The Manchester Museum is a treasure trove of some
four million priceless objects. It is irreplaceable, unique.
And yet, the Museum is not unique in its uniqueness. By their very nature,
every museum is inimitable, boasting distinctive collections with a singular history.
Rather, the Manchester Museum is ripe for historical analysis because of its similari-
ties with other institutions. It is a university collection, ranking with the Hunterian,
the Pitt Rivers, the Ashmolean, the Sedgwick, the Hancock and the Petrie. It also
functions as a provincial civic museum, alongside those in Glasgow, Birmingham,
Sheffield and Leeds. And its collections are multi-disciplinary, like World Museum
Liverpool, the Horniman and the original elucidation of the British Museum.
Methodological light shone through the prism of the Manchester Museum will
illuminate other collections.

Museums and disciplines

I return to this multi-disciplinarity throughout this book. My title, Nature and
Culture, reflects the central theme – how nature and culture are constructed,
Introduction: museum historiographies 3

reinforced and differentiated with objects in museums.8 This is especially explicit

in the first half of the book, which looks at the history of the Manchester Museum
through disciplinary construction and development. For the disciplines that we
take for granted as units of knowledge production in Western academia are not
stable, coherent and eternal, but rather they are fluid, contingent groupings.9 They
have commonly been studied as conceptual and political enterprises, but they are
also material entities. As Simon Knell writes, ‘Natural scientists, archaeologists and
art historians, in some respects, share a similar engagement with objects: they build
whole subjects from material things.’10 Disciplines are constructed with buildings,
tools, and objects of study; which fabric not only signals change but can also retard
it. The investment in huge apparatus characteristic of twentieth-century physics, for
example, is indicative of the maturing status of particular fields, but it also imbued
them with a kind of inertia. Museums, with their massive collections, accumulate
material culture like no other institution. The museum’s role in the construction of
disciplines, I will argue in the chapters that follow, is distinct in interesting ways.
The Manchester Museum opened as distinctions were being drawn between
different sciences by men like Thomas Huxley, biologist, statesman and champion
of Charles Darwin. Huxley’s protégé, the geologist William Boyd Dawkins, was the
first curator of the Manchester Museum, appointed by Owens College to transfer
and arrange the collections of the Manchester Natural History Society (MNHS)
that the College had acquired in 1868. Chapter 1 is devoted to the story of the
Society and its collections, the Victorian prologue to the main feature. It traces
the development of the collection from a private cabinet to its grand neo-Grecian
premises in the centre of industrialising Manchester. It sketches out the differ-
ent categories within the collection, laying the groundwork for chapters 2 and 3,
and introduces those who worked in and visited it, whose stories are taken up in
chapters 5 and 6.
William Boyd Dawkins’s arrival in Manchester prompted an auction of many of
the more exotic specimens in the Natural History Society’s ‘curiosities’ gallery, an
event that marked a gear shift in the disciplinary divisions within the collections.
He replaced what he saw as an absurd miscellany with a continuous sequence, from
palaeontology through archaeology to zoology and botany. Over the following
decades, in Manchester as elsewhere, specialist disciplinary communities gradually
crystallised around particular objects. For disciplines in museums were enacted
not only in the material culture of the collections, but also through personnel and
administrative structures. This specialist precipitation was contingent and uneven,
and the disciplinary landscape did not necessarily match the divisions on the galler-
ies. Rather, disciplines were contested, flexible and overlapping – one object could
be claimed by different specialists. Chapter 2 maps out this gradual unravelling of
Dawkins’s continuous sequence within the Museum. It accounts for the ascendance
of zoology as the Museum’s driving political and intellectual force (cemented by
developments in evolutionary thought and the significance of prominent endeavours
4 Nature and culture

