ASSAMESE LITERATURE

BOARD OF HONORARY EDITORS

Chief Editors
Dr. B. V. Kcskar Prof. M. S. Thacker

GEOGRAPHY Shri S. Basu,

Retired Director General of Observa-
Dr. S. P. Chatterjce, M. Sc., tories &
Treasurer, National Institute
Ph. D. (London), D. Litt. (Paris), of Sciences of India, New Delhi.
University Professor & Head of the
Department of Geography, BOTANY AND AGRICULTURE
University of Calcutta, Calcutta.
Dr. H. Santapau,
Dr. George Kuriyan, Ph. D. (London), Director, Botanical Survey of India,
Director, Calcutta.
Delhi School of Economics, Delhi.
Dr. M. S. Randhawa, D.Sc., F.N. I.,
Special Secretary,
GEOLOGY Ministry of Food & Agriculture,
Dr. D. N. Wadia, F. R. S., New Delhi.
National Professor of Geology & Prof. P. Maheshwari, D.Sc., F.N. I.,
Geological Adviser to Govt, of India, Head of the Department of Botany,
New Delhi. University of Delhi, Delhi.

Dr. M. S. Krishnan, M.A., Ph.D. Dr. B. P. Pal, M. Sc., Ph. D. (Cantab),

(London), F.N.I., F.A.S.C., F.N. I., F.L.S., F.B.S.,
Director, National Geophysical Director, Indian Agricultural Research
Research Institute, Hyderabad. Institute, New Delhi.

ZOOLOGY CULTURE
Dr. M. L. Roonwal, M. Sc., Ph. D. & Dr. Moti Chandra, M. A., Ph.D.
D. Sc. (Cantab), F.N.I., (London),
Director, Director, Prince of Wales Museum
Zoological Survey of India, of Western India, Bombay.
Calcutta. Prof. Nirmal Kumar Bose, F. N. I.,
Director, Anthropological Survey
Dr. Salim Ali, D.Sc., F.N. I.,
of India, Calcutta.
Vice-Chairman,
Bombay Natural History Society, Prof. Vasudeo Sharan Agrawala,
Bombay. Head of the Department of Indology,
Banaras Hindu University, Varanasi.
Prof. B. R. Scshachar, D. Sc., F. N. I.,
F. A.S.C., Dr. S. M. Katrc,
Head of the Department of Zoology, Director, Deccan College Research
Universitv of Delhi, Delhi. Institute, Poona.
Shri A. Ghosh, M. A., Hony. F. S. A.,
METEOROLOGY Director General of Archaeological
Survey of India, New Delhi.
Shri P. R. Krishna Rao,
Director General of Observatories, Shri Uma Shankar Joshi,
Government of India, Meteorological Gujarati Bhasha Sahitya Bhavan,
Department, New Delhi. Ahmedabad.
ASSAMESE LITERATURE

HEM BARUA

NATIONAL BOCK TRUST, INDIA

New Delhi
 First published X959

Rs. 7.50
(16 sh. $2.25)

PUBLISHEr BT THE SECRETARY, NATIONAL BOOK TRUST, INDIA, NEW DELHI -13
AND PRINTED AT NATIONAL PRINTING WORKS 10 DARYAGANJ, DELHI-6
JAWAHARLAL JVEHRU
 FOREWORD
This is the second book in the Scries that the National Book

—
Trust has planned on “India the Land and People”.

The origin of the Series is the result of a discussion that

I had with the Prime Minister, Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru.
late
When I first put the idea before him, he not only heartily
approved it but gave many suggestions for making it more
complete and attractive. It was his opinion that such a Series
of books on India will form a permanent library of knowledge
on every aspect of this country and is sure to make constructive
contribution for national advancement in knowledge and
education.

The Series proposes to cover every aspect of the country

and will deal with its geography, geology, botany, zoology,
agriculture, anthropology, culture, language etc. Its ultimate
aim is to create a kind of comprehensive library of books on
India. We have endeavoured to have the books written by
acknowledged authorities on various subjects and in a scientific
way. Every effort is being made to see that they are easily
understandable by the ordinary educated reader. The factual
knowledge regarding the various subjects concerning India
would be available to any ordinary reader who is not a
specialist and who would like to have a knowledge of the subject
in a relatively simple language.

We have been fortunate in getting the guidance of leading

experts and Scientists in various fields for this Project. In fact
without their active cooperation it would not have been possible
to plan the Series. We are thankful to our Board of Honorary
Editors who are eminent specialists and leaders in their field for
helping us in producing these volumes for the benefit of the
ordinary reader.
4 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

One of the objects of the Series is to make it available in

as many Indian languages as practically possible. The work of
translating them in various languages will be taken up as soon
as the original books are ready. In fact a few volumes might be
originally written in some of the languages.

We have received full support from the Ministry of

Education of the Government of India and the State Govern-
ments. They are lending their help in many ways not the
least by permitting scientists working under them to write for
the Series. I would like to take this opportunity of thanking

them. Without their help it would not have been possible to

undertake this enterprise of national utility.

I am my colleague, Professor M. S. Thacker,

very grateful to
Member Planning Commission, for agreeing to be
of the
co-Chief Editor His enthusiastic collaboration has greatly
.

helped in planning the Series successfully.

B. V. KESKAR
 PREFACE

Barring folk-songs, aphorisms and popular ballads that arc ano-

nymous like the Great Cathedrals of Europe, Assamese literature
had come to acquire its written form under the auspices of pre-
Vaishnava poets of the 13th century. Our ancient literary history
can be broadly divided into two parts: (i) Pre-Vaishnava, from
1200 to 1450 a.d., and («) Vaishnava, from 1450 to 1650 a.d.
It is during the latter period that Assamese literature attained its

meridian splendour; the principal inspiration of this literature

or any other Indian literature was religion. This
like that of art

and the thematic inspiration drawn mainly from Sanskrit sources

show that our ancient literature was essentially pan-Indian in
character.
The subsequent period under the Ahoms was one of historical
known as Buranjis Leaving aside verse, our prose that
literature .

attained a high degree of accomplishment during the 16th century

witnessed a significant enrichment in the chronicle literature of
the Ahoms. Although prose flourished, it did not mean that
poetry received no focus. Besides, the fact that the most
significant works of this generation are translations from Sanskrit,
Gitagovinda , Sakuntala and Hitopodesa shows that the pan-Indian
character of our literature was maintained in a basic sense even
under conflicting political loyalties.
Our modern period of literature began under American Baptist
Mission auspices during the second quarter of the last century.

It received further encouragement through English education and

western literature that is responsible for the introduction of new
forms and technique into our literature.
In Assamese Literature, I have tried to give a rapid survey of

tendencies that have gone to make the history of our literature.

Within the limited pages of the book, I have tried to be as fair in

my appraisal as my limited mental capabilities allow. To be

6 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

precise, there is nothing learned or scholarly in this book, not the

shadow of it. Here I must be positive about one thing; nothing
else shall be a matter of greater satisfaction to me than to find this
humble work succeed in its primary objective of making readers
elsewhere know, at least something, of our literature.
It is gratifying to note that the National Book Trust, India
proposes to publish a series of books on different cultures and lite-

ratures of our country. Assamese Literature is one such book of

the series.
In writing this book I was greatly encouraged by Jawaharlal
Nehru. It may not be out of place to add the following lines
which I received from him

I am glad to learn that you have written a book on the

history of Assamese Literature for the National Book
Trust. You can certainly dedicate it to me if you wish it.

Jawaharlal Nehru

The original dedication therefore was : “To Shri Jawaharlal

Nehru, in admiration and affection.” Now it is : “To Jawaharlal
Nehru, who no more.” Alas, what an agonising difference
is !

In preparing this book Mr. Nanda Talukdar, Mrs. Anu Barua

and Nakib Ahmed have helped me. I thank them all.
Shri Munin Dutta-Baruah has kindly allowed me to use on the
jacket of the book a couple of paintings from the Chitra Bhagavata a ,

monumental work of 16 th century paintings reproduced from

Sankardeva’s Bhagavata. I am greatly indebted to him.

HEM BARUA
 CONTENTS
PAGE
Foreword 3
Preface j

Old Assamese Literature

Language i i

Popular Songs and Ballads 20

Aphorisms and Buddhistic Songs 36
Pre-Vaishnava Literature 42
Vaishnava Literature 49
Kavyas and Bargitas 66
Non-Vaishnava Literature 77
Vaishnava Drama : General Characteristics $6
Classical Drama 96
Old Prose 114

New Assamese Literature

Transition 133
Western Influences i 48
Romantic Poetry 159
»

Drama 1 80
Novel 201
Short Story 224
Prose and Essays 243
Present-Day Poetry 265
Bibliography 27 j
Index 277
OLD ASSAMESE LITERATURE
language

The two broad divisions of Indian languages are as follows : The

modern Indian languages descended from Sanskrit and therefore
called Indo-Aryan languages are Hindi-Urdu, Bengali, Marathi,
Gujarati, Oriya, Assamese, Rajasthani (variation of Hindi),
Punjabi, Sindhi, Pashto and Kashmiri. The Dravidian languages
are Tamil, Tclugu, Kannada and Malayalam. The racial com-
position of Assam has produced its distinct influence on the lingui-
stic map and tribes from
of the State in general; different peoples
parts across the State’s frontiers have met here and in the course
of time, as things indicate, contributed to the growth and develop-
ment of a common speech called Assamese. The word Assamese
is an anglicised formation built on the same principle of English

syntax as Singhalese , Canarese etc. The people call their land Asom>
and the word that has been built on it to mean the language and
the people who speak it is Asomiya.
Asom ,
a Sanskrit word, means “unparalleled** or “peerless”.
It is said that this word was used to describe the invincible might
of the Ahoms who marched into this region in the 13th century
from across the Patkai ranges. Besides this, there is another
opinion about the origin of this name which relates to the uneven
terrain and the scenic grandeur “without compeers”, “non-pareil”
of the land. Dr. Suniti Kumar Chatteiji says
12 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

The late medieval period in the history of Assam under the

Ahom kings was, as we have seen, a period of travail for
Assam, when her various tribal peoples of Mongoloid origin
— the original Bodos and others, and the Austric people allied
to the Khasis, together with that strong group of Shan new
—
comers the Ahoms were finally welded together as a single
—
Assamese-speaking nation the Aryan Assamese language
having already taken shape at the beginning of this period
from the Magadhi Prakrit and Apabhramsa dialects brought
by settlers from Bihar and North Bengal during the greater
part of the first millennium a.d.

As already pointed out, Assam originally meant the land

which the Shans from Upper Burma conquered and consolidated
in 1 228. Through the long columns of history peoples from diffe-
rent corners and regions across its borders, peoples of different
origin and ethnology, migrated into this land, fought and rambled
in its beautiful valleys and hills, and as years passed, fertilised its
sinews into a rich and solid entity. The principal races that
have migrated into this land are Austro- Asia tics, Dravidians,
Tibeto-Burmans, Mongoloids and Aryans. The earliest wave of
people to come in was, as linguistic and morphological evidences
show, the Austro- Asia tics. In India, the races of these people
are found in Chhota Nagpur and the Khasi and Jaintia Hills of
Assam.
When after fully occupying it, the new province was constituted
by the British in 1874, they extended the name (Assam) to mean the
whole territory that came under their administration. Different
peoples such as the Austro-Asiatics, Aryans, Dravidians and Mon-
goloids have made their contribution to this common speech, but
the greatest impact is that of the Aryans and their socio-religious
influences. It may be pointed out in this connection that the

contribution made by the Maithili speech towards the composite

character of the Assamese language is a major factor. It is often
supposed that our language in its modern garb is an offshoot of
the old Kamarupi which in its own turn contained a large mixture
 LANGUAGE 13

of eastern Maithili elements. Hiuen Tsang, celebrated Chinese

pilgrim, who visited Kamarupa
in the 7th century a.d. during
Bhaskar Varma’s rule was of the opinion that the language of
Kamarupa “differs a little from that of mid-India”. It presuppo-
ses the existence of Magadhan element in modern Assamese
language. Dr. Grierson who discovers linguistic affinities between
Assam and North Bengal deduces Magadhi as the common source
of all the eastern languages. He writes

Magadhi was the principal dialect which corresponds to old

eastern Prakrit. East of Magadha lay the Gauda or Pracya
Apabhramsa, the headquarters of which was at Gaur in the
present district of Malda. It spread to the South and South-
East and here became the parent of modern Bengali. Besides
spreading southwards Gauda Apabhramsa also spread to the
east keeping north of the Ganges and is there represented
at the present day by northern Bengali and in the valley of
Assam by Assamese. North Bengal and Assam did not get their
language from Bengal proper but directly from the west.
Magadhi Apabhramsa, in fact, may be considered as spreading
out eastwards and southwards in three directions. To the
north-east it developed into northern Bengali and Assamese,
to the south into Oriya and between the two into Bengali.
Each of these three descendants is equally directly connected
with the common immediate parent and we find North
Bengali agreeing in some respects rather with Oriya spoken far
away to the south than with Bengali of Bengal proper of which
it is usually classed as a sub-dialect.

There are people who more often than not make hasty generalisa-
tions because of casual affinities between the Assamese language
and the languages of northern Bengal districts and arrive at the
conclusion of the former being an offshoot or patois of the latter;
this is not true. The fact is explained by Dr. Grierson; subsequent
researches on the subject by linguists like Dr. Suniti Kumar Ghatterji
and Dr. B. Kakati have established the independent character of
the Assamese language. Dr. Suniti Kumar Chatteiji says
2
14 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

The common dialect current in North Bengal and Assam

continued as one speech, as a member of the Bengali-Assamese
group of dialects. In the 15th century, it split up into two
sections, Assamese and North Bengali , when Assamese started
on a literary career and an independent existence of its own
by not acknowledging the domination of literary Bengali,
already established in East Bengal as well.

Ancient Kamarupa described by Hiuen Tsang, Chinese pilgrim

of the 7th century, as Kama-lu-po, was an extensive kingdom;
it covered a portion of modern North Bengal, and this may
justifiably be adduced as an evidence to establish the fact of this
linguistic affinity, as pointed out by Dr. Suniti Kumar Chatterji.
Besides this, there are other evidences to support the existence
of a close cultural contact between Kamarupa on the one hand
and Videha and Magadha on the other. The Aryan migrants
who came to this land had their original pools in these two places;
a considerable portion of the Aryan population living in Assam is
from North Bihar. It was subsequently re-inforced by migration of
people from Uttar Pradesh and other regions. This is how,
though Tibeto-Burman, Mongoloid and Austro-Asiatic dialects
played a significant role in the formation of Assamese language as
—
a composite speech, the language came to be established as one
of the Indo-Aryan languages in Assam.
It is seen that there are common words of every day use in the
Assamese language that bear a close parallel to words in Hindus-
tani, Bihari, Oriya and other Indian languages and dialects.
Concomitant to this, there are of course certain variations so far
as ascendency and descendency of meaning of common words
are concerned when
these are used in Assamese. It might be that

these affinitive words descended from a common source and as

they were used in different languages developed an individual or
local content according to the demands of prevailing conditions.
Over and above this, there are certain other words like tagar (a
kind of flower), barangani (subscription) etc. in the Assamese lan-
guage that bear a close affinity to words, for instance, in the
 LANGUAGE 15

Marathi language; it is curious to note that these words are not

found in Hindusthani. It might be due to some contact existing
betyveen the two regions in ancient times or due to race migrations.
Or else it is difficult to explain this close and not casual linguistic
affinity. The reasons given by K. N. Dikshit to justify archaeo-
logical affinities that exist between Assam and other parts of India
may be the reasons also for linguistic affinities between these regions.
The affinities of Assamese art would seem to lie more with
the schools of Bihar and Orissa than with the contemporary
Pala art of Bengal. This is not unnatural as of the streams of
influence that have moulded the culture of Assam, the strong-
est current has always been from North Bihar and mid-India.

Assamese is a composite language into which words of both

Indo-Aryan and Indo-Chinese origin have made their way.
Over and above this, other pre-Aryan and non-Aryan influences
are also discernible, not only in loan-words but also in point of
grammar, syntax and pronunciation. The Indo-Chinese group
of languages is a large family divided into different sub-sections.
The following list from Dr. Suniti Kumar Chatterji’s Kirata-Jana -
kriti will illustrate the distribution of Tibeto-Burman speeches in

Assam and elsewhere.

Tibeto-Burman
(a) Tibetan and its dialects;
(b) -(c) the Himalayan group of dialects;
(d) the North-Assam group — Aka, Miri, Abor, Dafla
and Mishmi;
(e ) the Assam-Burmese group;
(i) —
the Bodo speeches Bodo, Mech, Rabha, Garo,
Kachari, Tipra;
(ti) the Naga dialects —Ao-Angami, Serna, Tangkhul
etc.

(Hi) the Kuki-Chin speeches of Manipur (Meithei

or Manipuri), Tripura, Lushai Hills, as well
as Burma;
16 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

(iv) the Kachin (Singhpho) Lo group; —

(; v) Burmese and its dialects.
In his book Assamese Its Formation and Development , Dr. B.
:

Kakati has pointed out the loan words of the Indo-Chinese group
that are to be found in the Assamese vocabulary. They may be
sub-classed under the following heads (i) Austro-Asiatic : :
(a)
Khasi b
( )
Kolarian (c) Malayan (it) Tibeto-Burman Bodo;
,
: (iii)

Thai: Ahom Though the Khasis and Syntcngs, principal races

.

of the Monkhmer language group, lived an isolated life in the hills,

it would be wrong to say that there were no cultural or commercial

contacts between the hills and the plains so far as these people
are concerned. Mainly due to commercial and cultural contacts
with the Khasis and Syntengs of the Monkhmer language group,
there were mutual borrowings of words. Dr. Kakati has provided
a list of these loan-words in his book. Let me quote from him

The Austric elements seem to constitute an essential substratum

of Assamese vocabulary —the vocables that are regarded as
indigenous in present day Assamese seem to have been mostly
taken over from the Austric speakers.

The influence was mostly mutual; it cross-connected these two

groups of people in point of linguistic interchanges and affinities.

The Monkhmer language family was succeeded by people of the

Tibeto-Burman sub-family. Either they pushed a part of the
existing population to the hills or gradually superimposed their
speech on them. The dialect of the Tibeto-Burman sub-family
belongs to three distinct groups :
(i) Naga, spoken in the Naga
Hills, (ii) Kuki-Chin> spoken in the Manipur Hills, some parts of
Cachar and the Lushai Hills, (iii) Bodo comprises all the non-Aryan
elements of Assam Valley and North Cachar. The Ahoms,
Khamtis, Turungs, Phakials, Noras and the like belong to the
Siamese-Chinese group of languages. At present, the people
belonging to this language group are found mostly in eastern
Assam.
Of all the language groups obtainable in the State, the Tibeto-
Burman is by far the largest; this honeycomb of people contains
 LANGUAGE 17

a wide variety of racial cells. The largest of this is the Bodo

language group. Kochas, Rabhas, Hojais, Lalungs,
Kacharis,
—
Garos, Morans and Chutiyas, all these people belong to this
great family of languages. Most of them speak different dialects,
but have together contributed to the growth and formation of the
Assamese language. .The home of the Bodo language group is
mainly in the Brahmaputra valley; almost all the hill tribes with
the exception of the Khasi-Synteng language group belong to the
Tibeto-Burman family of languages.
The Ahoms as they advanced and conquered Assam used their
own language; this language of the Ahoms was a dialect of the
Shan family which is a member of the Siamcse-Chincse language
group. The Siamese-Chincse language group belongs to the Indo-
Chinese constellation of languages. Though the Ahoms ruled in
this land for about six hundred words
years, the survival of Ahom
in Assamese vocabulary is significantly meagre. Such words
as lang which means “back”, pung meaning “mine”, pukha meaning
“offshoot”, kareng meaning “palace” and some others attached to
river and place names viz. Namrup Namsang Namdang etc.
, ,

are a few survivals of Ahom words in modern Assamese.

The Ahoms no doubt built an empire in Assam, but the pressure
from the bottom en masse was such that the captors, so far as lin-
guistic and cultural history is concerned, became ultimately the
captives. Finally, they abandoned their own language and adopted
and assimilated the language of the people they ruled; the only
people today who have an elementary knowledge of their language
are the deodhais and bailungs , tribal astrologers and priests. About
the extinction of the Ahom language, Dr. Suniti Kumar Chatterji
says thus

The Ahoms lost their language entirely for two reasons; first
they were much fewer in number when compared with the
Bodos and others; and secondly, they were certainly more re-
ceptive to new ideas, and were in temperament more adaptive.

The Bodos have a much wider range of influence on the Assamese

language; the survival of Bodo names of rivers till today bears
18 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

testimony to this fact. Di or ti prefixes used before different river-

names as Di-bong, Di-sang etc. in the Brahmaputra valley
’9
mean “water in the Bodo language; these are Bodo river-names.
Likewise, the Assamese language influenced the different Bodo
dialects, particularly in point of loan-words. In the course of
time, these non-Aryan speakers were compelled by historical
forces to be bilingual and by one step out of it, most of them
ultimately became Assamese speakers. Through this there
was a sort of linguistic interfusion which led in time into a synthesis
of different races. The two forces that worked towards this
fulfilment in early times are :
(i) the Ahom rule, and (ii) the
Vaishnava movement that touched Assamese life in its core and
quintessence.
The Dravidians of Assam have lost both their racial and
linguistic identities. Philologists are of the opinion that the
earliest linguistic formation recognisable in India is the Dravi-
dian. Though it exists and is spoken in many parts of India
today, the case is different so far as Assam is concerned. In Assam
it is submerged by more powerful linguistic influences. Though
not very significant, there is a percentage of Munda element in
the formation of Assamese language. Logan is of the opinion
that the Munda language is an intermixture of Dravidian and
Monkhmer dialects. There are other linguists who hold a different
view; they arc of the opinion that it has greater affinity with the
Monkhmer family of languages than with any other, as linguistic
evidences show.
It is a moot point whether or not the Mongolian dialects found an
existing Dravidian basis that helped the formation of their language.
Logan holds that the Dravidian language lies at the basis of different
Naga and Bodo languages. Dr. Grierson dismisses this view as
wholly untenable. It is a fact that in the course of time the more
powerful Aryan and Bodo languages completely obliterated the
prevalent Monkhmer dialects in the hills as well as in the plains ex-
cept in the Khasi and Jamtia Hills where a dialect of the Monkhmer
family still exists and is developing into a language. The different
Bodo dialects are used today by more than half a million people.
 LANGUAGE 19

There are different reasons why Mongoloid tribes as the Ahoms,

Rabhas and the rest have forsaken their tribal dialects to a conside-
rable extent in favour of the Assamese language. Assamese is the
language of the Hindu priests; in the process of conversion of
these people from tribal beliefs to Hinduism, the priests introduced
their own language. The Tibeto-Burmans and the Mongoloids
invaded Assam from the north-east; the Aryans did it from the
north-west. The kingdom of Kamarupa and its
reference to the
people in the Epics and Puranas the fact of the Aryan
testifies to

priests and warriors coming to Assam at a very early date; they

brought with them their Hindu religion and the priests their
Sanskrit language as the medium These
of ethical expression.
diverse influences from different sources have combined to make
the Assamese language an important member of the Indo-Aryan
family of languages. On the other hand, this must also be recog-
nised that the Assamese language is surrounded on all sides by
different languages and dialects of the Tibeto-Burman, Austro-
Asiatic and Tibeto-Chinese family. Though imperceptible, this
accounts for the Indo-Chinese character of the Assamese Language,
primarily described as a member of the Indo-Aryan family of
languages.
popular songs and ballads

Old Assamese literature, except Dak Mahapurusa’s didactic

aphorisms, was cither lyrical or pastoral or heroic. Before Indian
literature like sculpture and art in medieval Europe came under
5
the “dominant sway of religion ’, it was by its very nature a popular
expression, essentially lyrical in inspiration and uncontaminated
by any doctrinal ideas. The history of Assamese literature of this
period, a period that is difficult to circumscribe, is a history of
people’s literature, mostly poetical in theme and output. Folk-
songs and ballads of the people’s age are crystallised into the living
language of the people, untouched by learned influences coming
from outside. Popular poetry escaped the blight of “learned
influences” by clinging fast to the spoken language. On the other
hand, the spoken language of the people under its influences
continued to draw its sap from the soil as a medium of literary
expression.
True it is that judging from the point of language, the folksongs
appear to be refreshingly modern; this might be due to their in-

herent dynamic character. But judging from the sentiments,

images and spiritual absorption which these songs express, they
must be of a pristine civilisation, a civilisation of a simple unsophi-
sticated people which justifies their antiquity. It is possible for a

mother in a pristine civilisation only to ask a needle from the moon

 POPULAR SONGS AND BALLADS 21

to sew a bag for money to be kept in so that with the money thus
saved she might buy an elephant for her child to ride on.
Literature of the people’s age was of the unwritten variety; it

was by and large preserved in the vaults of people’s memory. Of

some scholars are of the opinion that “the marriage
this literature,

songs of Assam and a few pastoral ballads are the only literary
productions that have come down to the present age”. This
popular poetry represents the art of the people and constitutes a
literature transmitted through generations with its roots deep in
the soil. The skill in words, love of beauty, tenderness of feelings
and serenity of reflection as represented in this poetry have made
a distinctive contribution to the growth and development of later-
day Assamese poetry. The language of this popular poetry is
lucid and unobtrusive; it exhibits a simple refined beauty unknown
to the dark ages when black arts and magic were elaborately prac-
tised and literature consisted mainly of tanlras and mantras versified ,

spells and charms.

(i) Bikugits and Bongits :

The history of Assamese poetry is replete with the rich folk-

music of the past. The people of Assam still observe a sort of
pagan devotion to nature, manifested in popular festivals that
are associated with the change of seasons; these popular festivals
marking the advent of spring and autumn are called Bihus. Poetry
by common consent is the oldest form of literary expression; long
before man wrote down his thoughts, he expressed them in songs i.e.
in rhythmical language. The Bihu-songs speak of such an origin.
The following are a few specimens

(i)

I looked to the bamboo tops to see

which one is straight;
I looked into the face of my beloved,
O, it was a full-moon.
(“)
Your eyes are like those of a fawn,
your breasts are like two lotuses;
22 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Your hands are like lotus-stalks,

covered with silken cloths.

Spontaneous in passion and thought, .Bite-songs are composed

mostly in couplets; each couplet usually embosses one crystallised
emotion. Most of these songs are amorous in the sense that they
are youthful songs calculated to accord to the dreams and aspira-
tions of the season of youth. They by sweetness,
are characterised
lucidity and tender shades of suggestion and evocation. From a
we find that they express not only
careful survey of the Bite-songs
themood of light amorous flirtation, but also every mood that the
human mind is heir to.
Some of the Bite-songs are ostensibly symbolic; there is in them
a certain level of submerged meaning, “twin levels”, as W. G.
Archer defines it. In such poems an image is used on “twin levels”,
the understanding of which serves as a clue to submerged meanings;
this is worked out through the interaction of the two levels.

I crawled into the gateway

of my love’s father,
and she did not wash the stains
off my clothes.