such as economic entomology). As museums generally declined in prestige as sites

for the production of natural knowledge from the mid-century, I chart the increas-
ing distance (conceptual and physical) between the Museum’s collections and their
cognate academic departments.
In studying disciplines within and outside museums, the historian reveals not
only distinctions but also hierarchies. Just as there were shifting relations of prestige
between laboratory, field and museum, so within museums, different collections
were afforded particular status at different times – dependent not only on the
wider intellectual climate but also on funding, staffing and modes of display. At the
bottom of this hierarchy at the Manchester Museum’s inception were the ‘historical’
collections, comprising a handful of artefacts that had survived Dawkins’s auction
and some ancient Egyptian material on loan. From such humble beginnings,
chapter 3 reveals the emergence of distinct and valued collections of anthropology,
Egyptology and archaeology. Although never quantitatively significant, anthropo-
genic material nevertheless came to dominate the Museum’s practice and public face.
Chapter 3 accounts for the disciplinary and material distinction between nature and
culture, enacted through objects, specialist appointments and new buildings.
What emerges in the first half of this book, then, is a map. As Ken Arnold writes,
museums were ‘used to define where one discipline ended and another began, and
indeed how they fitted together – which next to which’.11 The language of territo-
rialism pervades discussions of disciplinarity – we speak of ‘fields’, of provinces of
knowledge, of ‘charting’ terrain.12 Nature and Culture explores the place of different
collections in the administrative and spatial layout of the museum. Where were
different groups of artefacts and curators located, I ask – how were they arranged,
and were such grammars of display shared between disciplines? The history of col-
lections is a shifting intellectual topography involving both tangible and intangible
factors: not only the location and classification of objects within the collection, but
also the training and outlook of keepers. Just as on a political map nations build
borders and sign treaties, so on the landscape of the museum curators construct
boundaries and ally themselves with different disciplines. ‘Cultural cartography is
not idle play with Venn diagrams’, argues its arch-proponent Thomas Gieryn, ‘maps
of science give definitions of situations real in their consequences, both for those
who rely on them and those who draw them.’13 The topography of knowledge is
messy, contested and fragmented. To exploit the cartographical metaphor: disci-
plines have jagged borders, contingent cartographies and internal border disputes.

The lives of objects

The second half of this book shifts the focus from topography to objects. It draws
on the work of sociologists, anthropologists and historians of science who have
studied the social lives of things.14 Moving on from disciplines, chapters 4, 5 and 6
explore the history of the Manchester Museum through the trajectories of objects
Introduction: museum historiographies 5

and, especially, the relationships they form with people and with other things.
Material culture is thus afforded a metaphorical ‘life’ or ‘career’. As Igor Kopytoff
has suggested, we can ask of objects questions similar to those we raise when writing
biographies of people.15 What are the key moments in the career of these things?
How has their status changed over the course of their lives – what have been their
significant ‘ages’? How has the political and social climate impacted on their trajec-
tories? To study object biographies in this way is particularly fruitful in the museum
context, not only because so many museum objects have exotic provenances, from
far away or long ago, but also because we can learn so much from the lives of the
most common of specimens.
Elsewhere I have asked these questions of specific objects from the Museum.16
Here, by contrast, I explore the processes enacted upon objects and the commu-
nities that carried them out along the general lifespans of the Museum’s things.
They begin outside the collection, of course, at the point of collection, at which
time objects are dislocated from their original contexts, whether South American
jungle, Egyptian tomb, or Derbyshire cave. Chapter 4 traces the routes by which
objects were taken from these sources and brought to the Manchester Museum,
and the motives of those involved.17 Whereas other studies have profitably analysed
museum acquisition quantitatively and geographically, I use exchange theory to
propose a fivefold typology of acquisition: by gift, purchase, fieldwork, transfer or
loan.18 In each case I discuss the kinds of objects that arrived by these routes and
how the people involved changed over time. Wealthy amateur collectors bought
exotic specimens at auction; a museum entomologist hurried insects out of Soviet-
occupied Vienna; university archaeologists excavated local ‘rescue’ sites. This way
of studying the history of museums firmly links them to other spaces for collecting
and display, including zoos and menageries, even when curators were seeking to
distinguish museums from such tawdry places. From there and elsewhere objects
experienced multiple exchanges on their way to the collection. They were ren-
dered (ostensibly) inalienable by gift or commoditised by purchase. They brought
with them traces of those involved in their trajectory, different people’s identities
wrapped up in their meanings.
But the careers of objects did not terminate once they were absorbed into col-
lections. Far from it: many specimens were subject to considerable change and
movement subsequent to their arrival at the Museum. Too often, object biogra-
phers ignore these afterlives, and I want to correct this in chapter 5 with an inno-
vative attention to the history of museum practice. For museum collections are
organic: (mostly) growing, (sometimes) shrinking and changing over time through
accession and de-accession, new buildings and gallery renewal. I focus here on
the practices enacted upon objects within the Museum and the communities of
practitioners responsible. Like its predecessor, chapter 5 is not arranged chrono-
logically but rather thematically. From the range of different things that happen
to museum objects I have identified three clusters of processes – physical, textual
6 Nature and culture

and exhibitionary. Conservation and conservators, catalogues and cataloguers,

exhibitions and their designers are the subject of this chapter, which also recognises
the vast majority of items that were never displayed. Museum storage emerges as a
surprisingly lively topic for historical analysis.
Those objects that were on display were viewed and used by diverse audiences,
and the final chapter is devoted to the ways in which the Manchester Museum staff
engaged with these visitors: who they were, and how they used and responded
to the collections. Techniques for audience engagement and/or control ranged
from guidebooks to lectures to temporary exhibitions, and served to construct the
Museum’s addressee, its ideal visitor. The Manchester Museum’s ambiguous status
as a university collection with civic responsibilities is made explicit in chapter 6, and
the diversity of the audiences become apparent. Lofty museum directors and lowly
conservators populate earlier chapters – here we meet the schoolchildren, univer-
sity students and museum volunteers who consumed, justified and contributed to
the fruits of their museological labours. For the meanings of things varied not only
over time and between sites but also according to who was viewing them. An object
on display had relationships not only with other items and with its collectors but
also with its audiences. These relationships are historically and culturally contin-
gent, and never one-way. However didactic and interpreted an exhibition, visitors
brought their own meanings and reactions to the Museum, and engaged not only
with sight but also by listening, talking and touching. Shifts in visitor constituencies
and in the ways they viewed things meant that museum objects (and the distinctions
between them) were never stable. This chapter contributes to the burgeoning study
of museum audiences, both historical and contemporary, in an effort to explore not
only collectors and curators but also visitors; to understand not only how objects
arrived at the Manchester Museum and what happened to them within the collec-
tion but also their use.19 Visitors breathed new life into objects.
These later chapters trace the processes enacted upon objects. They share with
the first half of the book an attention to what material culture means to different
people. Nature and Culture is a study of the distinctions drawn between different
things, how different processes changed their meanings over time, and the diverse
people who gave them these values. It is a study of the construction of nature and
culture on display.

Notes
1 K. Arnold, Cabinets for the Curious: Looking Back at Early English Museums (Aldershot:
Ashgate, 2006); P. Findlen, Possessing Nature: Museums, Collecting, and Scientific Culture
in Early Modern Italy (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994); A. MacGregor,
Curiosity and Enlightenment: Collectors and Collections from the Sixteenth to the Nineteenth
Century (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2007); K. Pomian, Collectors and Curiosities:
Paris and Venice, 1500–1800, trans. E. Wiles-Portier (Cambridge: Polity, 1990).
Introduction: museum historiographies 7