There are other Bite-songs in which the red rite i.e. a girl's
breast-cloth or the bamboo tree is used as a symbol of ripeness for
young girls; all this is connected in a symbolic way with the
“procreative urge” of the earth or of woman. The sendur or vermi-
lion put in the parting of a girl’s hair is a sex-symbol; the vermilion-
mark is a blood substitute. This mark on the forehead as also in
the parting of a girl’s hair symbolises the fact of her maturity and
the capacity to receive and hold. Red appears frequently in
Bite-songs as a colour-scheme; the meaning is symbolic.

The banyan tree adorns itself

with rew leaves;
My darling adorns herself
with a red rite.
 POPULAR SONGS AND BALLADS 23

With the custom of improvisation still continues

iKAct-songs,
as with any other folk-composition; this is mainly because of
the mobile felicity they possess. There are instances of inter-
polations even of common English words that have gone as current
coins into the language; this has not however affected in any
tangible way the popular structure of the song. Folk-songs are
inherently creative; without the creative urge, the dynamic vitality
of the people will be lost. The following Biku-song, definitely
of the post-tea plantation era, is an apt instance in improvisation.

Titi kirn tita phul

Jorhalar golap phul ,
Chenimora bagicar oi chithi.

A prolific variety allied in spirit to the Bihugits arc Bongits. Bongits

are of the nature of woodman’s ballads of the west. The natural
haunts of rural landscape are the springs of these songs; they are born
amidst the deep silences of scenes where the heart usually pulsates with
an imperceptible rhythm. Engaged as he is in the field of harvest,
the peasant sings. Rearing endi and muga cocoons in the mulberry
grove, he sings. Drawing the fishing net in silent lagoons or lei-
surely paddling his boat in the stream, he sings. Primarily these
are the occasions when the peasant gives his soul away to music.
These popular songs are the inevitable results of moments of
self-absorption and free emotional abandon. There is often a
measure of dreamy imaginativeness in these songs which adds to
their intensity. The following is a Bongit, translated by Dr.
B. K. Barua:

My mind turns from the field, O darling,

Of my home grow weary,
I

With the buoyant fleece I strive to fly,

For without thee my life is dreary.

Bright is the day with sunbeam,
The night with mellow moonbeam;
Brighter still is my darling’s face,
Shining in the full-moon’s gleam.
24 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

These songs generally contain a certain melancholy emotion and

vague mystic drift, replete with the purest of romantic elements.

(ii) Nawariagits :

Nawariagits or waterman’s songs like Bongits are marked by a

spirit of spontaneous joy and flowing grace. They are to a certain
extent like the Bhatiali songs of Bengal, bhata evidently meaning
downstream. This is possible that the Nawariagit originated when
the boatman paddled his boat or drifted along with the
leisurely
current of the water without having to ply his oar. In this connec-
tion, it will be revealing to quote from Major John Butler’s account
Travels and Adventures in the Province of Assam (1885)

Assam is intersected by rivers; the Assamese prefer moving

about in the little canoes to travelling by land; watermen seem
greatly to enjoy these boa t-t rips for they are always singing
songs as they paddle along.

This is true in the case of all riparian people. In those days before
the invasion of the province by railways or other means of road-
transport, rivers naturally played a prominent part in the life of the
people as principal thoroughfares of communication; this is why
rivers featured largely in songs and ballads. The following is a
song translated by Major John Butler.

Come and join this merry round

Tripping over Cupid’s ground,
Rama, Krishna, Hurry.
Dance and sing we all night long,
This shall be the only song,
Rama, Krishna, Hurry.
Love and music all the theme,
Till the ruddy morning beam,
Rama* Krishna, Hurry.
Let the ruddy morn arrive
It shall but our song revive,
Rama, Krishna, Hurry.
 POPULAR SONGS AND BALLADS 25

Aided by the solar ray,

Blithe we will sing through the day
Rama, Krishna, Hurry.
Let the shadow upwards tend,
Let the weary sun descend,
Still our songs shall find no end,

Rama, Krishna, Hurry.

Some of the boat-songs, particularly popular in western Assam,

are noted for their robustness of expression and inspiration drawn
“
from Vaishnava themes. Kami , ferry me across the river” is an
imploration of Radha to Krishna, and in this context the latter’s
conduct is that of a crafty ferryman. This is a real gem of poetry
set in a picture of romantic assurance.

Kanai par karahe> belir diki euwa>

nasta haila dudher bhandar , bazar goila boiya

Anya Radha par kaile laibo ana ana ,

toi Radha par kaile laibo kanar sona .

Though actually not folk-songs of the boatman-type, there are

other popular songs also as the Baramahigit bearing on the life of
rivers. The Baramahi- song speaks of the expansive river-borne
trade of the time and the natural impact on the mind of a lonely
wife whose husband is away for a long time in the river for trade.
Its dramatic intensity easily compares with that Chinese poem
translated by Ezra Pound The Sailor's Wife. Strictly speaking,
:

though its note is secular, Baramahigit ends in a distinctive note

of spiritual exaltation in the spirit of Vaishnava poetry. The
picture of the lovelorn maiden is poignant and significant.

Aharar mahot Radha adharma barisana ,

Pushpare palangite Radhe karila say ana;
Pushpare palangite Radhe nahila ghumati,
Kaika gaila prananathe nahila ulati .

The constant allusion to mythopoetic Radha’s restlessness due

to pangs of separation is picturesque and also evocative of an atmos-
26 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

phere. Kaina Baramahi , another poem of this variety, is a dialo-

gue of a lovelorn maiden with a vagrant whom she happens to
come across. Each line of this story-poem wells up with frag-
ments of broken sighs. In the manner of the Assamese Baramahi-
song there are Baramasi- songs in Orissa and Ckaumasa songs that
ping of the monsoon months in Bihar. This type of songs descri-
bing the agony of lonely women due to separation enjoys a much
wider tradition.
Other story-poems on different themes are Pagala Parvatir git ,
Pachala Kirtan, Sipini Kirtan etc. Pagala Parvatir git has the rhythm
of Zfr'Att-songs. The poem is non-serious in its intent and purpose;
it depicts Lord Shiva in a popular light. Side by side with popular
songs that are either romantic or spiritual, there are songs as the
above that are noted for their gaiety and piercing popular wit.

(m) Biyanams and Nichukanigits :

Old Assamese literature is equally rich in Biyanams (marriage-

songs) and Nichukanigits (cradle-songs). Marriage is an elaborate
process; consequently it has inspired a considerable number of
songs. Most of these songs are of a documentary character and
do not have much of symbolic significance. The rituals of bath
both for the bride and her groom are attended by songs of haunting
melody. The following is an example

The girl finished her bath,

and asked her mother
what clothes shall I put on ?

The mother says

Put on such a cloth

hat dries up in the shade,
and can be pressed into the palm.

In another marriage-song, the beauty of the girl is emphasised thus

Why are you making her up

with tamarind paste ?

She is herself a ketaki blossom.

 POPULAR SONGS AND BALLADS 21

Many of the marriage-songs contain direct allusions to epic

legends. Indispensable as they are in different rituals, these songs
are believed to possess a sort of spiritual significance to the marital
life of the couple. There are graceful nuptial songs that describe
mythological marriage scenes of Hara-Gauri, Rama-Sita, Usha-
Aniruddha and the like, drawn almost to lyrical raptures. The
heritage of an ancient religious culture dovetailed into folk-experie-
nces is evident in most of these songs. Sri Rama symbolises the
ideal man for nuptial life and Sita the ideal woman, Shiva and
Parvati approximating them closely. There are on the other
hand songs that distinctly reveal influences of Vaishnava sentiment
and expression.

Weep not little maiden,

scatter not thy necklace;
Truly shall I unite thee
with Madhava.

This song mind the pre-nuptial days of Rukmini, a

recalls to the
theme dear to the women-folk of Assam. This theme
infinitely
finds expression not only in marriage-songs but often times in cradle-
songs also.

There a class of marriage-songs called Joranams, x.e. “teasing

is

songs’*. Thoughinvariably offensive in language and spirit,

these are mirthful songs of an innocent nature against the serene
and serious background of marriage ritual. According to W. G.
Archer, these taunting and mocking songs result in the “release
•of repressed energy which when applied to the marriage must

necessarily make it fertile**. Here is an example of this song:

The bridegroom’s sister

sitswith the people,

with her head wide as a basket;
The people are afraid of her,
lest 9ome goblin has come.

Fresh and innocent like the child, Nichukanigits or cradle-

songs are noted for their haunting music and tender feelings natural
28 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

to the theme. Often they unfold moods and aspirations of the

child and at other times depict simple episodes dear to childhood
imagination. These are songs of “pleasant illogicality”, to
use Tagore’s words, with which the mind is coloured.
child’s
Thus the child is transported on the wings of melody and fancy to a
magic world of dreams through these lyrical rhapsodies; they are
generally replete with homely images and imageries. Lai hale jale
abeli batahe is rich in suggestion while Sialie nahibi rati in faery grace
that inevitably touches the fringes of childhood imagination with
“pleasant illogicality”.Likewise, Jonbai e beji ata diya is a delicious
song that depicts a fanciful dialogue between a mother and
little

the moon in the sky; the mother wants an elephant for her child
to ride on; she starts by asking for a needle from the moon.
0 moon ,
give me a needle
What for do you want a needle ?
Just to stitch a bag with;
What for do you want a bag ?

Just to put money in;

What for do you want money ?

Just to buy an elephant with;

What for do you want an elephant ?

Just for the child to ride on.

etc. etc.

The history of Assamese folksongs and that of Vaishnava poetry

often times presents a history of mutual influences. For instance,
thismight be said that the popular nursery rhymes or cradle-songs
with their kindergarten setting influenced considerably the composi-
tion of Sridhar Kandali’s exquisite Kankhowa poem, noted for its
soft-as-snow-dust verse. Krishna’s mother Yasodadevi sings:

Sleep, O
ye Kanai,
O, the Ear-Eater is coming,

After devouring the ears of all the children;

He comes to thee.

The prevailing nursery sentiment and the popular conception

of the imaginary ear-eater must have inspired this Vaishnava poem;
 POPULAR SONGS AND BALLADS 29

this conception does not even have a remote reference in Bhagava -

tarn or Harivamsam from which our Vaishnava poets usually
borrowed their themes.The poet’s deep insight into the child’s
heart reveals Kankhowa a poem where the child is adopted
itself in ,

as a medium through which divine exaltation is brought into an

inspiring focus. Yet, the poem is pre-eminently popular in appeal.
It is one of the best poems in our child’s garden of verses. In the
same way, the following is a popular nursery rhyme on which
the influence of Vaishnava poetry is clearly evident.

My darling boy has herded the cattle,

His teeth shine in the sunbeam;
I have kept for him curd, milk and sweets,
I have kept for him a golden bed with pillows.

This nursery rhyme couched particularly in an admixture of

is

words natural to Vaishnava poetry. It not only flashes across the

mind childhood portraits suffused with maternal tenderness but
also deepens the childhood pictures in a sense of Madhavdeva of
the Vaishnava school. It can be noted in this connection that
the conception of nama, meaning “songs”, affixed to these folk-songs,
is directly a Vaishnava concept. Nevertheless, it is doubtless
that these popular songs and poems represent the art of the people,
the great mass of unknown creators of songs.

(iv) Dehbicarar Gits and Jikir Songs:

The
Dehbicarar gits are a class apart; in attitude and modulation,
they differ considerably from the prevailing tradition of folk-poems.
The principal motif of these songs is spiritual absorption that speaks,
in general terms of the futility of man’s lifeand the presence of at
higher impulse that guides man’s destiny. Because of this pronoun-
ced spiritual bias, presumed that these metaphysical!
it is often
lyrics are the offspring of Vaishnava inspiration.
This presump-
tion acquires an added credence due to the fact that very often
than not these songs are found interspersed with bhanitas that gpt
in the name of Madhavdeva, sixteenth century Vaishnava saint-
poet; some of them have the ghosa-pada arrangement in the manner
of Vaishnava poetry; these might be later-day interpolations.
3
30 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

In this connection, this must not be forgotten that Buddhistic

tantrism prevailed in Assam even before the rationalised thought-
system of Vaishnavism emerged; apart from its other aspects,
tantrism is also saturated with certain metaphysical ideas and dog-
mas of a similar nature. It had several denominational creeds
and cults codified into systems like Ratikhowa , Purna-seva, Ritia ,
Karanipatia etc. These creeds are known for their erotic and
baccanalian symbolism; they comprise a sort of nihilistic doctrine
which the Buddhist siddhas , except Gorakhshapa, taught. To say
in a nutshell, they constitute a religion of sexual promiscuity.
Judged in this context, Dehbicarar gits seem to draw their inspi-
ration from these metaphysical sources rather than from Vaishnavism.
The a class of wandering minstrels like the hauls of Bengal
varagis,
God”), sing these lyrics; they are an esoteric sect whose
(“fools of
avowed aim is to deny the common run of life and see the maze
of creation in the light of their own spiritual insight and conscience.
Very often than not, the inner understanding of these lyrics is

veiled in inexplicable mystery.

The soul is the sure signature of life.

That is how creation is understood;

Devotion to votaries and absorption in God,
And this is how life gets liberated.

The an Islamic counterpart of Dehbicarar

Jikir songs are in a sense
gits ; these songs werecomposed during the reign of Gadadhar
Singha (1681-1696) by a Muslim divine, Ajan Pir by name.
Jikir means “spiritual chants”; the dominant idea of the futility
of life and man made institutions common to both the groups of
songs, Jikir and Dehbicarar git, marks out their spiritual affinity.
Except a few words of Arabic and Persian origin interspersed in
the texture of the former, their diction, syntax and language are
almost of a similar nature. Even the Vaishnava concept of nama
appears to be the spiritual inspiration of these Jikir songs to a certain
“
extent; nama is the charioteer that goes with life”.
I have read Uim and Raima too,
everything slips, and slips by;
 POPULAR SONGS AND BALLADS 31

What is written in one’s destiny,

There is no escape from it.

Through most of these Jikirs the idea of illusion, resignation to

Allah and an over-powering desire to lose one’s identity with Him
runs in the way of Sufistic doctrines; it must be noted that Sufism
has many features common with our Vaishnavism. The Jikirs , to
be more precise, reflect the idea of Sufism as defined by Reynold
A. Nicholson {Encylopaedia of Religion and Ethics) in the following
way. “The soul, being divine in its essence, longs for union with
that from which it is separated by the illusion of individuality, and
this longing aspiration, which urges it to pass away from selfhood
and to rise on the wings of ecstasy, is the only means whereby it
can return to its original home.” With both Jikirs and Dehbicarar
gits it is “mantic ecstasy”, as the Greeks say.
9

( )
Ballads

The oldest extant ballads so far known and discovered in Assamese

literature are Phulkonwar and Manikonwar being popular
;
ballads,
these were not originally written compositions, but were transmit-
ted orally from generation to generation. Like the Homeridae,
a clan who devoted themselves to the recitation of Greek epics
before they were finally inscribed on paper, the varagis 9 a clan of
indigenous minstrels, used to recite these ballads often on festive
occasions or in ceremonial gatherings; thus these popular ballads
came on the lips of men. It is because of this oral tradition
to live
that they show evidences of new and newer interpolations as times
passed and manners changed; it is mainly because of this that
these ballads reveal snapshots of Assamese life and society not only
of the remote past but also of comparatively later times. In
juxtaposition of plot, story interest and characterisation, these two
ballads stand out as landmarks in the history of Assamese ballad-
literature. In a sense, these are novels in verse in very much
the same way as Thomas Hardy’s The Dynasts may be described
as history in the attire of verse.
Like the oldest extant Chanson de geste in French Literature The
Song of Roland, Manikonwar is possibly the oldest extant ballad in
32 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Assamese literature. Compact in spirit, lucid and direct in style,

devoid of all superfluous ornamental appendages,
it has little in

common with the manner of medieval metrical romances like the

harana and vadha kavyas. The ballad Manikonwar , full of digressions,
is about Sankaladiva’s son Prince Mani.

Sankaladiva rajare putak Manikanesare

Gat khati khune nai.

As to king Sankaladiva with whose name the story part of the

poem opens, there are variant readings in available texts; in some,
it is Sankaradevaraja.There is no evidence of a king of either of
these names ruling in ancient Kamarupa. Although attempts
have been made by scholars to fix this legendary king into a parti-
cular historical epoch, there is no authentic record available in
respect of Sankaladiva’s reigning time, except a nominal reference
in Ferista’s History. Sir E. A. Gait is of the opinion that “Sankala-
diva founded the city of Lakhnauti, which it is said remained
the capital of Bengal for 2000 years”. Whatever it maybe, there
is no doubt that Sankaladiva’s name has passed into history per-

haps as a legendary figure; these popular ballads, Phulkonwar and

Manikonwar have grown round this quasi-historical personality.
There are interesting digressions in Manikonwar specially one ,

on the virtues of an and the various sentiments associated

ideal wife
with it. Child Manikonwar maturing into adulthood married
Kanchanmati it is here that the balladist introduces social glimpses
;

of the time. Although there is no special reason for a presump-

tion of this kind except that the hero of the latter poem is said to
be the posthumous son of the former, Manikonwar ballad seems to
grow into Phulkonwar ballad; it is a popular song noted for its
poignancy of emotion.

My father is carried away

by the white elephant,
And enthroned monarch of his dominion;
My mother is taken away
by the marine merchant.
 POPULAR SONGS AND BALLADS 33 .

Though the style is more often than not digressive, the poem
contains some fine descriptive snapshots. These ballads, Manikon-
war and Phulkonwar breathe in their psychological approach the
very spirit of innocence and simplicity. The authors’ genius
for depicting life and visualising scenes of the remote past is admi-
rably exhibited in the ballads. Like The Song of Roland growing
at least through three centuries, from the 8th to the 11th, Phulkon-
war and Manikonwar grew through ages as evident from the pictures
in the poems depicting different stages of social growth. What
remained possibly a trifle grew into a full-fledged
at the beginning
work of imagination as time passed. In both the ballads, the story
is told swiftly and lucidly without any superficial austerity.

Besides Juna gits a class of ballads by itself, the other most

,

well-known ballads are Janagahharur git and Barphukanar git .

Judging from the point of language and the socio-historical pictures

portrayed in them, these ballads appear to be of the later Ahom
period. Like Mayamaria ranuar git , another later-day composition
that may succinctly be described as a political poem inciting the
Moamarias to revolt, Janagahharur git is a ballad of brave deeds and
romance. Jana is the principal woman character in the ballad
and Gopican is its hero. Though the canvas is limited, the poem
presents a graphic picture of life under the Ahoms. The allusion
to “cheni vanarasi” in the poem connects it with a much later date,
if, of course, this reference to “Banaras sugar” is not a later-day
interpolation.
Dubala Santir git is a romantic ballad; it narrates the desperate love
of a merchant’s son for a pretty woman who was already married.
A flower-woman takes pity on the young man and carries his
message of love to Dubala; the rest of the poem records the woman’s
reaction to the suggestion. By the abrupt way this narrative ends,
itseems to be either an unfinished poem or a poem the whole of
which is yet to be recovered.
Historical events stirring people’s imagination have given rise
to popular songs and
ballads through ages. Joymati, the tragic
queen of with her unflinching devotion to her husband
history,
has inspired a rich corpus of patriotic songs and ballads. Her
34 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

eminent son Rudra Singha, who ascended the throne in 1696 after
his father, had dedicated a temple and a tank to the memory of
his mother. These concrete symbols of respect to her martyrdom
have inspired the creative impulse of poets and artists through
time. Likewise, Barpkukanar git is a powerful historical ballad
composed against the background of Burmese invasion of Assam
and the internecine strife leading to this catastrophe. The poem
is noted for lively descriptions enlivened with touches of patriotic
elan .
Maniram Dewanar git, a song of Maniram’s self-sacrifice on the
freedom under the British, is a ballad of haunting melody.
altar of
Maniram Dewan was born in 1806; he was twenty years old when
Assam lost her freedom to the British in 1826. When the Indian
Sepoy Mutiny raged, he is said to have organised the revolution
in the eastern part of our country to “ drive the British out”.
Maniram’s plans were discovered and he was awarded a death-
sentence as the fons et origo of this revolutionary crusade; his execu-
tion took place in 1858. Maniram Dewanar git, an absorbing poem
by all standards, is a fitting tribute by a grateful people to the
memory of this patriot. It is perhaps the youngest historical
ballad in Assamese literature. Natural outbursts of an unso-
phisticated people,what is reflected in these songs and ballads is
living and vivid thought and spontaneity of feeling. The verse
form generally employed in ballads is the quatrain; these are
rarely marked by irregularities of prosody or intricacies of
rhyme.
The efflorescence of old Assamese poetry lies not exactly in the
studied literary ventures of individual poets, but in the great mass
of anonymous compositions, the spontaneous songs of the people.
The best poetry is that which in the long run pleases the greatest
number. Folk-poetry is “best” poetry in this sense of the term.
The Bongits and Bihugits coming directly from the nightingale
throats of the people are universal in appeal. With them may be
mentioned ballads like Phulkonwar and Manikonwar which revivify
a romance-oriented tradition and an atmosphere of dreams and
aspirations.
 POPULAR SONGS AND BALLADS 35

Each bard, as he sang them, handled the existing materials

freely, rejecting or adding portions as the occasions demanded;
these poems were handed down from one generation to another
and by applying the artistic principle of rejection and selec-
finally
tion, some one must have combined them into long narratives of
the type of Phulkonwar and Manikonwar This in most cases is the
.

origin of folk-epic or ballad; various sections of the same poem

according to folk-aesthetics are produced by different people
through several generations. It is for this reason that the life

depicted in ballads like Phulkonwar and Manikonwar is one of Ahom

times, though the allusion is to a legendary prince.
aphorisms and buddhistic songs

Old Assamese literature remained in an unwritten state till a

few centuries back. The aphorisms of Dak Mahapurusa are
known to be the earliest collection of popular literature in our
language; the date of this literature has not yet been finally fixed.
It is pointed out in the Asomiya Sahityar Chaneki that the “peculiarity
of his (Dak Mahapurusa’s) language leaves little doubt that it be-
longed to a time prior to that of Sankardeva, the father of Assamese
5
literature ’. Scholars however differ in their opinion about it.

The occasional interpolations of words of Arabic and Persian origin

in Dak’s vachanawalis , sayings and aphorisms, naturally lead scholars
to conclude that Dak Mahapurusa belonged to a much later date.

These conflicting opinions studied pari passu lead to interesting results.

Though Dak Mahapurusa has been often claimed to be a native

of Lehidangra near Barpeta, Kamrup, nothing is more precisely

known about this half-legendary popular poet of great wit and

wisdom; his origin is veiled in mystery. Like distance lending
enchantment to the view, here is an instance of mystery lending
greatness to the soul. On the other hand, it is presumed by some
that no such personality called Dak actually existed. It may be
that popularly Dak came to be a symbol of wisdom to whom, —in
order to impart a coherent credence, — all popular sayings and
utterances of wit and wisdom were ascribed.
 APHORISMS AND BUDDHISTIC SONGS 37

The honour of being the birth-place of Dak Mahapurusa is

claimed by more than one geographical region. It is not possible
to presume with any authority the place to which he really
belonged. Moreover, the aphorisms of Dak exist in more than one
language without any tangible variation. It is probably due
either to the homogeneity in the fundamentals of culture connect-
ing adjoining regions in the past or due to the fact that these
popular poets wandered about as minstrels singing the songs they
composed. In the process of wandering they must have left
behind them portions, if not all, of their compositions which with
certain local modulation or without it went into the cultural
fabric of different regions. Whatever it maybe, there had grown
a corpus of didactic literature the authorship of which is ascribed
to Dak Mahapurusa.
Similar to European literature written in Greece about the
middle of the 8th century b.c., the aphorisms of Dak Mahapurusa
constitute the earliest extant didactic compositions in Assamese
literature. It may be that like the Greeks ascribing their
aphorisms to Hesiod about whom many fastidious stories have
arisen, these aphorisms, popular alike in Assam, Bengal, Bihar
and Nepal, were ascribed to Dak Mahapurusa. These wise
maxims are mostly in verse form; they tell peasants and people
how to conduct themselves and when to perform certain rites,

tasks relating to agriculture, marriage, social relations, etc. These

compositions are significant for the account they give of customs,
beliefs and rules of conduct prevailing in the regions concerned
from early times. In brief, they throw a flood of light on the
socio-economic and intellectual structure of ancient society and its

standard of attainments.
The aphorisms of Dak Mahapurusa reflect the spirit of the
age, the principle of Buddhistic and morality. Recent
ethics
researches have revealed that Buddhism which flourished far and
wide and extended into Burma and beyond Buddhism in Burma(.

by G. Appleton) thrived in a certain way in ancient Kamarupa

also. It is true that the impact of Buddhistic culture on our life
and morals was never very strongly felt. It is because when
38 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Buddhism came to Assam, it was already in its declining phases;:

nevertheless, impact on Assamese life and literature, from the-
its

point of history, is not without significance. There are allusions

in the aphorisms of Dak Mahapurusa to the Buddhistic doctrine
—
of dharma , the cardinal principle of life, of providing wells and
tanks by solitary road-sides for travellers.

Jave dharma kariba jani ,

Ptikhuri khania rakhiba pani ,
Briksa roponata adhika dharma
Matha mandapa sobhana karma ,
Anitya dehata nahike as,

Dhatie jane bastre kiba bisvas .

In conclusion, might be said that the wise sayings of Dak

this
Mahapurusa have on the tongues of men.
lived through ages
Like those of the great Spanish and French aphoristic writers,.
Gracian La Rochefoucauld or Ghamfort, the aphorisms of Dak
Mahapurusa have gone deep into man’s imagination, for, they
serve the needs of peasant society as compass of daily life.
Though generally breezy and devoid of much poetic quality,
these aphorisms are genuinely original in content and utilitarian
in purpose.In short, they bear a close parallel to the ancient
Hebrew wisdom literature, of course, without the latter’s poetic
quality. Some of the aphorisms, particularly those relating to
marriage and womanhood, appear to be paraphrases of - Mam
smriti.

One very significant thing about the aphorisms of Dak

Mahapurusa is that their language generally appears to be of the
later Vaishnava era. Recent researches have revealed that
from the point of language and the society they depict, these
aphorisms, howsoever mystery-shrouded the authorship might
be, cannot safely be assigned to the 6th century a.d., as supposed
by some scholars. The existence of words like darji, haram chuburi, ,

etc. of Arabic and Persian origin justifies the conclusion that the
sayings of Dak Mahapurusa cannot be as old as to be of the 6th
century a.d. The Muslim contact in Assam cannot be relegated
 APHORISMS AND BUDDHISTIC SONGS 39

to a period earlier than that of the eleventh century. On the

other hand, the contrary of it can be established if we take into
account the fact that these aphorisms are co-extensive and extend
over a much wider region than the present geographical frontiers
of the Assamese language and literature.

(ii) Buddhistic Songs:

In this connection, a word must be said about Buddhism.

There are ample evidences from the isolated images of Buddha
so far discovered in the land as also from the existence of sects,
offshoots of the declining phases of Buddhism, to establish that
once this religion of the “Enlightened One”, in whatever form,
must have held its sway in Assam. In this connection, K. L.
Barua can be quoted “It is difficult to believe that Pragjyotisha
:

(Assam) which was so close to Uttar Kosala and Magadha could

remain away from Buddhistic influences.” Tibetan records reveal
instances of pilgrims visiting the centres of Buddhistic religion and
culture in Tibet. It is said that the temple of Hayagriva at Hajo
(modern Kamrup) had been originally a Buddhist temple; the
temple-deity was known as Mahamuni.
It is believed that Buddha is one of the ten avataras (incarnations)
of the Hindu god Vishnu. This perhaps accounts for the dual
role of the temple at Hajo; even to this day it is a place of pilgrim-
age not only of the Hindus but also of the followers of Buddhism.
The Bhutanese of the neighbouring hills who are Buddhist by
religion still visit this temple on pilgrimage. In regard to
ritualistic impact, it will be revealing to quote K. R. Medhi who
sums up the kindred points of Buddhism and Assamese Vaishnavism
thus “The monastic and congregational systems, the three precious
:

objects (saranas), the image processions, the pada sila the asm ,

and relics, the offerings of lamps, oil and flowers etc. point to some
similarity between Buddhism and Assam Vaishnavism.” Because
of many identical features common to both, Buddhism readily
yielded place to Vaishnavism; there are communities in Assam
who prior to their conversion into Vaishnavism are believed to be
Buddhists. This is deduced on the analogy of a group of
40 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

communities in Bengal, as pointed out by Prof. Humayun Kabir

in his Adhunik Bangla Kavya .

The songs known as Bauddha dohas are the compositions of

popular preachers of the Buddhistic religion; the opinions of
scholars about their date of composition differ considerably. While
Dr. S. K. Sen puts the date at 14th century, Dr. P. C. Bagchi
surmises that these esoteric poems must have been composed
during the 8th to 10th century; this view appears to be nearer the
truth. Their linguistic peculiarities justify such a conclusion.
It is said that Sahajayana doctrines and Sahajiya practices
constitute the essence of these esoteric compositions. Sahajiya,
a mysterious form of Buddhism, is an “affirmative creed” that
accepted life as it is and yet tried to transcend it by a self-imposed
mental and physical discipline. Dr. Suniti Kumar Chatterji is
of the view that the language of these poems is a form of old
Bengali which “in its basis” was “greatly influenced by Sauraseni
Apabhramsa and occasionally by Sanskrit and literary Prakrit”.
Dr. B. Kakati on the other hand has pointed out that certain
morphological and phonological peculiarities of the dohas have
come down in an “unbroken continuity” from early to modern
Assamese, which in a way proves the untenability of Dr. Suniti
Kumar Chatterji’s contention.
Basing his conclusions on a Tibetan manuscript, Dr. G. Tucci
connects Minanath, a poet of the dohas , with Kamarupa; he
belonged to the fisherman community. The following is an extract
of a song composed by Minanath of Kamarupa taken from Pandit
H. P. Sastri’s Bauddha Gan 0 Doha .

Kakati guru paramarihara hata y

Karma kuranga samadhika patta y

Kamala bikasila kahai na jamare ,

Kamala tnadhu pibi dhoke na bhomora.

From a careful study of these compositions, it appears that the

dohas fit into the prevailing spirit of the age. Though they appear
to be written in a mixed dialect of Kamarupi and Maithili and
are mainly didactic in purpose, these poems have a significant
 APHORISMS AND BUDDHISTIC SONGS 41

literary value in the evolution of old Assamese poetry. The

aphorisms of Dak Mahapurusa are often identical in spirit to the
dohas ; the difference that lies between the two is that while the
one is essentially secular, the other is ostensibly religious.
The Buddhistic dohas) tantras and mantras etc. evidently belong
to a dark age; they are valuable repositories of thoughts and ideals
of a people before they emerged from the dark age of religious
beliefs and literature to a more rational culture. These anony-
mous compositions of tantras and mantras spells and charms, are
,

generally archaic in language. They possess neither the lyrical

spontaneity of the people’s songs nor the easy expression of the
vachanawalis . Tantras and mantras belong to a dark age when a
corrupt religion stimulated either by the decadent phases of
Buddhism or a crude form of Saktism was the prevalent faith.
Yet, in between the 7th and the 12th century, it was an age of
rockcult and copper-plate literature for Assam.
The 13th century and onwards reveals the growth of a rich
literature which, as it appears from its highly subtle and expressive
technique and vocabulary, must have been preceded by an
exceptionally fecund language in the earlier years. The existence
of such a language alone can justify the unprecedented literary
growth of the subsequent generations. The aphorisms of Dak
Mahapurusa exhibit a fecund language which speaks of such a
possibility.
 pre-vaishnava literature

Strictly speaking, it is with Hema Saraswati who according

to Sir E. A. Gait lived and wrote in the 13th century that Assamese
literature came to exist in its written form. From his autobio-
graphical sketch in Prahlada Carxta y it is evident that he won
the patronage of king Durlabhnarayana of Kamatapura in whose
court preceptors and leaders of thought and poets of great artistic
acumen gathered. Thus Hema Saraswati started his career in
the pre-Vaishnava period with Prahlada Carita which in fact opened
an era of recorded history in Assamese literature.
Competent authorities believe that king Durlabhnarayana
must have ruled in Kamatamandala during the closing years of
the 13th century or during the beginning of the 14th. Whatever
that maybe, that Hema Saraswati was an illustrious contemporary
of this king, there is little Not only the date, but
or no doubt.
also the frontiers of Durlabhnarayana’s kingdom Kamatamandala
have not so far been finally established. K. R. Medhi is of the
opinion that this ancient kingdom must have embraced the
modern districts of Pvangpur and Cooch Behar, now in West
Bengal, and Goalpara and Kamrup in modern Assam. This
corroborates the theory that the ancient kingdoms of Kamatapura
and Kamarupa were culturally co-extensive. Pargiter, an
authority on the Puranas> is of the opinion that this kingdom
 PRE-VAISHNAVA LITERATURE 43

(ancient Kamarupa) stretched as far as to the Karatoya river

on the west and also included a portion of the modern district
of Rangpur in West Bengal. The Vishnupurana supports this
view. This shows how futile it is to seek to isolate Hema Sara-
swati from the purview of Assamese literature.
The story of Prahlada Carita , as the name suggests, is limited
to the differing mental attitudes between the demon king
Hiranyakasipu and his Vishnuite son Prahlada. Though this
work is acclaimed by K. R. Medhi as the “first Assamese book on

Vaishnavism”, the evidences to this end are more apparent than

real. Although it is poem shows certain
often claimed that this
Vishnuite inclination on the part of author and it helps to
its

<lenigrate the Vamanaya cult, it is not safe to conclude that Hema

Saraswati was an ardent Vishnuite. Judging from Hara-Gauri
Samvada , a poem on which Hema Saraswati s claim to poetic
5

recognition lies more firmly, it can be said that the poet’s spiritual
affiliations cannot be clearly defined. On the other hand, this
poem shows the poet’s predilections for Sakta-Shaiva worship.
Hema Saraswati employed a type of rhymed couplet for his
literary composition. He also made an extensive use of the
dulari metre which attained its highwater mark of excellence in the
hands of Sankardeva and Madhavdeva of the subsequent period.
There are archaisms in Prahlada Carita that speak of the preponder-
ating influence of Prakrit prevailing during the time. That Hema
Saraswati a master of vivid narrative, howsoever stilted his style
is

might To be precise, his style very often

be, cannot be doubted.
than not inclines towards pomposity of ar\ inferior order; it is
sweeping rather than subtle and varied.
Harivar Vipra who translated the Asvamedha parva of the Maha-
bharata and other poets of the generation like Kaviratna Saraswati
and Madhavkandali may rightly be regarded as the precursors
of the Vaishnava literary dawn that followed subsequently. Like
Hema Saraswati, Harivar Vipra also belonged to king Durla-
bhnarayana’s times as evident from his benedictory verses to this
monarch. His Vabruvahanaryuddha is a poem of war and adventure,
of local colour and tender emotions, that is woven round the
44 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

mythological theme of Aijuna’s encounter with his own son, bom

of Chitrangada of Manipur. The dialogue of valour, mostly
couched in homely references, enlivens not only the epic processes
its dramatic incidents and situation.
of the kavya , but also intensifies
The appeal of scenes like Arjuna calling himself a “tiger” and his
contestant a mere “goat” in the tiger’s grip, and Vabruv^hana
twitting at Arjuna and belittling the latter’s bravery displayed
against the Kauravas ( Kapasa katiya sasa diway a lawara) is intensely
popular. The fighting scene is described with gusto and the elan
and ethos displayed throughout show the poet at his exuberant
best. The pangs of Chitrangada at the slaughter of her husband
in battlefield breathes of an aroma of devotion and rare fidelity.
She condemns her son Vabruvahana as “far worse than Parasu-
rama” who is guilty of matricide.
The Kavya and age, pride
presents a contrast between youth
and and war, and above all, between Arjuna’s
prejudice, passion
past achievements and heroism in battle and present predicament
in the hands of his own son; this lyrical re-appraisal is one of the
best parts of the poem. In contrast to these scenes of failure and
futility are presented scenes of music and great festivity when
Arjuna is revived toand the two combatants, father and son,
life,

are united into understanding and filial affection once again.

Lava-Kusar yuddha is another noted work of Harivar Vipra; it is
the story of Rama and his two sons in exile and the fight that
ensued between the father and his sons. The emphasis is less
on the episodes like the abduction of Sita by Ravana or her ordeal
of fire and more on the events that followed as a sequel to these
events. The author shows his poetic qualities at their best when
he describes Rama’s crisis of conscience on the one hand and the
compelling force of an ideal on the other. And this the poet does
by making Rama heir to all the passions and emotions inherent
in the very nature of mortal beings. Though Rama’s loyalty
to an ideal ultimately proved own personal
stronger than his
emotions, the latter however proved stronger when he started
weeping desperately like a child over Sita’s banishment to forest.

The poet portrays with skill and craftsmanship the forest

 pre-vaishnava utbaAture 45

scene with different varieties octrees, atleast seventy, laden with

fruits and flowers. But the total impression that this description
produces is and brush,
that, if reduced into a canvas with paint-pot
the forest would no longer be a forest bathed in a light that “never
5
was on sea or land ’, but a mere conglomeration of trees, a grand
poetic# disarray. Nevertheless, in his aesthetics of nature he only
conformed to the prevailing traditions of classical poetry, and in
this, as in other avenues of his art, Harivar Vipra shows no doubt
a “strong flavour of original genius’*.
Kaviratna Saraswati is the author of Jayadratha vadha which
can be described as an adaptation rather than a translation in
absolute terms of the Mahabharata story. In point of creative
art and skill, this poet is not on a par with Madhavkandali or
Harivar Vipra. Rudrakandali who has a distinct place in the
Vaishnava literary sub-period translated into Assamese the
Drona parva of the Mahabharata. His Satyakipravesa contains
an eulogy of king Tamradhvaja and his brother in the ideal
setting of mythopoetic relationship existing between Rama and
Lakshmana. The similes and imageries he uses are simple which
constitutes a redeeming landmark of his language. The great
bulk of Assamese poetry that preceded the Vaishnava era consists
of episodes from the Epics such as the Asvamedha parva, Jayadratha
vadha etc. Madhavkandali rendered the Ramayana into Assamese
(“jbade virachita rama-katha ’*) under the orders of king Mahamanikya

of Tripura.
In the pre-Vaishnava period, covering about two solid centuries,
Hema Saraswati and Madhavkandali are the names that stand
as prominent landmarks. The latter has displayed wonderous
music and varied diction in his version of the Ramayana; this has
captured the imagination of the later generation, not excepting
that of Sankardeva’s. Like Chaucer paying his tribute to “Moral
Gower” in Troilus and Cressida Sankardeva in the Uttarkanda of
y

Ramayana, produced jointly with Madhavdeva, pays a warm

tribute to this fore-runner (“purvakavi apramadi ”) of Vaishnava
* poetry, Madhavkandali. Like Chaucer’s debt to “Moral Gower”,
Sankardeva’s debt to this “unrivalled one” is obvious in the use
46 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

of metre and diction. The age to which they belonged was

sceptical, but under the auspices of poets like Madhavkandali and
Hema Saraswati, the new literary renascence was already ushered in.
Though imbued with a certain poetic spirit, the style of Hema
Saraswati has a ruggedness in marked contrast to the exquisite
polish of his contemporary, Madhavkandali. But this must be
noted that the of language is often obscured as in
latter’s suavity

the poem Devajit. Though the burden of this poem is supremacy

of ethical values acquired through nama-dharma in the true Vaishnava
spirit, Devajit is devoid of the manifest poetic qualities of Madhav-
kandali. Barring Pandit H. G. Goswami, most of the scholars
are of the opinion that “it is very much doubtful if this (
Devajit )
was his (Madhavkandali’s) composition”. This poem is an epic
of war that describes Arjuna’s encounter with Indra for the latter’s
reluctance to invite Krishna to rajasuya yajna performed by him.
In the encounter, Indra was defeated by Arjuna under Krishna’s
inspiration.
The translation of the seven-canto Ramayana, Ramayana
supayara , not only popularised mythological themes and legends,
but also acquainted the age with religious inspiration of the
Vaishnava type. Madhavkandali allowed the magic of his
imagination to play into the framework of the original Ramayana
and with his intense poetic gifts transmuted what was a translation
into a great work of art and craftsmanship. The following is an
image rich in its own beauty.

Vayubege larayu Sitara bastrakhan ,

Meghata lagila jena ravira kiran.

Sita’s raiment quivers in the breeze,

Like clouds drenched with sunbeams.

Madhavkandali was an adept in the art of translation; the

followingis an instance of how he has rendered into Assamese a

well-known sloka from the Ramayana ( Lanka kanda).

Dese dese kalatrani dese dese ca bandhavah ,

Tam tu desam na pasyami yatra Bharatasahodarah
 PRE-VAISHNAVA LITERATURE 47

Assamese rendering:

Bharyya puttra bandhumyata pai yatha tctha ,

Hena natu dekhoho sodara pai katha .

To say in the words of Dr. M. Neog: “It is in the hands of

Kandali that the rather artificial language with occasional
betrayals of the colloquial, which was employed in the religious,
biographical and even historical literature of Assam till the advent
of British rule, was set and standardised. This is a language
embellished with a music of its own, but with simple figures of
speech like alliteration, simile, metaphor.” Madhavkandali not
only brought the Ramayana nearer home to the Assamese people
and furnished the talented among them with materials for creative
ventures, but also fostered a spirit of fusion and synthesis in literary
(t
history. Kandali’s sense of humility is astounding : pakhi
sava urayajena pakha onusari ”, “birds fly according to the strength
of their wings”, and therefore he does not claim any special
merit for himself.
Pre-Vaishnava poetry is characterised by three metres :
pada,
€habiand dulari . One thing must be noted here : except that they
borrowed freely from the Epics, these pre-Vaishnava poets are
neither the forerunners nor the conscious initiators of any religious
ideology; to them goes the credit of extending the frontiers of
literary materials and initiating a literary tendency. They did
not initiate any school of religio-ethical thought whatsoever.
Except offering a vast reservoir of materials for literary creation,
the Epics themselves are not an instrument of Vaishnava or any
such religious ideology.
The literary stronghold of the Vaishnava period was principally
in western Assam as forces stimulating the growth of literature
found a congenial soil there. The renascence of Assamese life and
literature was in fact possible under king Naranarayana (1533-
1584) who ruled in Cooch Behar. Till then and even covering
a part of his reigning time, Assam was the home of many creeds
and faiths, offshoots associated with Saktism and decadent
Buddhism. That was the time when witchcraft was exalted into
48 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

worship, superstition into virtue and ignorance into a positive

creed. As pointed out already, pre-Vaishnava literature was not
a conscious attempt at a socio-religious revolution; it was, it won’t
be wrong to say, a literature for the sake of story.
vaishnava literature

Saktism crystallised into a distinct faith under the inspiration

of Tantra literature in which various prayers and incantations are
prescribed in the form of a dialogue generally between Shiva and
Parvati. In the course of time, the moral principle associated
with Saktism degenerated into vulgarity and tried to maintain
itself by means of cynicism, credulity and cowardly conduct.
Apart from the degraded form of Saktism, Buddhism also degraded
into a cult of ignorance and superstition and ultimately coalesced
with the Tantric aspect of Hinduism in certain phases. This state
of things continued until Vaishnavism was ushered in to shed a
new light in the horizon of religion. The Tantric faith was not
without its literary supporters like Durgabar and Mankar who
composed two different versions of Padmapnrana in support of its
rites and rituals. This faith inculcates the principle of devotion
to female deities like Padmavati and Manasa, guardian deities
of snakes. It was in a sense an age of social and spiritual cross-
purposes.
In the prevailing atmosphere, Sankardeva, the founder of
Assamese Vaishnavism found all this. With great care and
endeavour, he set himself to spread the Vaishnava faith among
the people and rationalise man’s religious attitude. This must
be said that Vaishnavism acted like a cleansing storm and the
50 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

result of it was a renascence of conscience. Thus in the context

of conflict between blind faith and bigotry of the most inflexible
type on the one hand and rationalism and liberal thought pro-
pounded by Sankardeva on the other, Vaishnavism opened a
new chapter of religious renascence and literary progress.
The Vaishnava faith initiated by Sankardeva is known as
ekasarana dharma i.e., devotion to one God.
, The cardinal features
of it are (i) sravana kirtana dharma the principle of audition was
;

accepted as a stimulating device for religious devotion, and

(it) the dasya view of life was propounded in the manner Kabir

and Tulsidasa did, according to which the relation of man to God

was like that of a servant to his sovereign. It was not like that
of a woman to her beloved as postulated by Mirabai or Suradasa.
This is why the character of Radha and the “faery power of
unreflecting love” are absent as themes from the general purview
of Assamese Vaishnavism; it ismarked by a certain measure of
austere attitudes. (Hi) It is democratic in thought and all-
embracing in concept and application in the sense that it did not
accept any division of caste or creed, (iv) Literature, its accre-

dited channel of expression, was meant to stimulate interest among

the general mass of people, women and illiterates particularly.
Vaishnava religion was an open revolt against the cold
intellectualism of Brahmanic philosophy on the one hand and the
misguided faith of the Tantricists on the other. And thus, through
literature not only was theology made vivid, but also a faith in a
loving, personal God for the people was made possible of reali-
sation. To quote Tagore “When the mystic has achieved the
:

theophanic state, all aspects of the universe are equal, sacramental

declarations of the ultimate reality.” That all created beings
are equal and they reflect the light of the Creator is what
Vaishnavism propounds and practises.
Sankardeva (1449-1569). and Madhavdeva (1489-1596), the
two best-known saint-poets of Assam, belong to the later medieval
period. Sankardeva was a great religious reformer and a
finished poet too. By one of those happy accidents of fate which
produces genius like jewels from rocks, he was the central focus of
 VAISHNAVA LITERATURE 51

a renascence that produced a comprehensive impact on different

avenues of art, culture and literature. He held the magic mirror
to a people torn by religious animosities with a crusader’s zeal
and soon with delightful surprise, they came to recognise them-
selves; they could trace the lineaments not only of the face, but
also of the soul. Thus, a process from the realm of blind instinct
to self-conscious knowledge was already in momentum.
That Sankardeva was a renowned Sanskrit scholar is evident
from his Bhakti Ratnakara a treatise on Vaishnavism in Sanskrit and
,

other Sanskrit verses incorporated in his ankiya natas. He is the

first great poet in order of time of the Assamese people and in order
of merit, he is amongst the first of all Assamese poets. The age of
Vaishnava culture is essentially an age of unrest and enthusiasm.
The most insistent feature of the period, as all over northern India,
was an impatient progressive spirit, alien to the medieval mind.
With a view to propagate his religious tenets and doctrines,
Sankardeva began towards the close of the century he was born
in to compose literary works, poems and dramas with essences
culled from the shastras. Sankardeva possessed the essential
qualities of a translator; the translation of the Bhagavatam described ,

“
as vedantara ito paramatatlva ” (co-ordinated essence of Vedanta)
was the starting point of unprecedented enthusiasm and inspira-
tion for Assamese literature. There is a foretaste of Sankardeva’s
genius in his trite poem Harischandra upakhyana which, it is said,
was composed when the poet was in his teens. This was his
prologue in a sense to future achievements and further blossoming
of talents.
The work that has given Sankardeva great fame and
poetical
recognition undoubtedly the Kirtana that contains twenty-six
is

poems running into 2261 couplets. Except two, Sahasranama

vrittanta and Ghunuca compositions of Anantakandali and Sridhar
,

Kandali respectively, incorporated in the collection on the

authors’ explicit desire, the Kirtana is an anthology of Sankardeva’s
own poems. This book of verse is a rich store-house of spiritual
ideas and thoughts gathered from sources like the Vedanta , Srimat
Bhagavatam , Gita, Padmapurana etc. Noble in style, imagination
52 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

and ideas, the influence of the Kirtana in enriching our language

and literature and philosophic thoughts cannot be over-emphasised.
It must be remembered that Sankardeva is something more than

a popular writer and a poet of musical verse and spiritual

exaltation. He is and has been a great force.
Sankardeva is dynamic and yet a supreme artist; he is noted
for his clear and chiselled phrasing with his colossal learning of
:

Sanskrit, he is in the best tradition of Indian poetry; besides, his

depth of ideas and sweep of language and feelings justify this
conclusion. “Whoever touches this, touches a man”, said Walt
Whitman about his Leaves of Grass ; this may be said of Sankar-
deva’s Kirtana as of all great works of art and genius.
In Ajamila upakhyana ,
it is seen how even absent-minded
absorption in God works as a catharsis and purifies the soul.
Though episodical, Prahlada carita and Gajendra upakhyana are
imbued with an inspiring spiritual purpose. Bhakti Pradipa
contains succinctly the quintessence of Vaishnava philosophy.

Eka citte tumi moka malra kara seva ,

Parihara durate yateka ana deva.

Devote thyself to me with an undivided mind,

And keep away other gods at a distance.
Gunamala, composed on the behest of king Naranarayana of Gooch
Behar, is a book of hymns in praise of Vishnu and Krishna; its jing-

ling rhymes and onomatopoetic words are of absorbing interest; each

stanza is like an algebraic formula that sticks to the tip of the tongue
easily. Sankardeva’s art is generally didactic; it is an affirma-
tion of the principle according to which the pure spirit of religion,
apart from external dogmas, is really the precious thing of life.
Sankardeva set out on a pilgrimage to different Vaishnava
cultural centr. s of northern India in 1483 and came back in
1495; he devoted these years to strenuous cultural and intellectual
activities. The post-pilgrimage stage in Sankardeva’s life is a
period of great magic and for sheer beauty of deep “philosophical
truths”, the poems produced during this period are unrivalled.
The inspiration was deduced mainly from the Bhagavatam the ,
 VAISHNAVA LITERATURE 53

unrivalled merit of which consists in “the best possible synthesis

of the highest spiritual effort of individual with the most practical
social co-operation’ \ Sankardeva who was himself a family
man, however, did not practice or encourage vairagya in any way,
for, he knew that those who refuse to face life and seek refuge in the
abandonment of the world do really suffer the final defeat of the
spirit. This repugnance to vairagya accounts for the fusion of the
poet and the preacher in the man.
In the strict sense of the term, Sankardeva was a religious
mystic who also happened to be a great artist. Monseur Taine
holds that a man can best be judged by considering his works with
reference to his epoch and environment. We cannot arrive at
an adequate comprehension of Sankardeva’s literary compositions
without being aware of certain facts in the life of the man (i) the
:

fact of his sojourn to the centres of Vaishnava culture in northern

India, («) his profound knowledge of Sanskrit and Indian
philosophical literature, and (in) the spirit of blind faith that
constituted the psychology of the times.
Besides Kirtana and Dasama which constitute the quintessence of
Sankardeva’s genius and Sisulila and Adi Dasama that contain
captivating portraits of Krishna’s childhood, the poetic excellences
of his compositions are also revealed in his Bargitas and Ankargitas.
These songs, according to K. R. Medhi, “may well be compared
with the songs of Vidyapati and the rhythm of Joy dev”. Devo-
tional songs like the Bargitas express that ecstatic love of the
Vaishnava which is realised through intensity of feeling and
expression of the infinite. From this standpoint, the Bargitas
can often be compared with the “noble numbers” of Herrick, as
Dr. B. Kakati has done. In this connection, this must be
remembered that songs are defined according to their musical
characteristics and not according to the perimeter of ideas or
thought-content. Bargitas have a distinct musical scheme apart
from the deep philosophical thought inspiring them. Despite
their highly spiritual and intellectual content, the language of
the Bargitas is placid and graceful. They are transcendental like
the first medieval hymns of the Christians.
54 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

O my Lord, prostrate at Thy feet, I lay myself down,

And with a contrite heart beseech Thee to save my soul,
My soul is in the point of perishing through the poison
Of the venomous serpent of worldly things,
On this earth all is transitory and uncertain,
On what shall I place reliance?
( Translated by Dr . B. Kakati)
Lyrical and introspective, Sankardeva may truly be described
as one who laid the foundation of mysticism in our literature with
his Bargitas and Ankargitas. Liberty and not bondage is the true-
nature of the human soul; the phenomenal world is illusory and
unreal like a mirage or dream. Bhakti itself is the gift of a
righteous life. Meditation on the transitoriness of the world and
incertitude of life are the favourite themes of Sankardeva as of
other Vaishnava poets. The best expression of the Divine
Personality is through the human personality and through the life
process of man there is a continual communion between the human
and the divine. The Vaishnava realised this human personality
and the Divine personality both of which remained combined
in the nature of man in terms of “I” and “Thou”. This mystic
relation is evident in the Bargitas as also in the metaphysical poems
like Anadi-patana, Nimi-nayasidha-samvada and the Uttara kanda
Ramayana Rama is an image of Krishna; in one of the bhatimaSy
.

Rama is addressed thus

Thou art the lord of three worlds,

and the guiding principle of the Universe;
Thou art the undefined attributes,
and thou art the supreme power;
Thou art the supreme philosophy
beyond the attributes.

Even a cursory glance into his natakas and kavyas will convince
one of Sankardeva’s brilliant originality, his craftsmanship, his
high sense of morality. A wider survey leaves us with the conclu-
sion that this Vaishnava saint-poet was also a master of individual
and very beautiful constructions and melodies; his pearls are as
 VAISHNAVA LITERATURE 55

plentiful in the Bargitas as elsewhere. This must be noted that

the greatest artists are dynamic as well as decorative; they display
elemental power and yet they preserve beauty of form. Sankar-
deva’s art unites strength with great beauty, serenity of expression
with depth of spiritual understanding; a master of technique, an
artist in metrical harmonies, a rational idealist with a definite
philosophy, this saint-poet possesses also the lure of that narrative
genius which has brought fame and popularity to poets from
Homer to Dante, Spencer and Milton.
from Chaucer to
Sankardeva possessed the creative imagination of a playwright
and knew well the art of telling a story so that its pathos, beauty
and romance are heightened by the music of composition; his
Rukminiharana kavya the inspiration of which is drawn from
,

Bhagavatam and Harivamsam is a long narrative poem written with

,

insight and sympathy; in it, the mythopoetic scenes are tinged with
touches of local colour and life that is particularly manifest in the
original view taken of the nuptial scene. There is intense
emotionalism in the kavya and yet, the somewhat sumptuous
,

description natural to the romantic episode is never allowed to

preponderate over the thrilling interest with which the story is
charged.
Sankardeva’s religion which is aptly reflected in his literature
ismarked by a happy blend of wide catholicity, a sense of broad
humanity and wide democratic sentiment. Bhakti tried to
abolish the rigid caste rules; it came to be commonly held that
anybody who worshipped God belonged to God, no matter what
caste or creed he belonged to. Amongst* Sankardeva’s disciples
we find, for instance, people belonging to different social status and
creed viz . Bhutanese, Brahmins, Muslims, Ahoms, Untouchables
and the like. In bhakti , Sankardeva found, to use Aristotle's
words, “all he needed”.
Drama, poetry, religion, — all engaged Sankardeva’s astounding
intellectual activity, in addition to which he carried on an enormous
social work of far-flung import. The Vaishnava monastery
system that holds a key position in Assamese social life even today
is pre-eminently his creation. Besides this, the operas called
56 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

htywanas are his contribution to the art-history of the land.