2 R. Starn, ‘A Historian’s brief guide to new museum studies’, The American Historical
Review, 110 (2005), 68–98, p. 3; P. Findlen, ‘Mr. Murray’s Cabinet of Wonder’, in D.
Murray, Museums: Their History and Their Use, 2 vols, vol. 1 (Staten Island: Pober,
reprinted edn, 2000), pp. i–xii; Murray, Museums: Their History and Their Use, 3 vols
(Glasgow: MacLehose, 1904); cf. J. R. von Schlosser, Die Kunst- und Wunderkammern
der Spätrenaissance: Ein Beitrag zur Geschichte des Sammelwesens (originally published
1908; Leipzig: Braunschweig, amended edn, 1978).
3 Volumes that have been especially useful here include C. Gosden and F. Larson, Knowing
Things: Exploring the Collections at the Pitt Rivers Museum 1884–1945 (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 2007); L. Keppie, William Hunter and the Hunterian Museum in Glasgow,
1807–2007 (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2007); S. Moser, Wondrous
Curiosities: Ancient Egypt at the British Museum (Chicago: University of Chicago Press,
2006); W. T. Stearn, The Natural History Museum at South Kensington: A History of the
British Museum (Natural History) 1753–1980 (London: Heinemann, 1981); D. M.
Wilson, The British Museum: A History (London: British Museum, 2002). Other valuable
works in this expanding genre include E. Crooke, Politics, Archaeology and the Creation
of a National Museum of Ireland: An Expression of National Life (Dublin: Irish Academic
Press, 2000); N. Levell, Oriental Visions: Exhibitions, Travel and Collecting in the Victorian
Age (London: Horniman Museum, 2000); C. Lewis, The Changing Face of Public History:
The Chicago Historical Society and the Transformation of an American Museum (DeKalb:
Northern Illinois University Press, 2005); R. Mason, Museums, Nations, Identities: Wales
and its National Museums (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2007).
4 Important contributions to the history of museums in this period include E. P.
Alexander, Museums in Motion: An Introduction to the History and Functions of Museums
(Nashville: American Association for State and Local History, 1979); R. D. Altick, The
Shows of London: A Panoramic History of Exhibitions, 1600–1862 (Cambridge, Mass.:
Belknap, 1978); N. Pevsner, A History of Building Types (London: Thames and Hudson,
1976); A. S. Wittlin, The Museum, its History and its Tasks in Education (London:
Routledge, 1949).
5 T. Bennett, The Birth of the Museum: History, Theory, Politics (London and New
York: Routledge, 1995); E. Hooper-Greenhill, Museums and the Shaping of Knowledge
(London: Routledge, 1992); S. M. Pearce, Museums, Objects and Collections: A Cultural
Study (Leicester: Leicester University Press, 1992); cf. P. Vergo (ed.), The New Museology
(London: Reaktion, 1989).
6 J. Abt, ‘Disciplining museum history’, Museums and Galleries History Group Newsletter, 4
(2007), 2–3; e.g. B. J. Black, On Exhibit: Victorians and Their Museums (Charlottesville:
University Press of Virginia, 2000); S. Conn, Museums and American Intellectual Life,
1876–1926 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1998); C. Duncan, Civilizing Rituals:
Inside Public Art Museums (London: Routledge, 1995); J. V. Pickstone, ‘Museological
science? The place of the analytical/comparative in 19th-Century science, technology
and medicine’, History of Science, 32 (1994), 111–38; Pickstone, Ways of Knowing: A
New History of Science, Technology and Medicine (Manchester: Manchester University
Press, 2000).
7 The UK Museum Accreditation scheme is run by the Museums, Libraries and Archives
Council (MLA), a non-departmental public body, to set standards in collections
8 Nature and culture