Through on Pauranik themes, Sankardeva
these popular operas
introduced not only a happy combination of education and
entertainment, but also .the technique of stage-setting with painted
scenes. He was who knew the art of using the
himself a painter
brush with imagination; he painted scenes of Vaikuntha Vaishnava ,

paradise, on big canvases for the theatre: Chinhajatra 9 a drama

now lost, is said to be a procession of scenes. Sankardeva’s
dramas are interspersed mostly with beautiful songs, some of
which in point of dignity of thought and musicalness remind one
of the Bargitas “divine melodious truth, philosophic numbers
,

smooth”.
Sankardeva is a nature-poet also in a limited sense. Like a
decorative painter on stained glass, he decorates his poetical
compositions with objects from nature; nature was a decorative
symbol for him and he used it particularly as a background against
which mythological characters were generally depicted as
experiencing the “coarser pleasures” of life. In Haramohan for ,

instance, Sankardeva weaves a vast tapestry, an ornamental

decoration of artistic beauty at once rich and magnificent.
Suffused with the colour and fragrance of flowers like Tulsidasa’s
picture of Ghitrakuta in Gitavali ,
Trikuta varnan presents descriptive
portraits of nature, barren but bright as a “dome of many coloured
vase”. The same thing can be said of Rasa krida where kurubaka,
asoka , campa , ama, jama ,
beta etc. (all trees) and creepers like juti,
jati , malati etc. are adequately portrayed to lend panorama to the
story. Although bathed in fresh, pensive,
his objects of nature are
flowerlike beauty, Sankardeva was not primarily concerned with
the creation of nature- poetry for its own sake. What he essentially
believed in was the didactic power of literary art, and nothing
beyond.
In conclusion, it w'on’t be an exaggeration to say that Sankar-
deva’s genius appears the sea itself with its immensity and limits,
its rhythm and repose, the constant self-balancing of its ebb and

flow. In Haramohan it is the grandeur of natural description that

,

compensates for a certain obscenity in the narrative part of the

 VAISHNAVA LITERATURE 57

story; yet, it is a poem with a purpose. Sankardeva b first a

religious reformer and then a literary artist. In his hands, to all
purposes, deism vanqubhed and the rational tenet of
was
Vaishnavbm on a surer foundation.
established
To Sankardeva must also go the credit of making a compqsite
language a thing compact and vital; like Milton wearing a mixed
garment of Latin and puritanic theology, Sankardeva wore one
of Sanskrit and Vaishnava theology draped in a rejuvenated
Assamese language. Despite the interpolation of Brajabuli and
tatsama words, the style of his Bargitas is simple. Likewise in, his
dramas, there is a large admixture of Brajabuli idioms, particularly
so far as the songs are concerned. In fact, like Chaucer in English
literature, Sankardeva who has infused spirit and life into the
it is

Assamese language and laid it on a solid foundation.

As a versifier, like Marlowe refashioning Latin .verse for his dramas,
it is Sankardeva who re-fashioned the old verse-forms and gave
them a new polish and dignity. In fact, he was the first to employ
metres like dulari , lechari etc. as medium of expression for religious,
mystic and theosophic thought, the rhythm of verse beating in
unison with the rhythm of spiritual thought.
Madhavdeva (1489-1596) had perfected what his gurudev ,

“jaya guru Sankara , sarva-gunakara” had left unfinished. There b a

graceful flow in Madhavdeva’s style which is as expressive and
captivating as that of his master, Sankardeva; there are occasions
when the younger poet appears to be more philosophic and
intellectual in ethical approach than the elder one. Essentially
comparable with the former in point of geqius and acutely austere
as a devotee, Madhavdeva possessed an apostolic tolerance of
spirit. He was a robust optimist who preached faith and pro-
claimed bhakti regardless of failure or accomplishment in the right
Bhagavata way.
Madhavdeva’s poetry came to him as naturally as leaves to a
tree in spring. Namghosa , Rajasuya Tajna, Adikanda Ramayana,
Bhakti Ratnavali Janma rahasya Nam-malika etc. are some of his
, ,

noted poetical works. Deeply metaphysical and intellectual,

redolent with the “dim and fugitive traits of consciousness”,
58 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Bhakti Ratnavali is in a sense the Bible of Assamese Vaishnavism,

a book that sharpened the edge of ekasarana dharma which means
•devotion to one God who is the “supreme power”. In Rajasuya
Yajna , the supremacy of Krishna is portrayed through the delinea-
tion of his domestic and social life. Though a translation from the
Ramayana, the Adikanda breathes a certain measure of freedom that
bequeaths to it the character of an original work; the verse is graceful
and vibrant. Namghosa the philosophic basis of which is Vedanta,
,

is imbued with high

great poetry religious philosophy that contains
in the manner of Sankardeva’s Kirtana the core and essence of
Assamese Vaishnavism. must be said that if Madhavdeva’s
It

Bargitas are exquisite poetically, his Namghosa is exquisite philoso-

phically.
In Namghosa Madhavdcva developed a unique skill in the form
,

of musically sombre verse, an art in which he had many imitators

but no rival; never has the individuality of a poet-preacher so
completely permeated his work. It is inconceivable that any
other man could have written a single stanza of the Namghosa ;
the music in it deepens and organises as the rhythm undulates.
Not only from the point of poetic qualities, but also that of
philosophical study of spiritual ideas, the Namghosa stands supreme.
Madhavdeva was a great borrower; the opening lines of Namghosa
are in fact a rendering from a Sanskrit source, compositions of one
Vishnupuri Sannyasin; but, what he borrows he transmutes into
new beauty and sombre dignity.
It must also be said; that Madhavdeva was a deep-voiced
musician who sang his own compositions with great felicity. As
he sang his Bargitas he invariably swayed his audience with the
,

enchantment of his voice like a tempest swaying the reeds.

Be careful brother,
Till life pass away:
The Providence of Govinda
Soon will grant you grace.
Trifling is life, trifling youth,
All is illusory; have no care;
 VAISHNAVA LITERATURE 59

Sorrows, throw them off

And mind at Hari’s feet.
fasten the
them off. Break the trap of illusion,
Desires, cast
Saith Madhava, pin thy hope to the feet of the Lord.
{Translated by Dr . B. Kakati)

Touched with the exquisite poetic gifts of Sankardeva and

Madhavdeva, the Bargitas have attained a distinctive depth of
spiritual passion and resignation. They constitute the principal
corpus of devotional songs and poems in Assamese literature.
Like Sankardeva, Madhavdeva also took to the propagation
of Vaishnava tenets and doctrines not only through musical
transmissions of the type of Bargitas , but also through visual
representation of mythological incidents like bhawana performance.
His dramas like Cordhara and Pimpara gueuwa, portraying the child-
life of Krishna, are characterised by childlike suavity. Under
Madhavdeva’s auspices, the eternal fascination of the child,
joy and warmth, fond maternal caresses etc. constitute a distinctive
feature of Assamese Vaishnavism. Vrajadham is the mythopoetic
land of Krishna’s lila; among the grown-ups are the milkmaids
and Yasodadevi, the eternal Madonna. The atmosphere is
conceived as an arcadia overflowing with the grace of childhood
simplicity. Krishna with his symbolic flute is conceived not as an
amorous youth, a happy melodist “forever piping songs forever
new”, but a child with flute and trinklets “dancing”, as it were,
“upon the silver edge of darkness”, to use Percy Mckaye’s words.
In his conception of Krishna as “eternal child”, Madhavdeva
is almost alone in the whole range of Assamese Vaishnava
literature. The poet mystifies the existence of Krishna as a child
playing through space and time, and thus, the literary purpose to
“open the mind to beautiful thoughts”, to use J. M. Barrie’s
words, is constantly brought into an illuminating focus. Like
Suradasa drawing his inspiration for Krishna’s child-life from the
Sanskrit Bhagavata Pus ana , Madhavdeva also drew his inspiration
from the same source. The aspect of Krishna living and
playing among the cowherds and milkmaids of Vrindabana was
60 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

emphasised by Madhavdeva with a passion for “intensity and

intimacy” in order to bring Krishna’s universality into relief.
“After Shankaracharya, his followers emphasised the personal
existence of a supreme deity, possessing every gracious attribute,
full of love and pity for the sinful beings who adore him, and
granting the released soul of a home of eternal bliss near him.”
{Encyclopaedia Britannica ) This aspect of the God-head constitutes
.

the soul of Indian Vaishnava poetry. Madhavdeva’s depiction

of Krishna’s child-life as in Bargitas and Ankiya natas is a reflection

of broad tendency. It must be said that in child-psychology,

this

Madhavdeva began where Sankardeva left.

Madhavdeva’s genius is introspective, reminiscent and
analytical; rhythmic climax and great intensity of feeling constitute
the keynote of his poetical genius. supposed by some that
It is

when the transcendental ideas of Vaishnavism prevailed, the

enjoyment of earthly life was regarded with disfavour; these ideals
found a ready response in the people and soon got crystallised
into a cult. Transcendency meant to them the hope of a noble
and pure life, a hope that was more anxiously nursed because
existing conditions, as history reveals, seemed to prompt men to
despair. The constant raids on the plains by the savages from the
Bhutan Hills, perpetual absence of peace and order in the realm,
the capriciousness of ruling personalities etc. greatly contributed
to social unrest and insecurity. In this tangled chaos of life, the
ideal of bhakti appeared to be the only “metaphysical villa”, to
use Aldous Huxley’s words, which afforded transcendental peace
and security. This is an apt instance of Zeitgeist moulding the
literary and religious history of a people.
On account of these conditions, it is however not to be supposed
that there was a real dearth of royal patronage for literature.
King Naranarayana’s (1533-1584) court was like a university
where men of learning gathered, among whom the most well-
known are: Sankardeva, Rama Saraswati and Anantakandali.
To say in the words of K. L. Barua “Eminent scholars and poets
:

were invited to his (Naranarayana’s) court to translate the

Bhagavata Purana and the Mahabharata into Assamese and also to
 VAISHNAVA LITERATURE 61

compose treatises on varied subjects, such as grammar, poetics

9
and astronomy. {Early History of Kamarupa)
* Under the all-.

comprehensive patronage of Naranarayana, as under Akbar or

Alfred, not only religion and poetry grew, but grew as well the
studies of grammar, syntax and mathematics. Purusottam
Vidyavagish compiled a grammar and Bakul Kayastha wrote a
mathematical treatise in Assamese. The renascence of conscience
thus ushered in under the auspices of Vaishnava culture expressed
itself in different and got manifested in different
streams
avenues of growth. was under royal patronage that Rama
It
Saraswati occupied himself with the monumental task of rendering
the Sanskrit Mahabharata into Assamese. The poet was asked
by king Naranarayana to “make verse rendering of the
Mahabharata, the seven books of the Ramayana and the eighteen
Puranas for popular edification”. {Darang-raja-vamsavali)
In depth of insight and masterly creation of character as also in
beauty and power of language, Rama Saraswati, though youthful
in years, stands equally erflinent among the supreme figures of
Assamese Vaishnava literature. With the translation of the
Mahabharata —the central theme of which is not so much the
encounter of the Kauravas and the Pandavas or the conflict between
virtues and vices so much but in the best tradition of Vaishnava
literature the projection of Krishna’s personality, the corpus of —
Assamese poetical There are episodes in
literature got enriched.
Rama Saraswati’s Mahabharata that have no primary connection
with the original, episodes like Kulacala vadha , Baghasura vadka , not
to speak oiupakhyanas like that of Nala and Damayanti that are woven
in deftly, thus giving a splendid harmony and unity to the whole.
Episodes like these inspired poets to compose separate verse narra-
tives; the miraculous career of Bhima for instance stalking through,

the epic, an elemental force, inspired the poet’s imagination so much

that he had devoted a whole narrative to Bhima’s feats, called
Bhimacarita. Witty, vivacious and gay, the narrative is essentially
Assamese in quality. Bhima’s career as a servant in Shiva’s house-
hold, his gluttony and the master’s poverty, —these are incidents
that easily vibrate the chords of response in the poet’s rural audience.

5
62 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Though the poet differs widely and variously, but never

incoherently from the source, Rama Saraswati’s Mahabharata
like Geoffrey Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales is an original work. He
had improved and dilated upon the original, more especially in
the Bana parva where the glorification of Vishnu is heightened with
a passion. It would be wrong to say that Rama Saraswati confined
himself entirely to the Epics and the Puranas. His literary works like
Manicandra, Sindhuyalra and Asvakarna breathe of the aroma of the
soil. An adept not only in poetry and religious philosophy, but
also in the arts of music, poetics and erotics, Rama Saraswati
widened his gaze far and wide; he had rendered Joyadeva’s Gita
Govinda into Assamese for the first time. One thing must be said
in conclusion the
: poet’s preoccupation with war scenes in his
kavyas has a conventional ring of the type of Madhavakandali’s.
Whatever this maybe, that Rama Saraswati has given strength
and beauty to our neo-Vaishnava movement, there can be little
or no doubt.
Anantakandali is another noteworthy member of the Vaishnava
orchestra who with his mythopoetic legends and episodes in verse
has added new colour and rhythm to it, his poetry is distinguished
by purity of thought and classical elegance of diction. It contains
many descriptive passages of noble beauty and, even should the
mythological intricacies at times seem to be abstruse, we cannot,
however, close our mind to the poet’s artistic and absorbing
eloquence. Anantakandali’s Sahasranama vrittanta , not to speak of
Dasam Bhagavata , shows scholarship and poetic skill. On the
other hand, it won’t be out of place to say that his Ramayana ,
despite the fact that it occasionally displays the flashing brilliance
of the Sanskrit original, appears to be a dim reflection of Madhav-
kandali’s Ramayana. What Anantakandali has discarded is the
latter's art of exaggerated delineation that was occasionally
resorted to to sustain and feed popular taste. Whatever the above
maybe, Anantakandali’s Ramayana is distilled spiritual essence;
it is he who for the first time established a basic identification of

Rama with Krishna, an inspiring landmark in Vaishnava literature

and religion.
 VAISHNAVA LITERATURE 63

Notwithstanding his profound knowledge of Sanskrit, Ananta-

kandali wrote in Assamese and claimed for it recognition as
medium of literary expression. This is what he said

I am an adept in Sanskrit verses,

and can compose them well;

Yet, I write in this medium,
so that women and the illiterate
might get the joy of listening.

To restore treasures of Sanskrit literature from its “sibylline

leaves’* and to present them in a popular garb to the people
is the

central idea behind compositions of the Vaishnava era. It

all

is like Tulsidasa defending the use of the vernacular in his

Ramacarita manasa in reply to the Sanskrit pundits who advocated
the use of Sanskrit for all literary work. Tulsidasa likened his
work to an earthen ambrosia and compared the
vessel filled with
flowery medium of his Sanskrit-writing contemporaries to jewelled
cups filled with poison. It must be remembered that nowhere is
Anantakandali’s genius displayed more completely as in the
idyllic blend of realism, war and romance that is reflected in his
Kumara-harana ; it is an idyll. Compared to Rama Saraswati’s,
Anantakandali’s art is precise in essence.

Conclusion

The king-pin round which literature of the Vaishnava era

pivoted was the great Bhakti movement,
—“the most beautiful
stage”, as the Gita says, “in the life df devotion”. Vaishnava
poet-preachers taught that a of mere external ritualism without
life

the spirit that is to animate and inspire the outer life is a fraud,
by Lord Krishna. Vaishnava literary
mlthyachara , as described
men reveal at their best how
it was possible to distil into lucid
and meaningful expression the idealistic and philosophical tenets
of the new faith. In a land where religious instincts preponderate
over other attitudes of life, spiritual literature of the Vaishnavas
naturally found universal response and appeal.
To be brief, the Vaishnava age symbolises a renascence not
64 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

only of religious faith, but also of literature and culture. From its

literature it is evident that the great Epics served as the reservoir

of materials for literary treatment. With respect to literary
accomplishments, it should be said that the Vaishnava poets
perfected their language
a standard capable of expressing
to
succinctly different shades of thought and feeling, including the
highly philosophical ones. It could be tender and moving if the
poet was describing death or parting. It could be lucid and
easy, if he was describing child-life or tranquillity of nature. It
could be rugged, majestic and sullen in the passages concerned
with bloodshed, battle or calamity. To use Romaine Patterson’s
words, the “current of change flowing beneath the surface” of
Vaishnava literature was effected through fluidity in place of
rigidity, freedom in place of restraint.
As the religious furor got itself exhausted, a decline in the great
Vaishnava period steadily set in. Poets like Sridhar Kandali
who followed this “grand line” of poets tried to enliven the dying
embers of Vaishnava literary traditions. This age of decadence
naturally was an age of few inconsequential neo-Vaishnavites.
To be precise, Anantakandali shares with Rama Saraswati the
sunset glories of the great Vaishnavas.
The age that succeeded was an age marked by a political change
ushered in by the hegemony of the Ahoms. The Ahoms popu-
larised a system of chronicle literature called Buranjis , written both
in prose and verse. Thus, from the beginning of the 17th century,
it became an age principally of chronicle and recorded history.
The change was significant, for, it was a change mostly from verse
to prose; it is true that it was not an exclusive growth of one at the
expense of the other: it was concomitant. To be precise, there
had been an uninterrupted stream of literary progress stretching
beyond the period of Sankardeva which like every elemental
happening has shown high tide and low tide, but has never
completely ceased to flow.
Another noteworthy feature is that till the end of the Vaishnava
era, the centre of literary activity was in western Assam that
was under the hegemony of kings either of Kamatapura, Gooch
 VAISHNAVA LITERATURE 65

Behar or Kamarupa, thus signifying a single political unity. With

the decline of these kingdoms and the consolidation of the Ahom
political power in eastern Assam, the centre of literary and
intellectual activity shifted from the west to the east. The Ahoms
who were “certainly more receptive to new ideas and were in
temperament more adaptive”, as Dr. Suniti Kumar Chatteiji
has pointed out, got merged in the indigenous population and
through their successive rulers built up and established steadily
a tradition of literary work and aesthetic progress of a more matter-
of-fact and utilitarian type.
kavyas and bargitas

The poets of the classical age, the age that synchronises broadly
with the period of Vaishnava literature, are great story-tellers

and the stories are invariably in verse. Form and style were of chief
interest to these poets; at times it appeared as though the manner
of saying a thing was of greater importance than the thing itself.

Rama Saraswati with his translation of the Mahabharata set a

literary standard of taste and thus the poets accumulated a
wealth of storial matter, legends and myths, from the Epics and
the Classics. It must be said in this connection that our poets
like Harivar Vipra and Hema Saraswati of the pre-Vaishnava
period were intimate with the repositories of Sanskrit culture in
the original even prior to Rama Saraswati’s Mahabharata .

Vaishnava kavyas can be two broad categories

classified into
according to subject-matter: (i) vadha kavyas these poems deal,
:

roughly speaking, with the slaughter of demons and monsters, and

parinaya kavyas these poems are on the subject generally of
:

elopement and marriage. Though distinctive in subject-matter,

the undertone of these narrative poems is the same i.e. the
glorification of Vaishnava values. Vadha kavyas are about the
daityas and danavas of antiquity like Jaghasura, Kulacala and

Asvakama. Because of their inherent narrative power and

elemental interest, these kavyas generally serve as appropriate source
 KAVYAS AND BARGITAS 67

of recreation and pleasure to people in their respite from toilsome

hours.
The peasants listening to these verse romances of engrossing
interest and stimulating imagination came inevitably under their
spell. In a way they fed the flame not only of knowledge, but
also that of moral attitudes through lessons aimed at showing
the justice of God in the person of His incarnate on earth, Krishna
and the ultimate triumph of virtues justifying “the ways of God
to man”. Mainly heroic, the vadha kavyas in their story-interest
can be compared with the Anglo-Saxon epics and plays like Beowulf
and The Fight at Finnsburgh The Vaishnava romance-writers
.

possessed an eye for popular needs and sentiments and this is why
they blended humour with heroism. Like ancient Greek and
Scandinavian tales of adventure with gorgons and demogorgons
in hills, dales or swampy places, the vadha kavyas too deal with
super-normal themes of exploits and enterprise; the distinction
between the two lies in the fact that while the former are for their
own sake, the latter are purposefully imbued with a religious
motif.
In Vaishnava literature, this world of human existence is

conceived as a huge forest and the desires and attachments of life,

a fastening snare. In it the soul of man is ensnared like an
enslaved deer.

The world is a dense forest,

spread with the fetters of illusion,

and likea deer I ramble in it.

The snares of attachments Have caught me,
While like a hunter, Destiny pursues me.
(i Sankardeva

In the spirit of the Gita, Sankardeva realised that the world

is full of illusions, mysteries and fallacies. Man is a poor player
who struts and frets and then
heard no more; the rest is silence.
is

The divine lustre of the “flame immortal” is the only ennobling

mentor in life’s voyage; it is Divine will that guides and moulds

both creation and destruction. And it is Bhakti through which

68 '
ASSAMESE LITERATURE

conies the release from mortal miseries and sufferings. The exile
and subsequent wanderings of the Pandavas in dense forest and
their frequent encounters with terrible forms like daityas and
danavas are symbolical of man’s brief sojourn on earth, surrounded
by malign forces of existence.
The conception of good and evil eternally at war is the core of
all literature with a moral purpose. Satan in Christian literature
at war with the benign forces of heaven is the product of such
an idea; the daityas and danaoas are no different. The vadha kavyas
are mostly symbolic; Baghasura for instance symbolises the
vice of avarice. Bhima on hand is the saviour of people,
the other
a hero of unsurpassed might; he is endowed with super-normal
powers to combat the forces of evil personified in daityas and
danavas . To be brief, the expansion of spiritual ideas constitutes
the theme of the Vaishnava kavyas The wanderings of
central .

Pandavas in exile yielded a wide avenue to poets to compose

different stories of popular interest. For instance, Rama
Saraswati’s Mahishdanava vadha , Khatasura vadha ,
Asvakarna vadha ,
Kulacala vadha etc. are the results of such an opportunity. The heroic
whom Vishnu’s
exploits of Pandavas, devoted disciples of Krishna
light protectedeven in the face of worst misfortune, kindled
popular imagination with “awe and wonder” and inspired it with
spiritual reverence. There are spiritual lessons in these kavyas .

In Kulacala vadha it is said thus as a mother does not take note

,
:

of “the child in the womb striking her with his feet”, so God does
not take note of man’s occasional transgression, provided he
remembers Him at the ultimate moment.
Rama Saraswati’s Hema Sundari is one of the best poems of its
kind; it has a strange unequalled power both of description and
vision redolent with insight into characters: with all its terrors,
there is also a quantum of fine feelings in the suggestion of
heroism and romance. Though it has a certain severity of design
and solemnitv, there is no trace in it of morbid sentimentality
or theatrical effect. From the beginning, the poem is filled with
dramatic suspense and the religious tone of it is saturated with a
mystery motive. The fight with Asvakarna whom Bhima and
 KAVTAS AKb BARGtTAS 69

Aijtina finally killed in the subterranean world with mysterious

weapons furnished by Vishnu for the destruction of the demon,
the restoration of Hema
Sundari and her ultimate union with
Arjuna, all this is described in a significant manner. It is a subject
similar to the Knight Errant of Millais of a damsel rescued by a
wandering knight, a theme so common in medieval romance.
The poem is discreet in treatment; the legendary crudeness of the
poem, if any, is transmuted into fine appraisement of the Pandava
brothers’ nobility of attitude and selfless devotion to others.
Baghasura vadha is another popular kavya by Rama Saraswati.
The story: was it upon
enjoined Pandava the by brothers
Agasthamuni to destroy a terrible demon Baghasura by name.
He was a menace to everybody, sages and saints in particular.
In the encounter, the Pandava brothers, except Yudhisthira, were
slaughtered; the demon was fortified with a boon given to him by
Shiva and Chandi, the source of his strength. Ultimately the
demon was killed in battle and the dead Pandava brothers were
revived to life with the help of a magic necklace that Draupadi
was gifted with. In the ultimate analysis, the poem in the true
Vaishnava spirit represents victory over Shiva and Chandi.
Kulacala vadha is likewise the story of a demon king whose tyranny
over sages and saints knew no bounds. Here also the Pandava
brothers, except Yudhisthira, were killed; they were ultimately
revived to life by Krishna. Then an encounter followed between
Krishna and Kulacala where the latter was killed by the former
with the help of a dhupa-stand as ordained by the saints. Killed
,

by Krishna, Kulacala straightway became an inmate of vaikuntha ,

and all those who were reduced to rocks by the curse of the sages
regained life as Krishna touched them with his feet. In Rama
Saraswati’s Janghasura vadha> the poem is enlivened with scenes of
subtle humour as also those of tragic passions. The principal
idea conveyed through these kavyas is the idea of man’s conquest
of forces that are frequently typified by demons and other
supernatural beings, i.e., forces of temptation and self, of pride and
physical prowess. The path to spiritual purification lies through
the thorns of tribulation.
70 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

The harana kavyas narrate romantic tales in keeping with the

medieval atmosphere of elopement and ultimate union; in spite
of abundant storial details, the central Vaishnava ideal of spiritual
exaltation is never lost sight of. Anantakandali, the noted writer
of Sahasranama and Ghunuca ,
is With
the author of Kumara-harana.
its and sensuous appeal, Kumara-harana may be said
jewel-lights
to have the exotic beauty and technical perfection of St. Agnes *
Eve. Aniruddha, the lover flies from Dwaraka at the invitation of
the artist-maiden Chitralekha, friend of Usha, to meet his forlorn
bride in Sonitpura. The chief characteristics of the poem are
romance and certain element of humour, pathos and the trium-
phant glory of youth. It narrates with grace and felicity the
romantic restlessness of the youthful souls as also the ferocious
encounter between the forces of Dwaraka and those of Sonitpura
that ensued as a result of the secret amorous affairs of Usha and
Aniruddha. At last, through the machination of Narada, the
great “playboy” of the mythological world, Krishna appeared
in the scene of battle; his benign influence cast away all discordance
and finally succeeded in uniting the lovers in happy wedlock.
Apparently an episode of romantic youthful passion, it is a jewel
of a piece.
Anantakandali possesses the capacity to blend realism and
fatalism, war and romance into fine proportions. In Kumara-
harana ,
the poet has transfigured an old legend found in the
Harivamsam and Bhagavatam into a romantic extravaganza. Its
simple pathos, insight into character and faithfulness to truth,
these transparent qualities have made the poem a popular
favourite with several generations of readers. Told with great
dramatic power and psychological understanding, the kavya 9
despite the fact that at places it exhibits a tendency to over-
descriptionand an inclination to dwell on extra details, is a moving
study. Vaishnava ideals are brought out on a fulsome scale
towards the end; yet the touch of mystery added to it in order to
give due significance to the story, is kept within aesthetic limits.
Rama Saraswati was a devoted disciple of Sankardeva whom
he regarded as apuni Iswara , “himself a deity”. Besides other
 KAVYAS AND BAR GITAS 71

works, he has to his credit two noteworthy kavyas : Vyadha carita

and Bhima carita The latter, Bhima carita, as already pointed out,
is a mock-heroic narrative, an intense rambling burlesque in which
the author’s amazing humour is poised amidst widest extravagance.
Despite certain blemishes, the poem will be read for its brilliant
plot and humour; nowhere else as in Bhima carita the
rollicking
astonishing power over language, amazing wit etc. of the creator
of the Assamese version of the Mahabharata show itself to such an
advantage. Mythological tales of heroism are not generally
depressing in efFect, although they are didactic in the main and
strain after realism. To be brief, into the medieval form of quest
and adventure, these poets have introduced religio-ethical effects
in a most skilful way.
Of the old kavyas this must be said that the plots are admirably
,

constructed and arranged in a skilful climax. The didactic

purpose is all too tangible and yet it is literature of supreme
beauty and superb art in its totality. Vaishnava writers of repute,
almost without exception, had made the didactic purpose of their
literature to undergo a “sea-change” into something rich and
strange. The people of the
time, to use Pandit H. P. Sastri’s
words, “found aesthetic, moral and spiritual food in the personality
of Krishna and received the spiritual upliftment and ecstasy which
made them forget the horrors of their environment and in some
cases brought real and abiding peace to their hearts”. Even
Sankardeva’s Haramohan grossly sensuous and demoniac in
,

passion, was written with a definite purpose.

•

Those with their minds

snared in gross sensuality,
let their hearts get sanctified
hearing this.

(Sankardeva)

The devotional mysticism of Vaishnavism vitalised Assamese

dance compositions and these dances on their part gave rise to a
distinct class of poetical compositions. The dance of the sutradhara
72 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

iri dramas such a composition and even a non-Vaishnava dance

is

like the Ojapali could not escape its imperceptible influence. In

brief, Vaishnavism made its mystic influence felt in all the avenues
of Assamese life and literature.
One notable feature of Assamese Vaishnava poetry is the absence
of romantic love in its limited sense, although this must be
noted that there are Bargitas of Sankardeva to show that
separation from Krishnaan agonising ordeal for the gopis
is

i.e. milkmaids. This is on a higher spiritual

explained as love
level, not a bell to “toll” the gopis back to their physical self but

to spiritual realisation. Assamese Vaishnava thought is marked

by a certain austerity of conduct and expression. The absence of
romantic passion, a characteristic which distinguishes it from the
rest of Indian Vaishnava literature particularly of Chandidasa
and Vidyapati, constitutes at once the strength and weakness
of Assamese Vaishnava poetry. Though they enact episodes
of love and romance, the harana or parinaya kavyas do not
directly come under the purview of love poetry as commonly
understood; love in medieval romances, to use Aldous Huxley’s
words, generally symbolised passion for “demoniac possession”.
The secret amorous exchanges between Usha and Aniruddha are
an instance in point. Yet then, it must be said that free from gross
sensual love, as portrayed in some earlier poems, Sankardeva and
Madhavdeva diverted literary interests to the mystic love of God
and sublimated passion and emotions by making man spiritually
conscious of a higher impulse. According to the Vaishnavas, Krishna
is a split personality, a man with a normal human existence and a
god without attributes (
nirguna seen through the spiritualised
gaze of the devotee; this is evident from Madhavdeva’s Bargitas.

(ii) Bargitas

Poetry, music <.nd religion all combined, Bargitas or Vaishnava

spiritual lyrics constitute a distinct form of musical compositions;
in them, poetry and religion melt into music and all combined
flow ultimately into the multitudinous sea of the all Beautiful.
They raise us to a level of experience where art and religion
 KAVYAS AND BARGITAS 73

mingle for a unique spiritual transport. Alone and exposed to the

and the mind gets weary
adversity of life, the soul desires salvation
seeking peace. The world is an
and in this desert of life,
illusion

the only ray of hope is divine bliss, enkindled through prayer and
absorption in the thought of God; the human soul weeps in
agony, deep and penetrating. Mortal existence with its mundane
fetters wears out the soul; the soul seeks bliss elsewhere and this
supreme bliss finds fulfilment in the focus of divine light. The
easiest way of attainment as also fulfilment of divine purpose on
earth has been revealed by Krishna in the Gita thus:

O Arjuna I concentrate your mind, be my devotee,

Be my worshipper, bow down to me, I promise,
You will obtain Me, dear as you are.

This message of the Gita is the message of the Bargitas and

what is laid down as essential in both
is the absolute and un-
conditional surrender of God. This sentiment is aptly
self to

enshrined in the following words of Sankardeva: pave pari hart

karaho katari prana rakhabi mora, “prostrate at Thy feet, O God,
,

I beseech Thee, save my sour*.

As in the case of Ankargitas the language of Bargitas of Sankar-

,

deva and Madhavdeva, songs that are deeply spiritualistic in

appeal and inspiration, is different from that used in their regular
kavyas. This language is known as Brajabuli, i.e., the language
of Vrindabana, the mythopoetic land of Krishna’s spiritual
activities. In the literal sense Brajabuli means “language of the

gods”; thus it acquires a sort of sacredness and sanctified spiri-

tuality in the mind of the people. This language preponderates
in vowels and alliterative juxtapositions. Scholars
have described
this language of the “mixed Maithili-Assamcse
Bargitas as
language”. This must be said that under the auspices of different
Vaishnava saint-poets, Maithili underwent variations according
to different regional linguistic characteristics. During the period
of Vaishnava literary expansion, for instance, a characteristic
form of Maithili without being divorced from its roots developed
in Bengal; similarly in Assam also it developed into an indigenous
 74 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Maithili form which might roughly be described as “Kamarupi

Maithili”.
Each Bargita is composed according to a raga of classical Indian
music; it is set to tune accordingly and sung in the prasangas i.e. y ,

prayef time. Because of the deep philosophical tone in them,

Dr. B. Kakati, as already pointed out, compares them to the “noble
numbers” of Herrick. “Noble numbers” they are nodoubt, but
it must be borne in mind that the classification of songs is seldom

done on the basis of the philosophy they contain. What constitutes

the life-spirit of a song is its music, the ragas as propounded.
These spiritual songs are Bargitas because they yield to a deeper and
more complicated musical choreography (
marga-sangita ) than that of
the usual type of people’s songs. From the ragas affixed to the
songs, it is difficult to say if an indigenous system of music flourished
in Assam or it was a modified extension of the prevailing Indian
form. Dr. Suniti Kumar Chatterji is specific about it : “The
usual ragas or musical modes and talas or time-beats, such as we
find, e.g., in Maithili and Bengali lyrics, are also common to the
Assamese devotional and other lyrics {Bargitas). This would
indicate that a common system of music was current in the whole
of Eastern India including Assam, and this music was the classical
Hindu Music of India.”
In most of Sankardeva’s Bargitas inherently austere, Krishna
,

and spiritualised absorption in him constitute the main motif.

Different imageries of a classical quality bring this distilled picture
into a sombre focus. In one of his Bargitas {raga: kedara) Sankar- y

deva sings of the futility of life’s possessions, athira dhana jana;

in this world of conflicting interests and emotions, Krishna is the
only saviour. Another Bargita ( raga asuwari ) is a war-poem :

in a sense that describes the movement of an army; every word

of it strikes like a drumbeat and the rhythm of the poem is modu-
lated into an unprecedented vigour. Yet, this poem too concludes
in a note of resignation to Raghupati. Vishnu is worshipped in
his two incarnations of Krishna and Rama. It is said that Sankar-
deva wrote 240 Bargitas most of which are said to be lost
,

accidentally in a forest fire.

 KAVTAS AND BARGITAS 75

Well-versed in music, Madhavdeva not only gave wings to

Bargitas , but alsowidened their canvas and attuned them to
different moods and moments of Krishna’s manifold life. Like
Sankardeva’s, their scope was not limited to a single passion,
the passion of single-minded devotion and resignation to God.
Madhavdeva’s Jaganar Gitas tender and delicate as the emotions
,

of a child, are in the nature of cradle-songs in beauty of child-life

and maternal love. In fact, his absorption in the divine light of
childhood as reflected in Krishna’s life widens the frontiers of
spiritual absorption. Krishna shares the joys and sorrows of his
cowherd companions; with a crown of peacock feathers on his
head, he dances in the company of these “Vraja chawalas”
(children of Vrajadham) The music of his flute draws the cows
.

nearer him. The following picture of Krishna in Madhavdeva’s

Bargita ( raga lalita) is tender like a hymn.
:

Tasomati pakhite nayani jurai . Jagajana jivana

bhakata parama dhana , hasi hasi carana ghasii.

The childhood pictures of Krishna as unfolded in some of

Madhavdeva’s Bargitas vis-a-vis the picture of maternal tenderness
are as fresh and inspiring as morning dews. This is how Krishna
complains to his mother.

Phirilo bane bane dhenu bicari ,

trine katala sava sarira hamari .

In the process of tending the cows in the forest, Krishna’s body

was bruised by the sharp edges of grass; hearing this, his *

mother’s eyes get moistened with tears. This Bargita is in raga

basanta .
The other type of Bargitas that Madhavdeva wrote are songs
of separation; thus the perspective is changed. In one set of songs,
Krishna lives a tangible life in the form of a child and in another
he is missed, but lives all the same in the agonised heart of spiritual
attachment. These songs are like the calm repose of a sea under
twilight glimmer. To the saint-poet, God is the abode of
compassion: dayar Thakur Tadumani .
.76 AS&AUESB LITERATURE

Like Shakespeare’s aesthetics dwindling in the hands ofDryden,

the art of Bargitas steadily declined in the hands of subse-
quent composers; except those in the hands of Ramacharana
Thakura, Gopaladeva and a few others, it became a pale imitation
in the hands of these backlights of talents. In some of the songs
of the post-Sankara era, Brajabuli was discarded for Assamese;
even this could not give the new Vaishnava lyric artistic polish
and spiritual beauty. Radha first made her appearance, a mature
woman given to the devotion of God, in Madhavdeva’s composi-
tions, but how the theme came to be degenerated into an orgy
of sex during this period of morbid decline can be judged from
what Madhavdasa, a minor poet of this period, wrote about the
“rights mysterious of connubial love” enjoyed by Krishna with
Radha, and the “gods looked on”. In fact, Madhavdeva is the
last of our great musicians with him, the Bargita died.
: Under the
inspiration of Kabir who wrote a class of verses called Cautisa y
Sankardeva also wrote his Cathiha verses; these are inconsequential
compositions.
In conclusion it might be said that not the least sensuous but
fervid and divine, the Bargitas are essentially hymn-lyrics that
represent the ideal of salvation through mystic union with
the Divine; musical in expression, they are transcendental in
inspiration.
non-varshnava literature

Besides popular songs, ballads and Vaishnava poetry, there

flourished, primarily under the patronage of Kocha Kings, a school
of poets essentially non-Vaishnava in ideas and inspiration. The
Kochas were a powerful dynasty of rulers who gave law and learning
to the people for a substantial number of years. Under their
eminent ruler Viswa Singha (1496-1533), the Kochas extended their
political sway far and wide and made themselves the ruler of
Kamatapura in the 15th century. Under the patronge of this
ruler, Durgavara, a non-Vaishnava poet, composed his songs of the
Ojapali dance and other songs pertaining to the legendary episode
of Beula. That this poet belonged to Viswa Singha’s times is
evident from his work Manasa and Padmapurana where he makes
pointed references to king Viswa Singha, the “lord of Kamata”.
His most well-known poem Giti-Ramayana is of course silent about

the poet’s personal identity. Although he gave coherence and

harmony to the non-Vaishnava class of songs and from the point
of verbal texture and technique, Durgavara’s poems possess the
qualities of classical poetry, it might be said that this poet was not
much in the cultural spring-tide of the age. His poetic diction is
in the most part archaic; broadly speaking, it does not possess the
lucidity of the Vaishnava poets’ language.
78 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Beulai bole bharasa karis bukat>

Kenthera bhark dekhon tor sarirat.

Yet, there is no doubt that Durgavara who lived and wrote at a

timewhen Vaishnava poetry attained its meridian splendour is
among the most well-known of the non-Vaishnava poets. He
composed a cycle of Beula poems and a number of popular
songs, the inspiration of which was derived from the legends of
Ramayana and Padmapurana in the main; though essentially based
on Sanskrit treatises, these songs are beyond the pale of Vaishnava
influence. For lyrical sweep and graceful rhythm, Durgavara’s
mayo bone yao svami he is almost unrivalled in the whole range of
old Assamese poetry.
Though the initial inspiration is from Sanskrit, Durgavara does
not seem to be well- versed in that classical language; his
compositions like Giti-Ramayana tend to incline towards being
popular rather than towards being scholarly. Giti-Ramayana
was written with an eye to the needs of the Ojapali dances to which
it is spiritually attuned. For this, according to scholars, the poet
depended more on Madhavkandali’s Ramayana than on the original
Sanskrit. The emphasis being mainly on the songs, the story
naturally suffers from a lack of coherence. There are no deviations
of a very significant nature, except in the aranya-kanda where the
poet takes maximum freedom from Madhavkandali’s Ramayana .

But, despite these deviations, the central purpose which actuated

Durgavara to compose the Giti-Ramayana is not lost sight of.
Giti-Ramayana is vibrant with local colour. The description of
performed by Rama and Sita in Ajodhya
Caitra-caturdasi festival
is itself a picture, at once colourful and sensuous in appeal.

One particular aspect of Durgavara’s genius that naturally strikes

the reader is his economy of words and details; to be more precise,
his art was suggestive and evocative rather than profuse and proli-
ferous; his best lyrics in the kavya establish this fact : there are fifty-
eight songs in the Giti-Ramayana. To the poet, Sita is citrara putali
(a pictorial image) Durgavara’s description of war-scenes is limited
.

in scope; what he excelled in as a poet was his capacity to deal with

 NON-VAISHNAVA LITERATURE 79

the lyricism of the basic emotions of the human heart. Wherever

there are pathos to describe, Durgavara shows himself at his best.
Sita’s fidelity was tested by an ordeal of fire after she was recovered
from Ravana; this is an event of great emotional possibilities. 4

In a few significant words put in the mouth of Sita, he brings out

an entire range of pathos and derision.

Itara narira sama dekhila ,

Natara natuni yena anyajane dila .

You have treated me like a base woman,

And wanted to dispose me off to others,
Like a dancer disposing off his dancing mate.

While gross sensuous reference was a taboo in Vaishnava poetry,

particularly of Sankardeva and Madhavdeva, except when it
yielded to spiritual possibilities as in Haramehan Durgavara ,

suffered from no such mental discipline or inhibition. Sita’s

absence due to banishment revives memories in Rama’s mind,
memories of amorous dalliance with her, intensified by nature’s
panorama of humming bees and odorous flowers along a lake
called Champa. This must be noted that Madhavkandali’s
Ramayana also contains snapshots of such sensuous associations.
Although he refers in the Giti- Ramayana to Rama on more occasions
than one, Durgavara was by creed a Shiva-Shakti worshipper.
Untrammelled by religious influences of any kind, he displays a high
sense of aesthetics so far as poetic qualities, thought and imagina-
tion are concerned. Durgavara’s description, for instance, of the
Ganga, classical in tone and imagery, possesses a distinctive beauty;
it is one of the rare descriptions of a flowing stream in the whole

range of old Assamese poetry.

Narayandeva who flourished as a court-poet under the patronage
of the king of Darrang, Dharmanarayana, in the early 1 7th century,
is a member of Durgavara’s school of non-Vaishnava poetry; his

songs are known popularly as Sukananni , a malapropistic formation

of the words “Sukavi” and “Narayani” they constitute an item
:

of Ojapali dances. Narayandeva’s Padmapurana is an artificial

80 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

epic describing the sorrows and sufferings of Beula in the course

of her wanderings. Beula’s passage to heaven as drawn by
this poet reaches the height of lyrical achievement; there is a
pictorial quality in this description. From the invocation to Sri
Chaitanyadeva a noted Vaishnava reformer of
(1485-1533),
Bengal, in Padmapurana , can be gathered that Narayandeva’s
it

date is either contemporaneous to or later than that of Chaitanya-

deva’s. The latter conjecture appears to be correct because of the
poet’s association with King Dharmanarayana.
In this connection this must be noted that another poet, a com-
patriot of Durgavara, who refused to be swept into the Vaishnava
cultural trends of the time is Mankara. Though for the lack of
authentic evidence it is difficult to fix Mankara, a great votary of
the serpent-goddess Manasa, into a particular historical period,
scholars are of the opinion that he must have belonged to Kocha
king Vishwa Singha’s time; this is deduced from what the poet
says in his benedictory verses Kamata raja bando raja Jalpeswara.
:

It is evident from this that the king of Kamata and king Jalpeswara
is the same person who is no other than king Viswa Singha.
According to Dr. M. Neog, there is a striking similarity between
Mankara’s salutations to “a hundred queens and eighteen princes”
and Durgavara’s reference to Viswa Singha’s “forty-eight queens
and eighteen princes”.
Though a poet of inferior abilities, Mankara sought to vindicate
the dying vestiges of the tan trie era in his Manasa kavya. Although
noted for rustic simplicity and ruggedness of thought, Mankara is a
poet who is not generally recited by the Ojapalis. Though there
are evidences of Vaishnava literary impact on Mankara, it must be
said that he was absolutely free from Vaishnava religious affiliations;
his medium appears to be dialects prevalent in the
poetic
modem districts of Kamrup and Goalpara during those times under
the initial impact of Islam. To be fair to him, Mankara was a
poet of the unlettered masses to whom he sang his own songs with
great elan and avidity The secret marriage of Hara and Gauri is
an episode of great erotic possibilities to catch popular imagination
at its riotous best and Mankara has made full use of it. To be
 NON-VAISHNAVA LITERATURE 81

particular, the theme that the poet usually chooses is erotic in

content and inspiration.
A word
about serpent-worship of which Mankara was a literary
high-priest with the Meitheis of Manipur, Khasis, Hajongs and
:

Rabhas of Assam and Mishmis of NEFA, serpent-worship was an

accredited form of ritual to which a place of honour was accorded
at subsequent dates by Lord Shiva’s association with serpents.
Like every other form of worship depending on rites and rituals,
mantras and incantations, serpent-worship that drew its sustenance
from a deity called Manasa had its rites and rituals, mantras
and music.
In Assam, this]deity Manasa has different manifestations : Visa-
hari, Padmavati and Marai. It was a real leveller in the sense that
all, irrespective of castes and creeds, participated in this worship,
the principal item of which was deodha and deodhani dances. A man
or a woman danced in these rituals as one possessed of super-mun-
dane inspiration; singing of songs was another inspiring feature of
these rites.
Usha-parinaya of Pitambar Dwija who was a contemporary of the
Vaishnava saint-poet Sankardeva is beyond the influence of the
latter’s ideals. This cycle of poems on the theme of Usha’s union
with Aniruddha reveals a distinct departure from the Vaishnava
conception of the same theme as portrayed by Anantakandali.
It is to be noted however that the difference between the two
classes of poetry, Vaishnava and non- Vaishnava, is one of mental
attitude rather than of diction. While Vaishnava poetry is
spiritual in diction and ideals, non-Vaishnava poetry is essentially
sensuous, imbued with the passions and emotions of the earth.
Not to speak of Anantakandali’s, Pitambar Dwija does not
possess the dramatic insight of his illustrious non-Vaishnava com-
patriot Durgavara’s even. It will not be out of place to note that

Usha-parinaya in its poetic diction breathes of the inherent sensuous

inspiration of BihugiU . A tendency to sustain vulgar tastes by
sensuous allusions and exaggerated emphasis on details constitutes
its basic difference with Anantakandali’s Kumara-harana. Exagger-
ation is not art as zephyr is not spring. The difference between the
 82 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Vaishnava and the non-Vaishnava period in poetry will be evident

ifwe compare, for instance, the Giti-Ramayana of Durgavara with
the Vaishnava Bargitas. Yet, the physiological portraits depicted in
Durgavara’s poem are marked not only by an intensely bold origi-
nality,but these are deeply significant as well. Folk-sentiments
imbued in an atmosphere of sensual love largely influenced the
compositions of non-Vaishnava poets like Durgavara and Pitambar
Dwija.
Pitambar Dwija’s claim to recognition is not oriented by mass
aspirations in the way that Durgavara’s or Mankara’s was. He
possessed some of the artistic and intellectual qualities of Vaishnava
poets. He was a Sanskrit scholar and it is this aspect of his genius
that gave colour and rhythm to his poetic creations. Like Madhav-
deva, he was not only a poet but a musician too.
Pitambar Dwija’s chief patron was Prince Samarsingha of Cooch
Behar at whose behest he composed his literary works. These are
Bhagavata Purana , Uska-parinaya, Markandeya Purana and Nala-
DamayarUi. The last poem is an appraisal of sadness and sex, in the
delineation of which the poet exhibits great craftsmanship.
Damayanti, an agonised portrait, has been aptly described and
equally deftly is given the description of Damayanti’s romantic
restlessness. Untrammelled by any religious dogma or discipline,
Pitambar Dwija brought his imagination to emphasise and under-
line this aspect of things.
Pitambar Dwija’s reference to his own self as an “infant poet”
(kavi sisumati an instance of the traditional Vaishnava sense of
is

humility guiding non-Vaishnava thinking. Vaishnava influence

was spiritually so intense and comprehensive during this time that
there could be no escape from it. Pitambar Dwija has described
Rukmini'* pining for Krishna thus:

Biiapa karia kande mai Ruhamini ,

kona ange khuna dekhi naila Tadumani .

On coming to know of this description, Sankardeva, an illustrious

contemporary of Pitambar Dwija, made a critical reference to it as
gwroa parvatata situ uthiya acaya “he is on the crest of vanity”. In the
,
 NON-VAISHNAVA LITERATURE 83

context of Pitambar Dwija ’s profound sense of humility as expressed

by him in his literary works, this obiter dictum of Sankardeva is
irrelevant; this must have been inspired by deeper psychological
reasons rather than by any consideration of literary propriety, for,
Sankardeva* himself in delineating the physical charms of dibya
kanya in his Haramohan kavya has used almost an identical expression :

eko ange nahi khati khuna The appeal of Pitambar Dwija’s compo-
.

sitions is sensuous no doubt, but instances of a similar nature are ndt

lacking in Vaishnava poetry even. This criticism of Sankardeva
might have been inspired by the inherent sense of conflict between
the two systems of thought, Vaishnava and non-Vaishnava. This
must not be forgotten that Sankardeva had condemned Pitambar
Dwija as “Sakta Kamasik”.
Without any metaphysics to propound or propagate, the non-
Vaishnava poets, unlike their Vaishnava compatriots, were not
primarily didactic in inspiration. What the poet has done in
Usha-parinaya a theme initially based on Harivamsam is to recast
, ,

it into a new framework without however offending in any tangible

way the details of the original; sex and erotic responses constitute
—
the core of this poem Usha is the key-figure of the story till it
reaches the climax of war and strife between the two contending
forces. Thus the lyricism of youthful emotions is ultimately sub-
merged by the epic of arms and war. Though the poem is highstrung
at times, its author is never oblivious of the compulsions of popular
taste and aspirations.
Marked by a certain measure of freedom, Pitambar Dwija’s
Bhagavata Purana 9 composed during Viswa Singha’s time, is more
an adaptation than a from the original. The
literal translation
primary occupation of the poet was the way he narrated a story and
all other considerations, religious or otherwise, were submerged

under this single motive-force. In Bhagavata Parana he celebrates

the “activities of Krishna”, but in doing so he has not allowed his
predilections to impinge upon the canvas of poetry; it is here where
he differs from his Vaishnava contemporaries. That Pitambar
Dwija was not affiliated to any religious school is further evident
from his work Markandeya Purana; it is a story about goddess Chandi,
84 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

her encounter with demons and valour in battle. What is of

absorbing interest is the art of story-telling that the poet possessed.
Pitambar Dwija was a prolific writer and one of the most outstanding
of non-Vaishnava poets of the age.

(it) Later-day Poetry :

A considerable number of popular poems and ballads grew under

the royal patronage of the Ahoms. King Rudra Singha ( 1 696- 1 7 14)
was a lover of poetry and a patron of art. He and his successor
Siva Singha (1714-1736) were themselves poets of merit; their
compositionsembody the declining phases of Vaishnava poetry;
but their sense of aesthetics is something that cannot be questioned.
Kaviraj Ghakravartty whose claim to recognition rests mainly on his
translation of the Gita-Govinda from Sanskrit flourished as a poet
of Rudra Singha’s court; it was under his guidance that the Assamese
version of the Gita-Govinda was copiously illustrated with sketches.
Chakravartty has to his credit another narrative in verse, Sakuntala ,

the inspiration of which is also drawn from Sanskrit.