management, governance and access. The Museum Designation Scheme, also run by
MLA, identifies collections of international and national importance in non-national
museums. Regional Museum Hubs coordinate the ‘Renaissance in the Regions’ funding
scheme for English provincial museums. MLA, The Museum Accreditation Scheme
(London: MLA, 2004); MLA, A Pocket Guide to Renaissance (London: MLA, 2006).
8 As such, it borrows from the chapter structure of R. E. Kohler, All Creatures: Naturalists,
Collectors, and Biodiversity, 1850–1950 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2006).
Kohler, however, is differentiating between the subject and practice of natural history
collecting. Cf. S. J. M. M. Alberti, ‘Culture and nature: the place of anthropology in the
Manchester Museum’, Journal of Museum Ethnography, 19 (2006), 7–21; E. R. Leach,
Culture and Nature; or, La Femme Sauvage: The Stevenson Lecture (London: Bedford
College, 1969); and the journal Nature and Culture (2006–).
9 On the history of disciplines, see T. Becher and P. R. Trowler, Academic Tribes and
Territories: Intellectual Enquiry and the Culture of Disciplines (Buckingham: Society for
Research into Higher Education and Open University Press, 2nd edn, 2001); J. Ben-
David, Scientific Growth: Essays in the Social Organization and Ethos of Science (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1991); N. Fisher, ‘The classification of the sciences’, in R.
C. Olby et al. (eds), Companion to the History of Modern Science (London: Routledge,
1990), pp. 853–68; J. Golinski, Making Natural Knowledge: Constructivism and the
History of Science (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2nd edn, 2005); G. Lemaine
(ed.), Perspectives on the Emergence of Scientific Disciplines (The Hague: Mouton, 1976);
E. Messer-Davidow et al. (eds), Knowledges: Historical and Critical Studies in Disciplinarity
(Charlottesville: University Press of Virginia, 1993); J. V. Pickstone, ‘Science in nine-
teenth-century England: plural configurations and singular politics’, in M. J. Daunton
(ed.), The Organisation of Knowledge in Victorian Britain (Oxford: Oxford University
Press, 2005), pp. 29–60; R. Stichweh, ‘The sociology of scientific disciplines: on the
genesis and stability of the disciplinary structure of modern science’, Science in Context, 5
(1992), 3–15. On disciplines in art galleries and museums, see C. Gosden and F. Larson,
Knowing Things. Exploring the Collection at the Pitt Rivers Museum 1884–1945 (Oxford:
Oxford University Press, 2007); Larson, ‘Anthropological landscaping: General Pitt
Rivers, the Ashmolean, the University Museum and the shaping of an Oxford disci-
pline’, Journal of the History of Collections, 20 (2008), 85–100; D. Preziosi, Brain of the
Earth’s Body: Art, Museums and the Phantasms of Modernity (Minneapolis: University of
Minnesota Press, 2003); C. Whitehead, Museums and the Construction of Disciplines: Art
and Archaeology in Nineteenth-Century Britain (London: Duckworth, 2009).
10 S. J. Knell, ‘Museums, reality and the material world’, in Knell (ed.), Museums in the
Material World (London: Routledge, 2007), pp. 1–28, p. 7.
11 Arnold, Cabinets for the Curious, p. 239.
12 On the historical geography of science, see e.g. D. A. Finnegan, ‘The spatial turn: geo-
graphical approaches in the history of science’, Journal of the History of Biology 41 (2007),
369–88; D. N. Livingstone, Putting Science in its Place: Geographies of Scientific Knowledge
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2003); S. Naylor (ed.), ‘Historical Geographies
of Science’, special issue, British Journal for the History of Science 38 (2005), 1–100.
13 T. F. Gieryn, Cultural Boundaries of Science: Credibility on the Line (Chicago: University
of Chicago Press, 1999), p. 12; see also Gieryn, ‘What buildings do’, Theory and Society,
Introduction: museum historiographies 9

31 (2002), 35–74; S. L. Star and J. R. Griesemer, ‘Institutional ecology, “translations”