Rama Dwija’s tale of romance Mrigavati carita is in verse; it is a
typical faery poem that bears faint resemblance to a Hindi poem
of the 16th century. With its tender beauty suffused in an atmos-
phere of faery grace, it is a departure in an age of set rules and
literary diction. The hero of the poem is a prince, a departure into
secularism; he is united ultimately in wedlock with a faery. The
struggles and set-backs prior to their union are symbolic of life.
Kaviraj Misra is another poet of repute who flourished about
1616. His popular poem Sial Gossain is scintillating in composi-
tion all through. During the reign of Siva Singha, the religious
theme for literature was once again dimly revived; it was through
Ananta Acharjya’s Ananta Lohori. The poem is in the Sakta
and contains beautiful hymns to Durga
tradition of religious belief
together with penetrating descriptions of Shiva and his abode
Kailasha.
The distinct note of departure from religious themes is sounded
through historical literature under the auspices of the Ahoms.
The Ahom Buranjis or chronicles stimulated interest in secular
 NON-VAISHNAVA LITERATURE 85

subjects, a fact that helped to make literary style less distant

and high-flown. This interest was ultimately channelled into
different streams of literary compositions.
Verse tales from the Hitopodesa were freely adapted; side by side
with it, compositions of other moral maxims and observations in
rhymed couplets were undertaken. Dwija Goswami’s Kavyasastra
and Rama Misra’s Putala carita like Kaviraj Misra’s Sial Gossain
and Rama Dwija* s Mrigavati carita are distinct landmarks in the
history of our secular literature. The dominant note of non-
Vaishnava under the Ahoms is that it sought to preserve
literature
its distinctive feature by being secular in the sense that it was

not affiliated to any religious dogma or ethical ideology. In

conclusion this might be said that literature of this age passed out
of the sombre groves of religion, philosophy and devotional music
and confined itself to subjects of secular human interests as far
as possible. The growth of Buranjis, historical literature under
the Ahoms, gave to this tendency an imperceptible impetus and
tradition.
vaishnava drama : general characteristics

Vaishnava drama that witnessed a deep and extensive develop-

ment under the auspices of Sankardeva and Madhavdeva is

essentially a 16th century product; the two together laid the

foundation of our theatre and dramatic literature. Besides giving
entertainment, the purpose of Vaishnava drama was education of a
religio-ethical type. Nothing serves this purpose better than visual
representation for a people to whom the alphabet was an alien
choreography. This dramatic art which was primarily, beacuse of
its religious motif didactic, drew its inspiration to a great extent
from classical Sanskrit drama. Sanskrit drama can be
“The
deemed a compendium of all the fine arts like poetry, music, dancing,
painting and histrionics. Histrionics developed out of the art of
gesticulation or abhinaya , stage-songs from music, dialogues from
speech and scenic arrangements from the art of painting.” (S<mr-

krit Drama : P. E. N.). Most of these aspects are found in the

technique of Classical Assamese drama.
This must be said that though the initial inspiration came from
Sanskrit, the architects of classical Assamese drama were not
oblivious of local traditions like the Ojapali dances; the technique of
these dances contains most of the primary requisites of the theatre,
except characterisation and action in the dramatic sense; to be
precise, the Ojapali dances served as the rockbottom on which the
 VAISHNAVA DRAMA : GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS 87

infra-structure ofVaishnava drama was partially built, Ojapal

isa choral dance, the agenda of which is enlivened with songs and
dance dialogues; its main purpose was popular entertainment
through an acknowledged form of abhinaya. It is true that its
scope for character delineation is limited, yet, this must
be said that certain dramatic potentialities are inherent in
the veiy process of its aesthetic exposition. Under the auspices
of Sukananni performance, a mute character, popularly known
as devadhani, was introduced into the existing cbmplex of Ojapali
dances.
According to some scholars, the devadhani must have served as the
precursor to the sutradhara, a key-character of Sankardcva’s
dramas; this seems improbable. What is probable is that the Oja
(leader) of the whose main function was not
Ojapali dances
only to lead but also to give coherence to the dances by his
vibrant interpolations must have served as a model. It is on this
character that the sutradhara initially borrowed from Sanskrit
,

sources, must have been modelled. To be brief, what Sankardeva

possibly did was to borrow the outline frame of his dramas
from Sanskrit sources and fill it up with traditions of histrionic
representation available in the existing reservoir of people’s art.
It is here that the Ojapali dances, a popular miniature play with
songs, dialogues and body movements, must have given the
stimulus for the production of art-theatre under Sankardcva’s
auspices.
The sutradhara or the “string holder” is himself an institution;

unlike the devadhani ,

dynamic all through. It is
the sutradhara is

more so in Assamese Vaishnava drama. Faubion Bowers speaks

of the sutradhara thus “He lays the scene, describes background
:

information, which characters in the plot cannot convey in action,

speaks their thoughts aloud and interprets moods. He keeps the
denser section of expository poetry as his own, leaving conversation
to the actual performers.” (Theatre in the East). Judging from the
Assamese drama, the principal role of the sutradhara is one of exposi-
tion; the rest, introduction of characters, direction of the play,
linking up the plot into a consolidated whole etc., are only concomi-
88 '
ASSAMESE LITERATURE

tants. There is a similar character, a side-singer, in the Japanese

kabuki also.
The sutradhara of Assamese Vaishnava drama, unlike his Sanskrit
counterpart, is on the stage all through the performance.
present
In fact, he is a link-character between the dramatis personae and the
audience. He is an integral part of the theatre and is both an actor
and stage-director. Like that of the Greek chorus, his function is

to “enlighten and enliven”. Naturally, he must be proficient in

dance, music aftd the histrionic arts; he has to sing songs and
bhatimas that constitute the prologue and the epilogue of drama,
recite slokas and give directions in the play as also make up for the
deficiencies of the plot by interpolations. The ankargitas unlike ,

songs in Sanskrit drama, are sung in chorus; the sutradhara

usually participates with other musicians in the chorus. One
thing must be said in this connection : situations even of intense
impulse and dramatic complexity were not unfolded in action;
instead, it was the sutradhara who filled up these gaps through
verse narrations, a technique that relegated action and dialogues
into the backwash of the dramatic stream.
Unlike the Sanskrit nataka which derives its name technically
from natana, meaning “to enact”, and is divided into ten Acts, the
ankiya nata or Vaishnava drama is a one- Act play; devoid of Acts
and scenes, it flows in a continuous stream. The question of
maintaining the th*ee Aristotelean unities did not arise, for, one
dominant feature of this drama, because of its spiritualised mytho-
poetic atmosphere, was totality of inspiration. Without the all-
comprehensive role of the sutradhara these effects are not possible.
,

Although it reflects some of the essential characteristics of the

Sanskrit nataka , the initial inspiration of the Assamese ankiya nata
is the anka type of Sanskrit drama; the nataka according to Sanskrit ,

aestheticians, usually delineates themes of Puranic origin. Senti-

ments of popular appeal like heroism, love and other associations of
a romantic nature are woven into the story to enrich its impact.
On the authority of Rainacharan Thakura’s Carita puthi it can be ,

said that the word anka was used to denote Assamese Vaishnava
one-Act play. The Sanskrit nataka is a comprehensive type that
 VAISHNAVA DRAMA : GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS 89

embraces a wider avenue of incidents and episodes, monads and

moods, which the anka type does not. Sanskrit anka drama is
limited to the expression of sentiments like women’s wailings and
verbal duels for battle In the light of it, Sankardeva extended
the scope of his ank'iya nata and made it comprehensive like the
Sanskrit nataka with the initial difference that while the latter
usually embraced ten acts, at least not less than five, the Assamese
ankiya nata comprised only one. In the way of Sanskrit drama,
purvaranga , preliminaries to make the plot malleible, constituted
an integral part of the Classical Assamese theatre. To make the
performance meaningful and significant for the audience, these
preliminaries, primarily a technical device, were unavoidable.
Ancient drama, all the world over, began in the precincts of
religion; the origin of Assamese drama is no different. Indian
drama is regarded as of divine origin; it is was born in
said that it

the court of Indra under the auspices of Brahma. Then, for the
enjoyment of mortals it was transmitted to earth through sage
Bharata whose Natya sastra born of divine inspiration, is “roughly
,

analogous to Aristotle’s codification of GrccM drama”, as pointed

out by Faubion Bowers. Any deviation from sage Bharata’s tenets
was considered with disfavour by the Sanskrit aestheticians.
Though not as pronounced as to become a sacrilege, Assamese
Vaishnava drama made certain minor deviations. According to
Bharata’s Natya sastra scenes depicting eating, adultery and death or
,

conveying any such impressions were not aesthetically right. At

least in the case of “eating” and “death”, Assamese Classical
drama marks an exception. Deviation was deliberately effected
in order to offer entertainment to the people and in the process
stimulate education on the Vishnu cult; nothing abstract
appeals generally to popular imagination unless it is concretised.
Sankardeva understood the fundamentals of common human
psychology and attuned his art to its dictates accordingly. While
on-the-stage depiction of battle is prohibited in Sanskrit drama,
Sankardeva did the contrary in his dramas like Rama vijaya Parijata ,

harana , Rukmini harana etc. Simultaneously with it, killing is

the pivotal point of dramas like Kamsa vadha , Keli Gopala etc.
90 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Besides, amorous dalliance, a taboo in Sanskrit aesthetics, is repre-

sented with a gusto in some of Sankardeva’s dramas.
As in Sanskrit drama, so in Assamese Vaishnava drama, the
nandi recitation which is of a benedictory nature constitutes the
real prologue of the drama;
was usually addressed to a deity, in
it

the case of Assamese drama

Vishnu or his manifestations; in an
to
indirect way, it constituted the purvaranga of a play. While
in our drama the scope of benedictory verse was limited, in
Sanskrit drama, the benedictory verses are addressed either to a
deity or to a Brahmana or to a king. The benedictory verse, for
instance, in Harsavardhana’s (7th century a.d.) play Naganandam
is addressed to Lord Buddha. There was no hard and fast rule;
itdepended on who the personal deity of the author was. In the
case of our Vaishnava playwrights, Vishnu was their personal deity
whom they sought to universal ise through stage-representations,
and accordingly the benedictory verses were addressed to him or
his manifestations.
From the following remark, nandyante sutradhara , it is generally
presumed that in Assamese drama, the sutradhara is ushered in after
the nandi recitation. But, according to some scholars, it is the
sutradhara who performs the dual function and nandyante sutradhara
only means the shifting of the modus operandi of the play and not the
persons assigned with the functions. The nandi strikes the key-note
of the religious motif of the drama and the sutradhara whose verses
follow the nandi verses throws light on the nature of the plot.
As in the Sanskrit drama, amukha (introduction) and prastavana
(induction) are the two other integral parts of the Assamese theatre.
Generally the prarusana (laudation) begins in this way : bho bho
savasada , svaeng srinota savadhanatah. This is followed by bhatima
songs, spiritualised music. Before any character of a divine nature
is ushered in, the sutradhara in the prastavana says : akase ki vadya
what instrument beats in the sky? Then, it was customary
bajata ,
to provide some celestial sound, devandundubhi bajata the celestial ,

drum sounds, whereupon it was added ah parama isvara Krishna

:

milala milala. Thus the main character like Krishna or Rama

was introduced to the audience. With effects as such, not only the
 VAISHNAVA DRAMA : GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS 91

scene for the presentation of characters was prepared but also the
psychological impact of reverence and awe, a process through which
perception was sublimated.
Although interspersed with Sanskrit slokas that add mystery and
sombre dignity to the atmosphere, the principal language of
classical Vaishnava drama is Brajabuli. By constant use as an
art-medium and by literary patronage it enjoyed, Brajabuli came to
be accepted as the recognised vehicle of Krishna cult in Assamese
literature. Brajabuli is to Vaishnava drama what Sauraseni Prakrit
is to Sanskrit drama; it furnished the prose medium. In the six
dramas of Sankardeva, there are one hundred and eighty Sanskrit
slokas. Except one in P atni-Prasada taken from the Bhagavata
Purana the poet himself composed all the slokas
, .

Brajabuli was not a current language of any particular region or

section of the Indian people; it was a literary language to which
regional linguistic traditions imparted their characteristic verve
and beauty. In spite of certain variations, the preponderance of
Maithili elements in the language is pronounced. Dr. S. K. Sen
says : “This artificial language was given the name of Brajabuli
because reminded one of Vraja, the land sanctified by the presence
it

of Radha and Krishna. The term of Brajabuli, however, should

not be confused with the name of Brajabhakha or Brajabhasa. The
latter is the name of the actual spoken language, a form of western
Hindi of the district round about Mathura.’ About the use of
*

Brajabuli by Sankardeva, K. R. Medhi offers a plausible argu-

ment: “We may accordingly conclude that Sankardeva used
Brajabuli in his Bargitas because it was the common language of

Krishna devotion and in his drama because it was supposed to have

been the language of the place (Vraja) where Sauraseni, the usual
Prakrit of Sanskrit drama, was spoken.**
Vaishnava dramas are noted for their lyricism. The slokas with
which the dramas open are an indication and the lyrics that follow
in sequence are an expansion of this thematic ideal. These
songs are of three types :
(i) bhatimas ; these songs are philosophical
in intent and inspiration, («) emotive lyrics; the purpose of these
lyrics is to evoke an atmosphere and deepen its intensity, and
92 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

(iii) payaras or narrative songs that describe an incident and thus

stimulate the progress of the story. These songs are musical and
devotional and aesthetically ennobling and inspiring. Apart from
creating a climate for religion which was the principal inspiration
behind them, the dramas helped the emergence of a cultural legacy,
song and dance, dramatic technique and stage-craft, prose and
verse. The Vaishnava age, to be exact, was an age of poetry, and
prose was only an occasional flash-in.
Songs were employed as expository vehicle even for principal
characters; this affected both characterisation and dialogue. When
the dialogue or action becomes repetitive of the ideas or feelings
already expressed through songs and other verses, it tends to become
colourless and insipid. A few instances may be cited: the dis-
comfiture of Rakshashi Taraka is depicted not in action but trans-
mitted through song. Rama’s destruction of Subahu and Marica,
two demons who disturbed the peace of Vishwamitra’s asrama ,

is vehicled through song and not shown in action. In the same

way, certain episodes in Rukmini harana viz., Rukmini’s entreaties
,

with Krishna to spare her erring brother’s life, the wedding scene
between Krishna and Rukmini etc. are embodied in songs.
Perhaps songs were used because the depiction of these scenes
was not necessary from the angle of art or because the scope for
depiction was limited because of the limited nature of the theatre.
Not only songs but nriiyas also are a dramatic technique used
by Vaishnava playwrights to dramatise different phases of the
situation.
Characterisation, as in Sanskrit drama, was not a major factor in
our Vaishnava drama; there are reasons for it. In Sanskrit dramas,
the primary emphasis was on the rasa element that emanated from
the play. In Assamese Vaishnava drama, the emphasis was on
religious absorption, on spiritualised accent. When in a drama, the
emphasis is thus oriented or shifted, there is little scope for characteri-
sation. Yet, this must be noted that although characters were
required to conform to fixed types, characterisation, despite limited
nature of the Vaishnava canvas, did not suffer. In scene (it) of his
play Malavikagnimitram , Kalidasa has hinted at the rasa element
 VAXSHNAVA DRAMA : GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS 93

as constituting the quintessence of a drama. In the prastavana of

his play Ratimanmatham Jagannath Kavi, court-poet of Prince
,

Saraboji (18th century), has a significant verse which qan be

translated thus:

Some fall a prey to mere beauty of words. Others seek

shades of meaning in them. Some others always desire a '

happy blending of meaning and language. One can even

satisfy all such requirements. But to supply to the brim
rasa is a task not easy of fulfilment by every body.

The element of rasa in Assamese classical drama was incidental.

But to say that it was deliberately pushed into the shade would be
wrong, for, no work of art can sustain itself aesthetically without
it. Assamese Vaishnava drama has not only depicted abstract
thoughts but concretised them also through the medium of different
sentiments (
bhava ) like heroism and noble deeds, remorse and pity,
battle and victory.
The purpose of Vaishnava dramas was not so much to create
dramatic effect but religious impact. Notwithstanding this, it
would not be correct to say that dramatic effect did not exist at all;
it existed atleast in the conflict of interest and emotions. This
conflict which is the “soul” of all dramas was made spectacular
rather than intensive in the psychological sense. This is evident
from Sankardeva’s plays like Rukmini harana Parijata harana ,
,

Rama vijaya , etc. These are dramas of conflict in the external

sense; whatever internal conflict there might be is inept and insigni-
ficant.
Elevation of the mind to a spiritualised level was one of the
chief aims of this school of classical drama. The characters had
to conform to mythological concept; in fact, they had no inde-
pendent existence, and as such, the scope for the delineation of’
character was limited. True it is that on occasions the characters,
reflect human tendencies, but these too were made to conform to set
pattern. Judging from these aspects, Assamese Vaishnava drama
was circumscribed by the propaganda motif; this could not be
otherwise in an age the predominant note of which was ethical!
7
94 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

and moral preaching. On this account, there must not of course

be any hasty conclusion Vaishnava drama was
to the effect that
aesthetically insipid. Far from dramas like Rama
being so,
vijaya , Rukmini harana ,
Parijata harana etc. by Sankardeva and
Arjuna bhanjana and Bhojan vihara by Madhavdeva are artistically
and technically landmarks. Sankardeva and Madhavdeva knew
how to weave art into the warp of propaganda.
Defining the role of the hero, Bharata Muni says “He should
:

strive for some worthy or noble object in life and its fulfilment
should be the play’s purpose.” According to Sanskrit aestheticians,
the failure of the hero’s endeavour is never to be depicted on stage.
Even though dramatic events justified failure, he was rescued by a
sort of deus ex machina from the ordeal. The hero was made a
symbol of certain virtues, for, the purpose of classical drama was
to re-assure man’s faith in the ultimate victory of good over evil.
Broadly speaking, tragedy, as in Sanskrit aesthetics, was largely
outside the ken of our Vaishnava drama. This is because it was
thought that “visual representation of a tragedy or blood spilling
on the stage would affect hearts in such a way that the mind of the
seer could not escape brooding over the scene witnessed”. The
apt answer to this is contained in what the Greeks think of tragedy.
According to them, “human hearts get more chastened and human
intellect more sublimated on seeing a great tragedy”. No great
drama is possible if tragedy is kept out of its purview. Even
Sanskrit drama, despite its great aesthetic eminence, suffers from
this defect. Whatever this maybe, it would be correct to say that
some aspects of tragedy are to be found in a few Vaishnava dramas
like Kamsa vadha and Ravana vadha; they constitute a noteworthy
departure from accepted Sanskrit drama form.
There was no permanent theatre for the Vaishnava drama; it was
performed either in the precincts or commodious halls of namghars ,

places for community prayers. When played in the precincts of

religious institutions, it was customary to set up pandals called
rabhaghars for the performance; these pandals were either canopied
with cloths ornamented with designs or appropriately thatched.
Decoration of pandals was an integral part of showmanship and art.
 VAISHNAVA DRAMA : GENERAL CHARACTERISTICS 95

There was an altar on which a sacred manuscript, beautifully

wrapped with a piece of cloth, was placed in reverence; ancient
drama was representation on stage of slices of “religious” life. The
Krishna cult constituted the soul of these dramas and it was
enjoined that every play should begin in a spirit of reverence:
bhaona karile Krishna pujibe lagaya .

An arena was set apart for the orchestra; the musicians are
collectively known as gayan-bayan , those who singand those who
play the instrument. The stage did not have any painted scenes
unless Sankardeva’s Chinhajatra is accepted as such; but at its

depth was placed an arbastra which was analogous in a sense to the

yavanika in Sanskrit play; when the characters enter the stage, it was

customary to draw a piece of cloth against them; arbastra might

mean this and not the yavanika of the Sanskrit stage.
The dramatis personae as in the Burmese Tama Pwe enter the
stage either dancing or on cadenced feet; the background music
was provided by kholas oblong,
conical type drums. Under expert
finger-touch, the becomes a thing of lyrical melody and
khola
an instrument of rhythm. This cadenced entrance of characters
is not to be found in Sanskrit plays. The music was attuned to the

nature of the characters ushered in. For instance, if it was Bhima,

the music was robust and rapid, symbolic of his prowess. If it

was a milder character, the music was a soft pattering sound.

Because of the mythological or semi-divine character of Vaishnava
plays, certain accessories were necessary, the principal one of which
was painted masks; this helped to create a semi-mythical illusion
of reality. There were some characters, women characters
generally, who wore no masks.
classical drama

Although Sankardeva (1449-1569) is the originator of dramatic

tradition in Assamese, he is free from the imperfections that pio-
neers generally fail to rid themselves of. Pioneers simply show the
path; others more gifted and of greater skill walking the path are
seen generally to overshadow them as Shakespeare did Marlowe
and Kalidasa Asvaghosa. In the case of Sankardeva, this

however did not happen; he could not be equalled, much less

excelled.
Sankardeva has six dramas, apart from Chinhayatra that is lost,

to his credit. They are Kaliya-damana , Palni-prasada, Keli-Gopala,

Rukmini katana, Parijata-harana and Rama vijaya. Our scholars have
established that all these dramas were written after Sankardeva’s

twelve-year sojourn in different cultural centres of northern India.

In Bihar and Orissa particularly, during those days, the theatre on
Vaishnava theme was greatly popular; it reached a high-water
mark of attainments also. About outside influence on Sankardeva,
K. R. Medhi says : “It is also possible, though hardly probable,
that the Sanskrit-Prakrit-Maithili drama of Umapati exercised some
indirect influence on minor points.”
Power of kaleidoscopic appraisal and psychological assessment,
grasp and understanding of the theme and above all the depth of
poetry, these qualities are all evident in Sankardeva’s dramas.
 CLASSICAL DRAMA 97

Sanskrit plays are noted for their lyrical stanzas and prose passages,
the latter being used mostly for dialogue. A similar technique is

followed by our playwrights also, particularly Sankardeva and

Madhavdeva. The prose is simple and rhythmic with an elegance;
the lyrical stanzas are characterised by a sweep of metre that aptly
expresses the wide range of feelings and sentiments. Generally
abstruse in idea, bhatimas constitute the grand theme of the play;
the prose-passages are popular expositions of the high sentiment
of the former. To say in a nutshell, Sankardeva whose art is an
art of restraint knew well that the didactic motif of art yielded no
results, if it was not aesthetically absorbing.

(i) Kaliya-damana :

The story A mischievous snake by the name of Kaliya lived in

:

a lake called Kalindi; he ruled the domain of water here unchallenged

and took pleasure in polluting the lake with his deadly poison. One
day it so happened that some cowherds with their cattle came to
the lake to drink water; drinking that water, they were all dead
because it was contaminated by the snake’s poison. Krishna
who revived them to life wanted to punish Kaliya for his mischievous
propensities.
With this purpose, Krishna entered the lake, whereupon a deadly
fight ensued between him and the serpent. The serpent was so
powerful that Krishna lay unconscious for some time in his grip.
But in a he released himself from his deadly grip, overpowered
flash,
the serpent and climbed up to the expanded canopy of his thousand
hoods. Thereupon Krishna indulged in one of his cosmic dances;
the serpent was on the point of perishing.
Then, remorseful and repentant, the naga-kanyas, Kaliya' wives,
appeared in the scene and prayed to Krishna to spare their
husband’s life. Kaliya too was so much impressed with Krishna’s
prowess and mystic charm that he resigned himself at his feet. After
he was vanquished, the serpent was banished to an island called
Ramanaka. The central motif of this play, the story of which is
borrowed from Bhagavata Parana is Krishna. Kaliya' prayer to
,

Krishna is significant from the Vaishnava point of view.

98 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Garava gucayali mora , visqya apada ghora,

dura kara ava moi, cinto caranaka toe .

There is a sub-plot in the play which is independent of the main

story. After the episode with Kaliya , Krishna and the cowherd
boys and girls could not return to their respective homes that night;
they stayed behind in Vrindabana. At night, there was an accident;
a broke out and they were engulfed in it. Krishna with his
fire

divine power quelled the fire and saved his companions from this
imminent danger.
From the point of dramatic propriety, this incident is super-
fluous and redundant; this is of the nature of a postscript without
any inherent link-up with the principal theme. It can be justified
only on the grand premise of Vaishnava drama which is religious
propaganda. The a dominant role in this play;
sutradhara plays
his individual contributions to the development of the story together
with the songs fulfilling a similar function have thrown action and
character-delineation through dialogues into a cold shade. The
dialogues are not only few in number, but they are vitally weak also.
Whatever that maybe, the drama has a symbolic significance.
In another context, Dr. Radhakrishnan has interpreted the conquest
of the serpent, Kaliya by Krishna as the victory of one cultural
,

pattern over another, i.e., the Aryan as represented by Krishna

conquering the non-Aryan as represented by Kaliya. Against the
background of this drama, the central motif of which is to demons-
trate the supremacy of Krishna faith, this particular idea might
appear as far-fetched. Notwithstanding this, it is a fact that the
serpent Kaliyais a symbol of certain baser things of life, viz., pride

and futile bravado, intolerance and impiety, things that go counter

to the basic tenets of Vaishnava attitude. Krishna’s victory is also
symbolic; it is the victory of piety over impiety, tolerance over
intolerance, compassion over cruelty.

(it) Patni-prasada :

Spiritually significant, the simple theme of this drama is borrowed

trom the Bhagavata Purana Krishna’s cowherd companions, for they
.
 CLASSICAL DRAMA 99

were hungry, approached some Brahmins for fodd. For the

Brahmins refused to recognise Krishna as an incarnate of God, food
was bluntly refused. This was reported to Krishna, whereupon
he advised his companions to approach the Brahmins* wives* This
they did. The Brahmin women were only too ready to comply
them with the request, for, Krishna to them was an object of ardent
devotion. The Brahmins at first resisted, but afterwards they too
were converted to the religious aspirations of their womenfolk. This
conversion is significant this is conversion from blind faith in ritual
:

and sacrifice to Krishna cult, as initiated by the Vaishnavas.

This drama focuses a conflict between two trends of thought,
ritualistic Brahmanism and the simple faith of the Vaishnavas to

whom Krishna is supreme, the one God. The following prayer

recited by Narada in honour of Krishna strikes the keynote of
the play.
Tuhu jagata-guru devaka deva,

tohari carane rahaka meri seva ,

mukhe jana cadahu tuwa guna nama ,

magu ataye vara tohari thama .

Nowhere the idea that characterisation was of minor interest to

Sankaradeva finds better expression than in this drama; the action
lacks vitality of exposition and characterisation is no more than

fragmentary.

(Hi) Keli-Gopala :

In the real sense of the term, this drama is a phantasmagoria. It

brings into relief the sportive Krishna in an atmosphere of music and
moonlight, dance and despair. It is an autumnal night and the
setting is the silver sands of the Yamuna, scene of Krishna’s youthful
sports. On moonlit night, the melody of Krishna’s flute beats
this
in the panorama and draws the cowherd girls of Vrindabana to this
scene of starlit night. They come in ecstatic self-abandonment and
join the rasa dance of which Krishna is the central figure. This is

not “trip it gently as you go upon the light fantastic toe” of Milton;
it is riotous mirth.
The girls were enamoured of Krishna’s charm and personality.
100 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Krishna’s attachment and solicitude for them made them slightly

self-conscious. They from the vaunted psychology of
suffered
possessing Krishna as their own. This vanity on the part of the
girls displeased Krishna, and as a counter-step, he wanted to inflict

some mental torture on them. He disappeared suddenly from the

dancing scene with one of the milkmaids to the forest. Lonely
and desolate, the girls give vent to their acute sense of desertion
and desperation. They suffered from the “throe of the heart”.
Krishna then re-appears; with him, joy returns once again to the
bower of music and dance; a sense of fulfilment pervades the scene.
Krishna and the girls now indulge in a rasa-mandala dance with
renewed joie de vivre. There is nothing but mirth and merriment.
Then Krishna and the girls enter into the Yamuna and take to
water-sports. Music and moonlight, melancholy and melody, all
these lend colour and rhythm to this spiritualised romance. The
girls are the media through which divine grace is radiated and

Krishna is the symbol of this grace.

This joy continued till dawn. Then, all went home. The scene
was repeated over several nights and then an unfortunate incident
took place. One night, a demon called Samkhacuda appeared
there to the great consternation of the girls. A girl was molested
by this demon; this enraged Krishna. Samkhacuda was ultimately
killed in a fight.
This Bhagavata Purana story, transmuted into the poetic theme of
a drama with its “dream lights and music”, shows Sankardeva’s
art at its exuberant best. The drama is noted as much for poetic
luxuriance as for restraint, as much for ardent passion as for divine
devotion. Nowhere is the central purpose of the play, i.e., divine
exaltation, lost Krishna consoles the
sight of. girls who were
wailing because of separation from him, thus

Ava sakhi vilapa tapa tyajaha ,

bhakr.ta-vatsala moka janiy
bhakataka dukha dekhi hridi rahe nahi ,
Sankare kahaya Hari-vani.

From the point of romantic fervour, this drama appears to be a

 CLASSICAL DRAMA 101

dim echo of Joyadeva’s Gita-Govinda; of course, it is not as erotic in

impulse as the latter. Except Krishna’s destruction of Samkhacuda
demon, Keli-Gopala, like any other poetic play, is not action-oriented
in the dramatic sense.

(iv) Rukmini-harana :

Rukmini-harana, the subject matter of which is taken from

Harivamsam and Bhagavata purana, is a drama of youthful romance
and union, blood and battle. Rukmini was the lovely daughter of
king Bhismaka of Kundina. Rukmini and Krishna fall in love with
one another as a result of the one coming to know of the other’s
accomplishments through the narration of two bhatas Suravi ,

and Haridasa by name. Thus the attachment between the two

became intense. Rukmini’s brother Rukma proved intransigent;
he did not want his sister’s marriage to be settled with Krishna. He
chose a prince Sisupala by name for the hand of his sister.
The marriage was accordingly arranged. Prince Sisupala came
to Kundina with his entourage for the purpose. Rukmini became
restless, for, her heart was with Krishna. So she sent news of

her predicament to Krisnna through Vedanidhi, the royal priest,

as messenger. Krishna on receiving Rukmini’s letter lost no time;
he started off immediately from Dwaraka to Kundina. Princes
from far and near assembled in Bhismaka’s courtyard for the
wedding. Rukmini first offered obeiscence at the temple of Bhavani,
and then appeared before the assembly of guests. Thereupon to
her intense delight, Krishna appeared and took her away in his
chariot to the utter consternation of Sisupala and other princes.
This drama is noted for its intense* moments and clash of
personalitiesand aims. Krishna’s deep attachments for those who
are devoted to him as also his prowess are vindicated in the play.
On seeing Rukmini being carried away, Sisupala and Rukma,
aided by other princes, engaged Krishna in battle. In this engage-
ment, Sisupala and the rest were routed. On the entreaty of
Rukmini to spare her brother’s life, Rukma was granted pardon.
Krishna and Rukmini were finally married at Dwaraka.
The character of Rukmini is of impeccable rectitude; in a
102 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

restrained way, she symbolises a woman’s love which is her “whole*

existence”. Although the natural amorous attachments of two-
young souls are projected into the canvas, the playwright is not
oblivious of Krishna’s divinity nor is Rukmini, despite her deep-
physical and emotional urge, oblivious of it. Deep in love,
dignified in demeanour, wise in counsel and action, Rukmini is.
the central focus of the drama. The other characters are also
portrayed with sympathy and insight.
The high tone of the drama is however vitiated by introduction
of such scenes as the following that hover on the border-line of
crudity. The princes assembled for the wedding behave in an odd
way at the sight of Rukmini’s beauty; their amorous propensity is<
vulgarly evident. Although this cannot be a justification from the
point of technique or aesthetics, Sankardeva possibly portrayed
these scenes in order to create an atmosphere of popular appeaL
The following is an instance

Tadantare Rukminika navina rupa dekhiajata rajasavakamavane mursita

hua asana hante dhali parala. Vihvalla bhave kahu karajuri bola —he
pranesvari , kamasagare nistara karaha . Kahu mukhe anguli laid bola
— he pranapriya, madane mana mardaya, hamaka haste nirikhana karaha.

(v) Parijata-harana :

The drama, an assemblage of incidents from three

story of the
different sources, Vishnu Purana 9Harivamsam and Bhagavata Purana 9
centres round a par ijat a flower and the natural jealousies of
Krishna’s two wives, Rukmini and Satyabhama. The exhilarating
role played by sage Narada in rousing the anger and apathy of
Satyabhama is an interesting episode of the drama. Narada is a
darling of the masses; his character conforms to a familiar picture in
Assam’s rural landscape i.e. y the wandering minstrel. King
Narakasura of Pragjyotisapura became a menace to the gods;
he challenged their might and forcibly abducted from Indra the
ear-rings of Aditi, Varuna’s umbrella, the Mani-parvata and some
maidens of heaven. Without Krishna’s help, it was impossible to
subdue Narakasura and recover all these from him.
 CLASSICAL DRAMA 103

One day Indra came to Krishna together with Narada to report

about these incidents and seek the latter’s assistance against
Narakasura. Narada who carried a parijata flower with him
presented it to Krishna. Incidentally Rukmini was present there
at that time. Krishna lovingly fixed the parijata flower in her hair.
This was an opportunity for Narada to start off a mischief. He
went posthaste to Satyabhama, another spouse of Krishna, and
reported to her about Krishna’s dedication of the parijata flower
to Rukmini. On hearing this, Satyabhama was extremely agitated
with envy and anger. Thus was the way to the climax of the
drama laid by Narada’s wily tricks; she became hysteric over the
matter and would not touch any food or drink. Narada then came
back to Krishna and told him about the anger and displeasure of
Satyabhama.
Krishna came Satyabhama, but she was in such a terrific mood
to
that all attempts to console her failed; shewould not listen to any
excuses. Ultimately Krishna had to assure her that the parijata
plant itself would be transplanted from the garden of paradise and
presented to her. This assurance soothed her ulcerated feelings to
a certain extent. Thereupon Krishna asked Narada to procurea
flower from heaven with Indra’s permission; here Indra stood on
principle no heavenly flower could be spared for an earthly
: woman.
This angered Krishna. He himself went to Amaravati and uprooted
the plant which enraged Indra and he offered stiff resistance.
In this encounter, Indra was defeated. The parijata plant was
taken away from heaven and re-planted near Satyabhama’s
palace.
About the other side of the story, Krishna encountered Naraka-
sura and killed All the articles robbed by him, including the
him.
ear-rings of Aditi and the heavenly maidens, were recovered from
Pragjyotisapura. Satyabhama accompanied her husband to the
battlefield; on their way back to Dwaraka, she saw the parijata
flower blooming in the nandana garden; she desired a flower from
it. The two issues are dovetailed into an admirable pattern.

Noted for its power of observation and characterisation, the play

is enlivened with Narada’s innocent mischiefs, natural jealousies
104 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

of women, pulsating passion and combat of heroism. Notwith-

standing this, the poet’s natural instinct for catering to the vulgar
taste of his audience, as evident from the dialogue of abuse between
Satyabhama and Sacci, Indra’s wife, over the parijata flower,
deprives the play of its elemental strength and beauty. Each
woman abuses the other of her husband’s sexual promiscuity
and affairs with other women. Sacci accuses Krishna of sexual
complicity with the women of Gokula unikara agu Gokulaka stri
nahi rahala, —and Satyabhama accuses Indra of sexual transgression
with the harlots of Amaravati, besides that with Gautama’s
wife Ahalya under false impersonation, dekho Amaravatika
yata vesya tohaka svamika se nahi antala. Tohari swami kayali
ki. Gautama risika bharjya Ahalya taheka mayakari kahu jati bhrasta
kayala .
Notwithstanding these minor blemishes, this drama has the
stamp of Sankardeva’s intellectual maturity. The characters are
presented in relief; the action is not insipid nor is dialogue inept.
The two concurrent incidents, defeat of Narakasura for his intran-
sigence and that of Indra for his obstinacy, are dovetailed into a
single, coherent dramatic pattern through skilfully executed climax
and denouement. In fact, Narada is the pivot round whose
machination the play revolves; he is not its hero in the strict sense
of the term, yet, the role he plays is of absorbing dramatic interest.
Particularly because of this focus, all other characters, including
Krishna and Satyabhama, sink into dim lights. In their mental
attitude and conduct, the two women-characters, Rukmini and
Satyabhama, strike a contrast; the former is dignified of mien and
demeanour, the latter is flippant of conduct and approach. To
say in a nutshell, in her capacity for abusive language and vitriolic
outbursts, Satyabhama has no peer. This diseased psychology
has added &n edge to her character, natural frailties a woman is
instinctively "heir to”.
On the other hand, Rukmini is of quiet nature; if her words

betray anything, it is nobility of character; they are deep in thought

and spiritual realisation. The following words of Rukmini addressed
to Satyabhama are an illustration in point.
 CLASSICAL DRAMA 105

Ki kahaisa , jagataka parama guru Sri Krishna! unikara sarana seva

karite brahmanda bhitare kona bastu thika! Dharma ,
artha , Aoma,
wiofaa jaw padarakha hate milawe! tohari parijata kona katha.

Parijata-harana expresses moods and temper that are nearer to life;

both dialogues and situation convey this impression. The

dialogues are vibrant with verve and vitality, a fact that gives
dramatic effectiveness to the situation.

(vi) Rama vijqya

The story of this drama

mainly based on the adikanda of
is

Valmiki’s Ramayana. Two rakskashas, Marica and Subahu,

used to
cause depredations on Visvamitra’s asrama\ he could not attend to
his rituals and sacrifices in peace. Thereupon the sage approached
Dasaratha, king of Ayodhya, who allowed his two sons, Rama and
Lakshmana, and give relief to the sage. In
to proceed forthwith
the encounter .that demons were routed. Sage
followed, the
Visvamitra took Rama and Lakshmana to the court of king Janaka
where the svayamvara of the king’s daughter, Sita, was held. Princes
from different parts of the country assembled there. At the
svayamvara place, the huge bow of Shiva, ajagava or Hara-dhanu y
was lodged with the pawn that whosoever present there succeeded
in bending the bow and fixing an arrow in it would be entitled
to the hand of Sita.
One by one, the princes in the congregation tried and failed;
not to speak of bending it, they could not even lift it. To Rama,
it was an arrow and in trying to bend
easy; he lifted the bow, fixed
it, broke it in the middle. There was a divine prophecy that Sita
would be united with Rama. This came true; the bow, having
been lifted and broken, Sita came forward and garlanded her
paramour, Rama. The beauty of Sita is suggested through an
exquisite bhatima meant to be sung by the sutradhara.

Kanaka salakha anguli karu soka,

Banduli nindi adhara karu kanti ,
Dadimba nivida vija danta panti,
Isata hasita madana moha jai ,
 106 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Nasa tilaphula kamalini mai ,

Nava yauvana pramana ,
tana badari
Uru karikara kati dambamka thana ,
Pada pankaja nava pallava panti ,
Campaka pakari anguli karu kanti ,

Nakhacaya caru canda parakasa ,

Lahu lahu mattagajagamana vilasa,
Kata lavanu vihi nirmala jani,
Kokila-nada amiya jhure vanu

Rama’s was sufficient humiliation to the assembled

success
princes; they allcombined to attack Rama, only to be defeated in
his hands. After the formal wedding, Rama and Sita set off with
their entourage for Ayodhya. On the way, Rama was attacked
by sage Parasurama who was enraged, for, the former broke the
jlijagava , a bow that belonged to the sage’s master, Shiva. Parasu-
rama was so frantic that in fury he bit his own shoulders. The
intensity of this high-toned situation is brought out through sharp
incisive dialogues as also through recitations of the sutradhara . All
the of Rama’s father, Dasaratha, mathe khera dharo
entreaties
Jiamaka putradana dehu, —
fell flat on Parasurama; he would not bend.

In the engagement that followed, Parasurama was defeated and

by way of further punishment, his path to heaven was blocked
forever. This victory is symbolic; it symbolises the victory of
Vaishnavism over Shaivism of which Parasurama was an ardent
disciple.
Rama vijaya is a drama of heroism and brave deeds, of conflict and
victory of good over Rama, who is an ideal character noted
evil.

for equipoise of mind and physical prowess, is the main focus of the
play. To Vaishnava saint-poets, the mark of perfection of any
literary wont rested on its capacity to stir the deeper waters of the
soul rather than agitate the senses, i.e ., to paint the ideal so that it

might appeal to the soul. In the context of it, all references to

the senses are only incidental; they are a device to prepare the mind
for the reception of the spiritualised ideal. Rama’s character is
put in an aura of devotion thus
 CLASSICAL DRAMA 107

Ramaka carane sarana lehu jani 9

Sava aparadha marakha tuhu svamu

As in Rukmini harana , so in Rama vijaya the elegant exposition of

,

the story is affected by the introduction of a scene, presumably —

to feed the vulgar instincts of the audience, —of low conduct of the
assembled princes in the svayamvara and the at the sight of Sita
humiliation inflicted on them by the maids. Such vulgar utter-
ances of the princes —
he rajanandini madane hamara mana mardaya ,
,
,

priya, hamaka haste parakha y

—
are non-essentials from the point of
dramatic propriety. Barring this, it is a drama with an austere
motif and the exposition of the theme through songs and recitations,
dialogues and action, is aesthetically illuminating.
Madhavdeva (1489-1596) has to his credit five dramas. They
are Arjuna bhanjatia, Cordhora , Bhumilutiwa , Pimpara gticuwa and
Bhojana vihara . Of these plays, the first and the last ones in parti-
cular reveal artistic acumen, power of observation and the quality
of restraint that invariably distinguishes Madhavdeva as an artist.
Not for technical reasons, but for reasons with grass-roots embedded
in human psychology, the most popular of his plays are Cordhora
and Pimpara gucuwa They . depict living portraits of Krishna’s
child-life with all the heaven-born innocence and simplicity of
heart and behaviour. The childhood pictures of Krishna depicted
by Madhavdeva are bright as sunlight and fresh as morning dew;
in this perspective, Yasodadevi is a living Madonna. These descri-
ptions supplement the pictures of youthful Krishna, originally
depicted by Sankardeva whose canvas of experience was much
wider. The canvas of Madhavdeva, a life-celebate, is naturally
limited, and yet his pictures of child-life are psychologically penetrat-
ing. To be exact, Krishna is his dream-child, nurtured in the
cradle of imagination by a life-celebate who must have been
suffering from the psychology of inadequacy.
Though not of the plot-within-a-plot type, in Madhavdeva’s
Cordhora there are two parallel snapshots
, :
(f) Yasodadevi’s anxious
search for Krishna who any other child often escapes his
like
mother's sight and rambles about far from home, and {«) Krishna’s
 108 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

childish pranks creating problems for his mother. Not only these
parallel episodes weave an but they also imbue it
artistic pattern,
with the flower-like tenderness of childhood aspirations. The
drama Pimpara gucuwa is almost identical in psychology.
Madhavdeva’s dramas are generally known as jhumura as against
some of the Vaishnava dramas described as yatras. Sankardeva’s
first drama, Chinhayatra supposed
,
to be composed during the closing
years of the 15th century and now was known as
lost to posterity,

yatra ,a word reminiscent of religious associations. According to

scholars, the word “yatra” means “melodramatic performance”,
if not religious processions as one understands from Vaishnava

poems like Ghunuca yatra According to K. R. Medhi, jhumura

.

means “a short piece of one-Act drama in which the songs supply

the whole plot”. Except Arjuna bhanjana Madhavdeva’s dramas
,

are fragmentary in character, and presumably it is because of this

that the term jhumura is applied to them. In his dramas, action is
invariably on a low-key and the plot-development, from the point
of dramatic effect, is weak and feeble. Barring Yasoda and
Krishna, drawn in attractive relief, the rest of the characters are
in sepia rather than in full focus of colour. Notwithstanding this,

Madhavdeva’s dramas of Krishna’s child-life possess a rhythm

of their own. Invariably it is the human rather than the
divine aspect of Krishna’s character that enjoys the real focus;
despite this, the playwright cannot be said to be oblivious of
the central purpose that Vaishnava dramas are generally charged
with, i.e. 9 the glorification of Krishna as a divine symbol. In
Madhavdeva’s dramas, this picture is usually projected through
Yasodadevi.

He bapu Krishna , tohu hamari kuti purusaka parama devata mathaka ,

mukuta , strata bhusana , golara satsari , karnara kundala, korara kankana.

In intimate portrayal of scenes and use of homely imageries,

a thing for which Madhavdeva is pre-eminently noted, Arjuna
bhanjana is fairly well-known. The cowherd-girls come running
and tell Yasoda that the milk on the fire was overflowing the
 CLASSICAL DRAMA 109

vessel. The child, Krishna, was at her breast then. Hurriedly

she put him on the ground and ran to the kitchen to put the boiling
milk out of fire. Krishna was angry at this sudden interruption.
The child threw mischievously a stone at Yasoda’s churning clay-
pot and it broke. The milk ran on the ground.
The child’s mischief did not end there. He spoilt the stock of
butter, ate what he could and distributed what he could not
to the monkeys near-about. To prevent further mischief, she
wanted to fetter the child, but, mysteriously enough, each time she
tried, each time the fetters fell insufficient by a few inches. Then,
eventually she fastened him to a mortar and left. As his mother
was out of sight, Krishna dragged the mortar with him and as he
did so, two arjuna trees that were nearby fell down with a crash.
The sound attracted the cowherd boys in the neighbourhood; they
came and released Krishna from bondage.
The story is based on the Bhagavata Purina and the
Vilvamangala stotra.

The furor created by Sankardeva and Madhavdeva for play-

writing caught on and proved a great temptation for subsequent
writers. “To paint the ideal in order to elevate the mind” was no
doubt an inspiration, but judging from the forced emphasis laid
by these writers on the religio-ethical aspect of art, it is evident that
the avowed aim of artistic idealisation suffered largely in their hands
through unconscious suppression of feelings.
The Bhawana or Vaishnava theatre for which these dramas were
composed gained an added fillip under the Ahoms; the patronage so
achieved served as encouragement towards the growth and
development of Vaishnava drama in the post-Sankardeva period.
It was accepted as an item on the agenda of court-entertainment;
the play used to be especially ordered when honoured guests like
neighbouring tribal chiefs paid visits to the Ahom courts. There are
evidences of dramas like Ravana vadha Rukmini harana Padmavati
, ,

harana etc. being performed in the courts of king Rajeswara Singha

(1751-1769), Kamaleswara Singha (1795-1810) and Gaurinath
Singha (1780-1795).
Assamese dramatic literature grew under the auspices of the
8
110 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Vaishnava renascence over a period of one hundred years or so i.e.

from the latter part of the 15th century to that of the 16th century.
This was the most fruitful period of our classical drama and, then,
slowly the process of decline in the popularity of drama as a creative
art set in. Although history speaks of the writing of a few dramas
even in Sanskrit during the 18th century, the drama as a whole
oould not attain any significant success and sustain itself for long.
The art of Sankardeva and Madhavdeva was inspired by the elan
of a mission; with them, it was spiritual absorption, canalised into
fruitful channels of creative responses.*
Barring Gopala Ata, the
rest of the playwrights of the subsequent

generation could not exhibit any mastery of the art; although they
chose mythological themes mostly for treatment in the tradition of
their predecessors, their art appears to be repetitive and imitative
at its best. Gopala Ata has three dramas to his credit, all based on
the Bhagavata Parana. They are Janmayatra ,
Nandutsava and
Gopi-Uddhava-samvada. Of these three, the second appears to be
an extension of the first and this is why some scholars have refused
to acknowledge the independent entity of Nandutsava as a drama.
Janmayatra had the blessings of Madhavdeva who witnessed it when
it was first performed in the premises of the kirtanghara at Bhavani-

pura. It is an artistic play, a tribute to Gopala Ata’s craftsmanship.

Madhavdeva was so impressed with the artistic quality of the drama
that he allowed a Bargita which opens as “ Harika bayana fieri

mai ” by Sankardeva to be incorporated in the play. Janmayatra

-deals with the story of Krishna’s birth and Kamsa’s intransigence
against this fateful birth. The emphasis in this drama is on the
story-element and mythopoetic association rather than on any
didactic purpose, the life-pulse of Vaishnava drama. In point of
imagery and spiritualised accent, some of the songs embodied in
Jthis drama like Alo mai ,
Gokule udaya Tadumani are in the best
traditions of songs composed by Sankardeva and Madhavdeva;
only an artistically acute mind could compose songs of such
depth and sensitive appeal.
From the point of dramatic values, Gopi-Uddhava-samvada is of
inferior quality; with twenty five songs interspersed in the play.
 CLASSICAL DRAMA 111

it is more a lyrical rhapsody than a drama in the strict sense of the

term. There is no conflict, no dramatic action and no proper
characterisation in this play.It is so much emotionally surcharged
with the agony and heart-throbs of the maidens of Gokula, because
of Krishna’s long absence from them, that there is no scope left for
action in the drama. It is action that breathes life into characters,
and it is the absence of this primary condition that saps life out
of this play to the length of making it stale and flat.
In these dramas, the preponderance of Brajabuli is largely mini-
mised; this process of mellowing down or ushering in regular
Assamese conversational diction and words started with Madhav-
<leva, i.e ., before Gopala Ata emerged. Besides this innovation,
under the auspices of Madhavdeva, the preponderating role of the
sutradhara was also reduced as far as possible; this marked a departure
from Sankardeva’s technique. The sulradhara's influence being
minimised, it contributed to the development of dialogues as a
dramatic medium to a certain extent.
Of the minor dramatists that followed, Ramacharana Thakura is
most well-known. He has only one drama to his credit, Kamsa
vadha Apart from other dramatic features like the use of nand
.

slokas, bhatimas and payaras this drama technically compares

,

favourably with the best of Sankardeva’s plays. Ramacharana

Thakura was well-versed in Sanskrit and this proficiency was for
him an added strength; the action of the drama moves in a crescendo
and although not bold in relief, the characters do exist; the songs
and payaras add to the exposition of the plot. The plot is a series
of embellished incidents and episodes from Balarama killing a
wrestler Mustika by name to Krishna inflicting death on Kamsa for
releasing his parents from captivity under him.
Daityari Thakura is credited with two plays : Nrisimhayalra and
Syamanta harana His contcmporaty Bhusana Dwija has to his credit
.

a drama called Ajamila upakhyana. In both the dramas of Daityari

Thakura, the influence of Sankardeva’s story poems Prahlada
and Syamanta harana is pronounced; yet, they are not blatant
•carita

imitation. Unlike other Vaishnava dramas of Sankardeva’s times,

dialogues, both qualitatively and quantitatively, play a significant
112 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

role in these two dramas. This tendency is carried on and

adequately reflected in Ajamila upakhyana by Bhusana Dwija. The
full-fledged emergence of dialogue as an instrument of dramatic
expression naturally diminished the role of the sutradhara as key-
character. The opening bhatima of this drama is couched in
Assamese, a departure that further helped to reduce the importance
of Brajabuli as modus operandi of classical drama.
Of dramas of the period, mention may be made of
the other
Phalguyatra by Yadumanideva, Subhadra harana by Ramadeva,
Kumara harana by Rucideva, Sita harana Durvasa bhojana and ,

Balicalana by Gopala and Sindhuyatra by Purnakanta. Phalgu-

yatra is a drama of Krishna’s romantic ecstasy, particularly with
the women of Vrajadhama on the occasion of Phalgutsava.
This drama presents a series of pictures, often documentary in
character, pictures of spraying of colour and merriment. The
woman with whom Krishna eloped into the forest in order to
torture the other women with the pangs of separation for their
arrogance in Sankardeva’s Keli-Gopala is supposed to be Radha by
some scholars; there is, of course, no authentic evidence to support
this idea. Radha is not the prima donna of Assamese Vaishnava
poetry or drama. It can be said that it is for the first time that
Radha is introduced in Assamese Vaishnava literature through this
drama, Phalguyatra. Here Radha is depicted as the principal
character in that charmed circle of women who sprinkled coloured
powder on Krishna. From the standpoint of thematic departure,
this drama is significant.
Subhadra harana is a drama of elopement and ultimate union. The
climax of the drama is reached when enraged at the abduction of his
sister, Balarama is ready for an armed conflict with Arjuna. The

situation is however brought under control by the intervention

[

of Krishna on behalf of Arjuna. The entire drama, dialogue and

song, is in Brajabuli. Under the auspices of playwrights like
Gopala who wrote plays like Sita harana Durvasa bhojana etc. the ,

muktavali metre, conspicuous by its absence in the compositions of

Sankardeva and Madhavdeva, was introduced. The following
is an example from Sita harana .
 CLASSICAL DRAMA 113

Ha prana Sita geli kona bhita

Nasa ki nimite
Tohora santape kene prana dhari ache .
etc . etc.

To sum up, the preponderating position assigned to verse by

Sankardeva and Madhavdeva in the dramas of this period deprived
dramatic action of its sinews and strength to a fair extent. Erotic
references, as evident in the dramas of the later period verging
mostly on vulgarity, contributed to popular entertainment, but
deprived drama of its religious austerity and aroma. Depth
of understanding was sacrificed on the altar of popular needs of
entertainment and the requisites of art on the altar of vulgarity.
From the point of the spectacular, these decadent dramas are
effective, but from the point of deeper artistic significance, they are
sterile and barren. In the later dramas Assamese came to replace
Brajabuli completely; this tendency that permeated deep into the
19th century became pronounced during the closing years of the
18th. This at best an age of melodrama.
is The motive force that
inspired Assamese Vaishnava drama of the early period dwindled
into decadence and what remained of its former self, its soul, was a
mere shell. The shell with its artificially bright outer cast continued
to inspire people simply because of its hallowed tradition and past
associations.
Assamese Vaishnava drama that attained its high-water mark of
excellence under the auspices of Sankardeva and Madhavdeva and
their contemporaries subsequently took to manneristic tendencies,
only to dissipate itself into decadence. This is because playwrights
of this period lacked artistic qualities; the inspiration of a mission,
deep and austere in appeal, failed to sway and stir these lesser minds
into positive artistic responses. The drama became a mere pastime
and like most other pastimes of a non-serious type, it tended to
become flippant.
old prose

In An age, the predominant note of which was folk-poetry and other

metrical compositions, versified metaphysics and knowledge
even most of the scientific treatises of the age on arithmetic,
astronomy, medicine etc. were written in metrical form prose —
seemed to be an intruder into the precincts set apart for the Muses.
Yet then, old Assamese prose evolved and developed from the
16 th to the 18 th century with an elan and ethos peculiarly its own.
This prose can broadly be divided thus: (t) religio-ethical, and
(«) historical and secular. To be more precise, one is the sattra
(monastic) and the other is the buranji (chronicle) style of prose.
Other categories of old Assamese prose like that of carita puthis and
mantra sastras come in-between these two broad divisions. Speak-
ing about the two distinctive styles of prose, Dr. Suniti Kumar
Ghatterji says:

The saHra style represents Sanskrit learning and culture, and

preferred a highly Sanskritic vocabulary; and the court style,
and letters and documents, reflected the life
as in the buranjis
around much more faithfully and revelled in the use of pure
—
Assamese words and words in common use no matter from
what source they were borrowed, Ahom or Bodo, Perso-
Arabic or other foreign.
 OLD PROSE 115

Prose as an accepted literary medium made its debut in the

ankiya natas , one-Act plays of Sankardeva; this constitutesthe
starting point in the history of old Assamese prose. Prose, as
already pointed out, was principally employed as a medium for
dialogues in dramas. It is difficult to say why Sankardeva
chose to make this departure from the established tradition of the
time. Classical Indian drama was essentially musical in form.
All the different forms of drama that classical and medieval drama-
turgic and literary works make mention of like rasak sattak, sangeetak ,

and geya-rupak were sung and danced rather than enacted in the
formal sense. In the well-known Prakrit drama Karpuramanjart
of the 11th century, said:
“
it is sattakam nritilavyam” i.c. 9 sattaka is
to be danced. All these dramas used verse-dialogues.
In the context of this established Indian tradition, Sankardeva’s
preference for prose as medium of dialogues is significant. It was.
his deep passion for the people for whom he wanted make abstract
to
metaphysical truths intelligible and easy of comprehension that was
possibly responsible for his instinctive preference for prose as dramatic
dialogue. Or possibly prose was introduced with an eye to impar-
ting an easy conversational modulation to his dialogues so as to make
them more lively and dynamic in appeal. Though in Brajabuli,
the prose of ankiya natas is neat and absorbing in its cadenced flow;
more often than not, it is embellished in the manner of poetic
diction. The assonances and alliterations, imageries and illustra-
tions involved in the style help to sharpen rather than submerge the
inherent lucidity and beauty of these prose-dialogues. Often they
remind one of the grace and elegance of modern verse litre9
initiated by French writers.
Though in Brajabuli, Vaishnava prose of the dramas is embellished
and enriched with homely imageries and natural speech modula-
tion. Because of the homely truths in them, some of these expres-
sions of Vaishnava writers, both in prose and verse, have gone deep
into the pattern of popular speech like some of Shakespeare’s
expressions in Hamlet becoming indistinguishable from common
English speech. Even the crude dialogue, the abusive prose
bandied between Sacci and Satyabhama in Sankardeva’*
116 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Parijata hatanais marked by a certain quality of lucidity and rhythm.