and boundary objects: amateurs and professionals in Berkeley’s Museum of Vertebrate
Zoology, 1907–39’, Social Studies of Science, 19 (1989), 387–420.
14 S. J. M. M. Alberti, ‘Objects and the museum’, Isis, 96 (2005), 559–71; A. Appadurai (ed.),
The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1986); L. Daston (ed.), Biographies of Scientific Objects (Chicago:
Chicago University Press, 2000); Daston (ed.), Things that Talk: Object Lessons from Art
and Science (New York: Zone, 2004); S. H. Riggins (ed.), The Socialness of Things: Essays
on the Socio-Semiotics of Objects (Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter, 1994).
15 I. Kopytoff, ‘The cultural biography of things: commoditization as process’, in Appadurai
(ed.), The Social Life of Things, pp. 64–91.
16 S. J. M. M. Alberti, ‘Molluscs, mummies and moon rock: the Manchester Museum and
Manchester science’, Manchester Region History Review 18 (2007), 108–32.
17 N. Aristides, ‘Calm and uncollected’, American Scholar, 57 (1988), 327–36; R. W.
Belk, Collecting in a Consumer Society (London: Routledge, 1995); J. Elsner and R.
Cardinal (eds), The Cultures of Collecting (London: Reaktion, 1994); W. Muensterberger,
Collecting: An Unruly Passion: Psychological Perspectives (Princeton: Princeton University
Press, 1994); S. M. Pearce, On Collecting: An Investigation into Collecting in the European
Tradition (London: Routledge, 1995).
18 N. Thomas, Entangled Objects: Exchange, Material Culture, and Colonialism in the
Pacific (Cambridge, Mass: Harvard University Press, 1991); A. B. Weiner, Inalienable
Possessions: The Paradox of Keeping-While-Giving (Berkeley: University of California
Press, 1992). On the ‘Relational Museum’ project at the Pitt Rivers Museum, which
employed a more quantitative approach, see Gosden and Larson, Knowing Things;
Larson et al., ‘Social networks and the creation of the Pitt Rivers Museum’, Journal of
Material Culture, 12 (2007), 211–39.
19 On contemporary visitor studies, see e.g. E. Hooper-Greenhill, ‘Studying visitors’, in
S. Macdonald (ed.), A Companion to Museum Studies (Oxford: Blackwell, 2006), pp.
362–76; on the history of visiting, see for example S. J. M. M. Alberti, ‘The museum
affect: visiting collections of anatomy and natural history’, in A. Fyfe and B. Lightman
(eds), Science in the Marketplace: Nineteenth-Century Sites and Experiences (Chicago:
University of Chicago Press, 2007), pp. 371–403.
 1

Prologue: the Manchester Natural History

Society

Like many large European collections, the origins of the Manchester Museum are
to be found in a private cabinet: that of John Leigh Philips (1761–1814; see figure
1.1). Philips was involved in textile manufacturing as a partner in his family-based
firm, and served in the First Battalion of the Manchester and Salford Volunteers as
Lieutenant Colonel.1 The range of objects gathered by Philips and his contemporar-
ies in the eighteenth-century provinces cannot be categorised using modern disci-
plinary parameters. He collected voraciously: paintings, prints, etchings, books and
insects. He juxtaposed natural objects and antiquities, fine art and printed material,
demonstrating the diversity of natural history. Philips set out his collections in his
home at Mayfield near Manchester, there to welcome esteemed visitors, who in turn
conferred status upon him and his cabinet.2 He was well connected to regional and
national-scale networks, joining the Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society
(the ‘Lit and Phil’) upon its foundation in 1781, maintaining a lifelong friendship
with Joseph Wright of Derby, and corresponding with the renowned botanist James
Edward Smith.3
Philips’s collection was to provide the seed of the Manchester Museum, and in
this prologue I will trace the fate of his cabinet from his death in 1814. It draws to
a close in the 1870s, by which time Philips’s objects had been acquired by Owens
College, the forerunner of the University of Manchester. In charting the biography
of the collection, I begin to explore the spaces, people and objects involved in the
Manchester Museum, whose narratives will be taken up in the chapters that follow.
These stories are played out against the diorama of the bourgeois cultural sphere of
industrial Manchester, in the context of museum development in Britain.
After his death, Philips’s collection was sold at auction for a total of £5,474
15s 3d. His ‘very extensive, valuable, and nearly perfect collection of insects’ in
three mahogany cabinets was purchased by the nonconformist merchant Thomas
Henry Robinson.4 Brother-in-law of the prominent banker Sir Benjamin Heywood,
Robinson was a keen collector himself, having already gathered a considerable
ornithological cabinet. By the early decades of the nineteenth century, however, the
landscape of civic collecting in which Robinson moved was changing. Although
learned groups such as the Lit and Phil had not been especially concerned with
Prologue: the Manchester Natural History Society 11

Figure 1.1 John Leigh Philips (1761–1814).

12 Nature and culture

material culture during Philips’s lifetime, voluntary associations in the 1820s were
more interested in things.5 Increased access to personal collections reflected the
changing status of the home as new notions of ‘private’ and ‘public’ were fashioned.6
The benefits of combined collecting and ownership in addition to (although by no
means instead of) private collecting were apparent to the emerging middle classes
in urban Britain. In other provincial centres such as Sheffield and Newcastle, liter-
ary and philosophical societies began to purchase sizeable private collections. And
so it was to members of the Manchester Lit and Phil that Robinson turned when
bankruptcy and lack of space prompted him to put the Philips’s collection up for
sale once more.
In June 1821 Robinson, by now a bookseller, met with nine other merchants and
professionals in St Ann’s Place in the centre of the city: each of them contributed
£10 and, as the ‘Manchester Society for the Promotion of Natural History’, agreed
to purchase the collections as the nucleus of a museum.7 By the first formal meeting
in August, nineteen others had joined, including the patrons of the new Society:
Sir Oswald Mosley, lord of the manor of Manchester (and grandfather of the fascist
leader), and Lord Stanley, later thirteenth Earl of Derby.8 On 13 September 1821,
shortly after the first meeting, Robinson died, and the following month, the remain-
ing members of the Society paid his family £400 for the Philips cabinet.9 But as
their successors were to find out (see chapter 4 below), posthumous acquisition was
rarely straightforward. Not until early 1822 did Robinson’s father grudgingly hand
over a number of duplicate specimens he had retained on the grounds that they
were not intended to be transferred with the collection.10
As a small group without their own accommodation, the naturalists contem-
plated strategies to ensure their survival. Union with the Lit and Phil was consid-
ered and discounted; an amalgamation with the Royal Manchester Institution
(founded in 1823) was also rejected, ‘on the grounds of incompatibility of princi-
ples’.11 Slowly, however, as the ‘Manchester Natural History Society’ (MNHS), the
naturalists carved out a space in Manchester’s cultural landscape, its remit bordering
but not overlapping the Lit and Phil and the Royal Manchester Institution. From
the 1830s, the MNHS was able to consider expansion rather than amalgamation.
Briefly, in 1841 it declared itself the Manchester and Salford Natural History Society
but in 1844 it adopted ‘The Manchester Natural History Society and Museum’, to
emphasise the strength and grandeur of its new accommodation.

The Museum on Peter Street

Having initially housed the collections in St Ann’s place, rented from Mr Winter, a
member of the Society, in 1824 the MNHS had transferred to more spacious accom-
modation at the top of King Street, later the site of the Reform Club, rented for 150
guineas per annum.12 These rooms were still too small for the growing collections,
however, and members began a campaign to erect their own premises, following the
Prologue: the Manchester Natural History Society 13

lead of the Royal Manchester Institution and other voluntary associations. Their
ultimate success was by no means a foregone conclusion, as many civic collections
elsewhere made do with adapted or shared quarters.13 But after several years of lob-
bying and raising funds, in 1832 the Society secured a plot of 1,200 square yards on
Peter Street where it adjoined with Mount Street, in part of the town whose quieter
residential character was giving way to institutions that would comprise the cultural
counterpoint to the industrial city (see figure 1.2).14 Architectural tenders were
invited the following year, and construction began.15 The new building on Peter
Street, 36 yards wide and 14 yards deep, opened on 18 May 1835 at a total outlay of
around £4,000. The ground floor comprised two large rooms and an entrance hall,
with nine smaller rooms and a gallery upstairs.16
The Peter Street Museum was a grand affair, replete with a pillared façade (see
figure 1.3).17 It was part of the Greek architectural revival in Manchester, echoing
the original town hall on King Street. The Museum also resonated with the Royal
Manchester Institution building on Mosley Street, designed by Charles Barry and
opened in the same year. Both the town hall and the Royal Institution were within
five hundred yards of Peter Street; the last great Grecian building in Manchester was
even closer – the adjacent (indeed, overshadowing) Theatre Royal, completed in
1845. Thereafter, Gothic and Italianate styles dominated, as for example in the 1853
Free Trade Hall on the other side of the Theatre Royal. Juxtaposed with proliferat-
ing mills and the thousand warehouses in the city by 1830, Grecian and Gothic
monuments alike emphasised the cultural sophistication of Manchester’s elite. As
elsewhere in the provinces – such as the royal institutions in Liverpool and Hull –
such buildings proclaimed British cities as heirs of ancient and medieval city-states.
The MNHS building was to expand further in the middle of the century, as it
incorporated the collections of the Manchester Geological Society.18 Founded in
1838, the Geological Society owed its existence to the efforts of Edward W. Binney,
then a young solicitor and keen geologist, who was to be closely involved with the
Lit and Phil. Like the MNHS, a collection was part of the Geological Society’s remit
from the outset, and it soon boasted a considerable fossil cabinet. Its prize speci-
men, an ichthyosaurus found near Whitby, was purchased for the Society in part
by the wealthy Unitarian reformer and philanthropist James Heywood, brother of
Benjamin Heywood (see above) and brother-in-law of Robinson. Heywood also
provided accommodation in his house on Mosley Street before the Geological
Society and its collections moved to the nearby Royal Manchester Institution.
By the later 1840s, however, the geologists were declining in membership and
attendance. Following Oswald Mosley’s suggestion that there were too many dif-
ferent scientific societies in Manchester, the two organisations entered into an
uneasy alliance in 1851.19 During the two years it took to transfer the Geological
Society specimens from Mosley Street to Peter Street and incorporate them into the
MNHS geology series, the societies added three further rooms to the back of the
museum building. Nevertheless, the two groups continued to govern themselves
14 Nature and culture

Figure 1.2 Victorian Manchester, showing (1) the Manchester Natural History Society’s
museum on Peter Street, (2) the original Town Hall, (3) the Royal Manchester Institution,
(4) the original site of Owens College on Quay Street and (5) the site of the Owens
College from the 1870s in Chorlton-on-Medlock.
Prologue: the Manchester Natural History Society 15

Figure 1.3 The museum of the Manchester Natural History Society, Peter Street, c.1865.

independently, and they made uncomfortable bedfellows.20 Rows soon erupted

over access to specimens, admission to the museum, and even charges for custody
of umbrellas. They culminated in a bitter dispute over keys to the cases, during
which MNHS Council accused Edward Binney of ‘ungentlemanly and disgusting’
conduct.21 Sharing a space, it seems, did not entail sharing behavioural codes, and
the spat rumbled on until the British Association for the Advancement of Science
meeting in Manchester in 1861 prompted a truce.
The Manchester Geological Society’s collection was only the largest of a series
of acquisitions that extended the original core of Philips’s cabinet to form a large
(if uneven) natural history museum. The small revenue of the MNHS afforded
some purchases, beginning with the bird collection of a local surgeon (which
laid the groundwork for the collection’s subsequent strength in ornithology) and
2,000 minerals and rocks from Joseph Strutt of Derby. According to the Manchester
Guardian, the Society also bought the famed showman William Bullock’s ‘grand
Mexican museum, consisting of birds, fishes, fruit, &c. &c.’22 These early purchases
spurred the generosity of the region’s middle classes, and after the Society accepted
its first donation – a South American Hammock from William Lever – gifts became
the staple source of acquisition.23 Donors included members of the Society or cor-
respondents further afield. And as more specimens entered the collection, some
began to leave. Duplicate specimens were sold or exchanged exploiting a network
of individuals and institutions across the country including the Zoological Society
of London, which promised the carcass of a kangaroo ‘in case of its death, which
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