There was a progressive shift under Madhavdeva’s auspices;

it was this Vaishnava playwright who for the first time registered

a departure from Sankardeva and introduced, particularly in the

narrative portions of his dramas, indigenous Assamese words into
the Brajabuli pattern of prose and gave its structure a local idiom.

Pakhia Yasoda kope kola haute matita thakacai thaia lawari khira
rakhita gela.

Thus was a new effect brought into force in the nuances of old
Assamese prose. This steady shift is significant in the sense that it

was the starting point of a process that ultimately yielded concrete

results in the hands of subsequent Vaishnava playwrights; thus the
foundation of early Assamese prose was laid by Sankardeva and
Madhavdeva and drama.
their compatriots of the classical
But the Assamese ethico-rcligious prose like that of
real father of
Italian prose being Giovanni Boccaccio is Bhattadeva; he is
said to have lived between 1558 and 1638 a.d. His prose works
are Katha Bhagavata and Katha Gita These treatises are a land-
.

mark of old Assamese literature; like the compositions of Sankar-

deva and Madhavdeva, they helped to bring the fundamentals
of Vaishnava ethics and religion nearer home to the people. Dr.
B. Kakati says

The religious fervour Sankardeva created caught on and

innumerable books mostly in verse were composed by his
followers. The enthusiasm to make the scriptures accessible
to the people in vernacular was so great that sometime after
Sankardeva, a certain teacher of the school of Sankardeva
named Bhattadeva translated the entire Bhagavat Gita and the
Bhagavata Parana into Assamese prose in about 1593.

From the “linguistic points of view”, Dr. Kakati however

dismisses Bhattadeva ’s prose as “overloaded with Sanskritic words”.
And so it does “not give any idea of the spoken language of the
time”. Dr. B. M. Barua. a noted Buddhist scholar, seems to agree
with this view, for, according to him, Assamese prose, strictly

speaking, originated with the historical chronicles under Ahom

 OLD PROSE 117

auspices. Speaking of Bhattadcva’s Katha Gita and Katha Bhagavata ,

Dr. Suniti Kumar Chatterji on the other hand says that it ‘‘was
no mean achievement for an Indian language at a time when
prose was but rarely cultivated in the literature of India” to have
“evolved a finished prose style in the 16 th century”.
One thing must be said to the credit of Bhattadeva that it was he
who for the first time openly discarded the use of Brajabuli as a
Vaishnava literary vehicle. In order to impart a well-knit structure
it is quite but natural that he had
to his spiritually balanced style,
to depend primarily on Sanskrit vocables. What Greek and Latin
are to English and most other European languages, Sanskrit is
to the Indian languages; Assamese is no exception. It is this
“strong intellectual and spiritual bond” with Sanskrit, as in the
case of other Indian literatures, both Aryan and Dravidian,
that has made old Assamese literature essentially pan-Indian in
character. This must be said that Bhattadeva was a great scholar
in Sanskrit; it is this knowledge that has given his prose style,
however archaic at times it might be, an elegance and equipoise.
In preparing the texts of the Bhagavata Gita and Bhagavata Parana
in Assamese, Bhattadeva must have consulted extensively the
available prose commentaries on these treatises; it is this perhaps
that is responsible for the preponderance of Sanskrit vocables in his
prose renderings.
Bhattadcva’s prose is distinctive in style. In Katha Gita ,
the
abstruse and metaphysical ideas of the Sanskrit original are presented
in a lucid and coherent style; the words flow in a measured sequence
and the total impression created is one of “sweetness and simplicity”
as of the original Gita. To be brief, like Bertrand Russell of
contemporary times, Bhattadeva made “philosophy readable”. The
following is an example of a Gita sloka rendered into Assamese prose.

Sanskrit sloka

Tada yada hi dharmasya glanirbhavati Bharata ,

Abhyuthanamadharmasya tadatmanam srijamyaham ,

Paritranaya sadhunam binasayacha duskritam ,
Dharmasamsthapanarthaya sambhavami yuge yuge .
118 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Assamese rendering:
Tekhana dharmara hani adharmara udbhava haya tekhane sadhura
raksarthe durjanara nasa nimitte dharma pratipalana pade yuge yuger
mayi avatara dharo .

In literature and art, it is the emancipation of thought that

serves as a crucial factor in stimulating creativeness. Lucidity and
unobtrusiveness in expression are the concomitants of intellectual
maturity; the more one is intellectually mature, the more lucid he
is in expression. This is true of Bhattadeva and his prose; his
language is aptly keyed to the nature of thought that hewanted
to express. While expressing metaphysical and spiritual thoughts
and ideas, the style could be elegant and restrained; on occasions
like this, the preponderance of Sanskrit vocables is evident.
Despite the fact that it is divorced from “spoken language”, the

style of Bhattadeva is clear, concise and passionately graphic. The

Katha Gita is an instance Its intellectualised language
in point.
shows a certain maturity of ideas; to be brief, the style is intro-
spective and interpretative rather than abstruse and oblique.
There are occasions on which Bhattadeva’s style tends to become
homely, terse and racy like commonplace speech; in the depiction
particularly of mythological incidents and episodes, the style gains
a vivifying terseness, thus making the description homely in colour
and rhythm. Although not a credential for good prose, often
because of the inherent poetical quality, Bhattadeva’s prose is
described as non-metrical rhythmic poetry. If emotion is the
parent of rhythm, then, it is true of all religious literature, whether
prose or verse. Religion, as commonly understood, is institution-
alised emotion; as such, any artistic or literary medium giving
expression to such an idea is bound to be emotional and poetic in
content and spirit. In fact, Bhattadeva’s style is cold philosophic
logic deftly woven into the language of emotion and poetical
finesse . About his prose style, Dr. B. K. Barua says
He (Bhattadeva) created a surefooted expository prose style with
an eye to grammatical perfection. His aim was to explain
religious matters in a logical and clear manner, and in this
 OLD PROSE 119

Bhattadeva succeeded to a large extent. His conversational

and argumentative prose style of Katha-Gita served as a model
and pattern to the Vaishnavite prose-writers of philosophical
matters of later years and his simpler and freer style of Katha
Bhagavata greatly influenced the writers of carita puthis .

What is the source of inspiration behind Bhattadeva’s prose-

literature ? Is it specifically Sanskrit or Maithili with which it

can be said to be in “general agreement” ? Though Sanskrit

gadya (prose) is apparently free from metrical limitations, it is not
exactly the type we understand by prose today. Wc must not forget
that Sanskrit prose has an inherent rhythmic quality, musical like
versified compositions. As both come within the compass of
sravya kavyas , the difference between Sanskrit padya (metrical) and
gadya (non-rnetrical) literary compositions is naturally thin.
Sanskrit gadya kavyas are further divided into two categories thus :

(0 akhyayikas, and Bhattadeva, whose knowledge of

(u) kathas.
Sanskrit was profound, and both the works by him are kathas must
,

have known Bana bhatta’s Katha Kadambari the “intoxicating ,

and exhaustive treatment of subjects” of which “have not

style
many equals in the field of prose”. Reading the Katha Kadambari
one has the impression as though the “author himself is speaking
in clear tones”. Likewise, Bhattadeva’s Katha Gita produces the
impression of a discourse conducted in a religious assembly by
a man who is well-versed in the subject. On the other hand,
referring to the earliest extant Maithili prose-work Varna ratnakara
(c. 1325) of Jyotirisvara Thakura, Dr. Suniti Kumar Chatterji
says:
•

The possibility
of a strong Maithili influence on early Assamese
becomes quite a probability when we find a general agreement
between the style of prose in the early stages of the two
languages.

Dr. Chatterji has not however elaborated his thesis.

Following Bhattadeva, religio-cthical prose in Assamese gained
a momentum; several prose-writers like Parasurama and Raghunath
Mahanta emerged under its auspices. Parasurama’s Katha Ghosa y
120 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

written in 1715 a.d., is a prose rendering of Madhavdeva’s Nam

Ghosa Another noteworthy prose-work of this period is Padma-

.

purana composed in 1618 a.d. It is a guide in lucid prose to morals

and religion; so far it has not been possible to establish its author-
ship. Raghunath Mahanta who wrote Katha Ramayana in the
tradition of Bhattadeva’s katha-style belonged to the first half of the
18th century; it is a free prose rendering rather a paraphrase of
the original Sanskrit epic. The influence of Sanskrit style and words,
as in Bhattadeva’s Katha Gita , is pronounced in this work. While
Bhattadeva built up a prose-tradition, his followers, except indulging
in imitation, could not contribute or subscribe to a rejuvenated
prose style. Geniuses are always an independent efflorescence;
they are not bound by set rules or axioms. Bhattadeva is an
example.

(it) Mantra and Carita-puthi Prose

Assamese mantra literature is an offspring of religious superstition,

animistic ideas and magic natural to an Indo-Mongoloid society.
Embedded in the religious beliefs of a primitive nature, the purpose
of this esoteric literature was essentially utilitarian. Such a belief
appealing so powerfully to man’s imagination and ardour must have
emerged before the Vaishnava faith, initiated by Sankardeva;
logically enough, it continued to co-extend with the Vaishnava
faith deep into the succeeding years. Incantation and sorcery,
magic rituals and divination by crude methods constituted the
principal avenues of its diluted expression. The Ain-i-Akban has
described “a process of divination by the examination of a child cut
out of the body of a pregnant woman who has gone her full term
of months”.
To be brief, the mantra puthis throw a comprehensive light on the
beliefs, superstitions and ancient spiritual customs of the Assamese

people; some of them are charms against diseases, some against evil
spirit, snake-bites, etc. These mantra puthis must have been
composed by anonymous authors at different periods of time. In
some of the mantras there are ,
allusions to the Koran as also to
Mohammad. In some others, references to Firingi also appear.
 OLD PROSE 121

Judging from these allusions, it can safely be concluded that these

particular mantras must be later-day compositions and these referen-
ces find place in them as esoteric symbols of mysterious association.
Whatever that maybe, that the earliest of these mantras must have
been composed in the age of dark faith, spoken of so succinctly by
Sir E. A. Gait, prior to the emergence of Vaishnavism in the 15th
century, there can be no doubt. The most popular of these
mantra puthis are : Karati puthi , Virajara puthi, Sapara dharani mantra ,
Sarvadhaka mantra , Suci mantra ,
Mohini mantra etc.
Some of these mantras or magic incantations, particularly of the
primitive period, show evidences of Buddhistic impact. The
reasons are self-expository. This belief, supported and supplemen-
ted by a literature of its own, i.e ., mantra literature, had its birth in
the corrupt practices that evolved out of the vulgar phases of
primitive magic and Sakta tantrism coalescing with certain esoteric
forces ofBuddhism as it turned towards its morbid decline.
The prose of mantra literature by its very nature is rudimentary
and incoherent. Often it is a disjointed array of words and is
totally “free from the rigours of grammar**. Words were set in
a formal structure not because they were meant to convey any
coherent meaning or significance, but because they were believed
to be surcharged with certain magic purposes. Every word used
is supposed to have certain power of magic and on its capacity

to stimulate magical effects that the choice of a particular word

depended. Words such as Om ain hrin, srin etc. used in mantras
, ,

are magical symbols without any coherent meaning. The word

Om was possibly used to spiritualise mantras with a Vcdic veneer;
there are mantras that bear references to the Vedas as such, particu-
larly the Atharvaveda.
We must not forget that even the language of Sanskrit mantras,
so intimately connected with the Brahmanas and the Upanishads,
“appears peculiar enough to be distinguished from the other Vedic
texts’*. By their very nature, mantras tend to be esoteric. Even

the mantras of refined Buddhistic literature are esoteric, and the

language incoherent. This is because in keeping with the spirit
of mantras , the language had to be aptly modulated so that it might
 122 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

be made capable of adding mystery to the veiled world of magic.

This explains why the language of mantras, whether Buddhistic or
Assamese, is basicallysincoherent and mystery-laden.
There are often fine passages of a descriptive nature in mantra
puthis like Sudarsana karati : these are a milestone in the historical
development of old Assamese prose literature. The following is
a description of Brahma’s court in Sudarsana karati Brahmadeva bahi :

ache camatkara kari. Thus, it goes on to describe Brahma in the

company of other gods like Indra, Kuvera, Varuna in “gorgeous
array”. Besides, there is in it the description of spirits in contrast
to the heavenly grandeur of the gods : karo eko khana kana kulara
samana , spirits with ears as big as a winnowing fan.
The prose
of this particular mantra puthi in which sentences follow a classical
sequence, has refrain, rhythm and alliteration and shows consi-
derable emancipation of thought, a result possibly of imperceptible
Vaishnava impact. Judging from the expressive quality of its langu-
age, this work is a significant landmark in the history of early
Assamese prose. In this connection, we must not forget that mantras
are a taboo under Vaishnava nama-dharma dispensation.
The carita puthis whether in prose or verse, are a bold experiment
,

in the art of biography. The main purpose of these biographies,

carita puthis on Vaishnava and Madhav-
saints like Sankardeva
deva in particular, written by their spiritual followers was to create
a sort of religious impact through the reconstruction of the lives
of saints. These biographies are significant from the point of
history because they not only bring into focus life and doings of the
saints in a reverential spirit, but also throw a flood of light on the
socio-religious, and occasionally, political sanctions of the time.
The carita puthis are mainly colourful versions of the lives of saints;
at times, the colour is so intense that not only the correct perspec-
tive is distorted, but also the real man
a particular about whom
carita puthi is written is lost in and the
the labyrinth of details
glazed refulgence emanating out of it. Nevertheless, by a certain
judicious application of the principle of rejection and selection, the
life of the saint concerned can aptly be re-constructed. The
Katha Gurucarita a prose-biography of Sankardeva and Madhav-
,
 OLD PROSE 123

<leva, a comprehensive treatise; apart from the light that it throws

is

on the of the two saints and the socio-religious environment

life

in which they lived and worked, this particular treatise is histori-

cally significant, for, its contribution to the evolution of old Assa-
mese prose is considerable. Another significant biography is
Bardowa Gurucarita. In fact, the 17th and the 18th century
constitute the heyday of carita puthi literature and buranji prose.
The first biography to be written in Assamese was Sankara carita
by Ramacharana Thakura. Other biographies are Sankardeo -
Madhavdeo by Daityari Thakura, Sankara carita by Bhusan Dwija
etc. Besides biographies on Sankardeva and Madhavdeva, carita
puthis on other luminaries of the Vaishnava movement like Gopala
Ata, Damodardeva and a few others were also written.
The carita puthis register a calculated attempt towards the sim-
Assamese prose, towards endowing it with emotion
plification of
and From this standpoint, it marks a noticeable depar-
lucidity.
ture from the metaphysical prose of Bhattadeva on the one hand
and the esoteric prose of mantras and the matter-of-fact diction of
buranjis on the other. In we find dialogues and descrip-
carita puthis ,

tions interwoven as the warp and woof of a cohesive pattern; this

helps to sustain and sharpen not only the dramatic fervour of the
situation delineated, but also create distinctive beauty and elegance
of style. The following few lines from the Katha Guru-carita are an
instance in point

Gurujane gai bole viprasava ei jana dhara santi halehe bandhiba pari .
Pache brahmane bole amara ghare pati santi ache , kailai ana haba .
Bole anibaha eikhani ,
kaba palare Brahmaputrara jala aniba lage ,
rolehe patibrata sati ....

The sentence structure in the above passage, use of common

familiar words, simplicity of expression, conversational ease etc.
are an absorbing evidence of early Assamese prose in its evolu-
tionary process. Even colloquial homely words, not to speak of
metaphors and imageries, are filtered through an aesthetically
distinctive style. If there are digressions, these are only in thought
structure and sequence of incidents, not in the structure of indivi-
124 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

dual sentences. The language used in carita puthis is a chiselled

synthesis of eastern and western Assam spoken words. To conclude,
the carita puthis are written in the monastic tradition, whether in
verse or prose. In language and diction, concept and ideal, they
breathe of the sanctified aroma of the sattra (monastery).

(iii) Historical and other Secular Compositions :

With the politial change ushered in under the auspices of the

Ahoms, the cultural and literary tide changed its course from the
direction of the Kochas in western Assam to that of the Ahoms in
eastern Assam, where they established a kingdom. In keeping
with the tradition of Mongoloid people with whom the sense of
history is acute, the Ahoms, originally a Thai race, popularised
a new type of prose literature known as buranjis (historical chroni-
cles); these chronicles contain political records of different ruling
dynasties and times. Dr. Grierson in his Linguistic Survey of India
says thus :

The Assamese are justly proud of their national literature.

In no department have they been more successful than in a
branch of study which India, as a rule, is curiously
in
deficient. . . .The works or buranjis as they are
historical ,

styled by the Assamese, are numerous and voluminous.

It is astonishing to find that in the whole range of Sanskrit

literature which is otherwise so rich and copious in variety, there
is,except Kalhana’s Rajatarangini of the 12th century, no historical
work that can be made a mention of. On the other hand, the
buranjis not only widened the frontiers of old Assamese literature,
but also created an interest in secular subjects and made literary
style less highflown and sentimental. Thus, it was for the first
time that literature showed signs of steadily emerging out of the
sombre groves of religion and becoming more matter-of-fact and
precise in character.
Dr. S. K. Bhuyan has classified our historical literature into three
broad divisions :

(*) Desultory chronicles of the Hindu kings of Kamarupa

 OLD PROSE 125

from Bhagadatta to the conquest of Assam by the Ahoms,

a Shan tribe, in 1228 a.d.
(it) Chronicles of the Ahom kings of Assam from 1228 a.d.
to the termination of their rule in 1826, continued upto
1838 a.d., or even later, and
(tit) Chronicles of places other than Assam.
These historical chronicles have come to light so far Purani Asama
:

Buranji Asama Buranji Deodhai Asama Buranji Tungkhungia Buranji ,

, , ,

Kamrupar Buranji Barpahi Buranji, Satsari Asama Buranji Chakariphati

, ,

Buranji, Padshaha Buranji etc. etc. The Ahoms wrote the buranjis
initially in their own language and it was only subsequently that
Assamese came to be used. It is thus that the foundation of a
secular political prose was laid in our language.
Speaking of the buranjis and their prose style, Dr. Suniti Kumar
Cliatterji says:

The was the development in the Assamese language of

result
a and vigorous and withal exceedingly picturesque prose-
terse
style for writing history; and neighbouring Bengali and Maithili
both were denied the possession of this fine means of expression
for several centuries. East Assamese prose as in buranjis stands
on a very high pedestal when compared with the prose in Early
Oriya and in Early Brajbhaka as well as in early Gujarati,
early Marathi and early Western Panjabi. The style of the
buranjis is something quite distinctive and characteristic. It
is soil; it reflects the spoken language of the people,
racy of the
and always straightforward and direct. It contrasts very
is

favourably with the ornate and florid style of most of the Persian
historical works written in India in which, in some at least of the
writers, the author is more anxious to flatter some royal patron
and to show
off his scholarship than to narrate historical events
soberly. This certainly has been one of the greatest gifts of the
Ahoms to the Indo-Aryan language which they ultimately
adopted and in this way they were directly responsible in endow-
ing Assamese with the great glory of a tradition of writing
annals and historical anecdotes in beautiful and forceful prose.
9
126 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

The buranjis are faithful records of diplomatic and political

details vis-a-vis historical forces and cross-currents of different times.
In the best tradition of historical prose, the language is restrain-
ed and marked by a certain elegance of expression; the embellish-
ment it is endowed with is neither rhetorical nor sentimental.
The language used in the buranjis is eastern Assam speech, polished
and chiselled in the climate of court life. It would however be
wrong to suppose that these historical narratives were invariably
terse in the sense that they were rough-hewn and “mere dry bone”.
What makes the political prose of these buranjis an object of literary
elegance and beauty is the judicious use of epithets and imageries,
similes and metaphors and clever interfusion of wit and wisdom.
The chroniclers of these buranjis must be men who possessed an
inherent sense of history coupled with an instinctive gift and
aptitude for literary effect. From the beginning of the 1 7th cen-
tury onwards, it became an age particularly of history and chro-
nicles; this is because it was a change primarily from
significant,
verse to prose. Although some chronicles were written in verse,
whatever poetry they have is not the crucial thing.
Like the Darang Raja-vamsavali written in verse by Surjyakhari
Daivajna about the kings of Darrang (Sir E. A. Gait puts the date
at 1806), the Padshaha Buranji chronicles of the Delhi Badshahate
,

written in prose by Assamese historians, are veritable mines of

historical information. The latter chronicles were probably written
during the 17th century when Assam experienced invasion after
invasion by the Mughals. Unlike the Purani Asama Buranji and
the Tungkkungia Buranji composed in chaste courtly prose of eastern
Assam, the language of Padshaha Buranji is interspersed with a
significant number of Perso-Arabic words like nikah, tamam karam - ,

zada , haramkhor, takid qazi, hazur navis, farman etc., to mention only
,

a few. Thrc ugh this Buranji a variety was introduced into the
,

existing pattern of old Assamese prose. That there was contact

between Assam and the Mughal Indian empire is evident from
Tungkkungia Buranji also. In Dr. S. K. Bhuyan’s edition of this
tbook, there are two exquisite miniature portraits of the Ahom king
;Siva Singha (1714-1736) and queen Ambikadevi; the queen is
 OLD PROSB 127

dressed in muga silk and the king in “conventional north Indian

Gourt costume, the so-called Mughal dress of the 18th century”.
Buranji literature reached great height during the 17th century.
As evident from epigraphic documents, the influence of Sanskrit
from beyond the pre-Ahom era, to be more precise from the Gupta
period onward, to the age of Vaishnava literature is distinctive;
this continued throughout the medieval period with political power
resting in the hands of the Ahoms and the Kochas. It was particularly
under the Ahoms, as evident from a close survey of Ahom historical
literature, that Sanskrit influence registered a steady decline.
In diplomatic and exchanges with different ruling poten-
epistles
tates, Assamese rather than Sanskrit was progressively used. It
is seen in the letters exchanged between king Naranarayana of

Cooch Behar and king Svarganarayana in 1555 a.d. It was,

however, customary to open these diplomatic epistles with a
Sanskrit sloka; the rest was couched in a formal language that does
not show any tangible Sanskrit influence whatsoever. The for-
“ Etha amara kusala tomara
mer says : kusala nirantara bancha kari ”.
The other replies “ Atra kusala tomara kusala bartta suniya parama -
:

pyayita hailo .” In the same way, in land-grant documents, peti-

tions and prayers, census papers and other court documents, prose
of a similar style and modulation was used. This style is known
for precision and compactness, coherence and measured expression,
the virtual characteristics of all political literature. In contrast

toVaishnava prose which was circumscribed by certain dogmas

and principles, buranji prose was liberated prose, free from all
dogma and formal conservatism.
The subject-matter of old Assamese prose presents an exhaustive
vista, socio-religious, metaphysical, historical and secular. Under
the auspices of the Ahoms, numerous treatises on astronomy, mathe-
matics, cattle diseases, dance technique etc., some in verse and some
in prose, were written. They are Srihasta-muktavali (on dance
technique) by Subhankar Kavi, Hastividyarnava (on elephantology)
by Sukumar Barkath, Ghoranidana (on horses), Bhasvati (on as-
tronomy) by Kaviraj Chakravartty, Kitavat-manjari (on arithmetic
in verse), Ankara-arjya (on arithmetic) by Kasinath etc.
128 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

From the point of the development of old Assamese prose, the

two most significant books are Hastividyarnava and Ghoranidana . If
the buranjis are the first political prose in Assamese, these books
are the first instances of scientific prose in our literature. The basis
of Hastividyarnava (1734) is Gajendra Chintamani of Sambhunatha;
the book is tastefully illustrated with pictures of different kinds of
elephants as also of the 18th century Ahom court-life drawn by two
painters, Dilbar and Dosai. a rich prose tradition as the
It enjoys
buranjis do; it, however, does not go beyond the vocabulary used
and the style is of an identical flavour. Hastividyarnava
in the latter
was written under the behest of king Siva Singha and Queen
Ambikadevi; it describes different pedigrees of elephants, their
common diseases and the technique of treatment as also the prestige
that elephants give to different social classes using them.
The Ghoranidana is a treatise on horses. It is doubtful if the
Ahoms knew the use of horses as war-material. They must have
come to know of horses only after being confronted with successive
Muslim invasions of Assam. In 1627, it is said that the Muhamme-
dans invaded Assam with an “army of 10,000 horses and foot sol-
diers”. Judging from the language of the book, a replica of the
buranji style of prose, Ghoranidana must have been written after
successive Muhammedan invasions were successfully retarded.
Srihasta-muktavali is a commentary type of book with Sanskrit
slokas gathered from different texts on dance and dramaturgy
to which Assamese renderings are added. The renderings are
elegant and yet simple and lucid. Besides, a prose-work called
Charing Phukanar Buranji deals not with political facts as such, but
with architectural designs and measurements in arithmetical terms.
Bhasvati by Kaviraj Chakravartty is a prose-work on astronomy.
It is not an unusual book for Pragjyotisapura, a land that is descri-
bed in the Kalikapurana thus “Here Brahma first created the stars
:

and hence the city is called Pragjyotisapura, a city equal to the

city ofIndra or Sakra.”
These books are sufficient to give an adequate insight into the
vigorous intellectual life and activity of Ahom times; the sources
of these books being mostly Sanskrit, Assamese prose was enriched
 OLD PROSE 129

with new embellishments, words and syntax. By its very nature,

this scientific prose was logical and precise, exact and without any
literary flourish of the rhetorical type; the buranji prose characteri-
sed by similar qualities was its model. The affinity between the
two styles is pronounced.
NEW ASSAMESE LITERATURE
transition

The declining years of Ahom rule, an era of civil strife and feuds,
constitute the darkest epoch in the annals of Assam. Repeated
invasions of the Burmese reduced what was a mere skeleton into
disintegrating bones; the darkest chapter in the catastrophe began
when, invited by Badan Barphukan, the Burmese invaded, pilla-
ged and plundered the land under a general called Mingimaha
Bandula whose record of atrocity is one of the bloodiest. With
the establishment of Pax Britannica, this long-drawn chapter of
blood and war came to an end. The Burmese whose sovereignty
in the land lasted uninterruptedly from 1819 to 1824 were finally
ejected; the population gradually settled down to normal condi-
tions of life as British rule, after the Yandabu Pact of 1826 with
the Burmese, consolidated itself. In fact, the Yandabu Pact
ended the regime ancien politically and the steady intellectual impact
ushered in through western education ended it spiritually. The
years succeeding British occupation of the land correspond to a
turning point in the history of Assamese literature as in that of
other Indian literatures. Thus the “splendid isolation”, to use
H. G. Wells’ words, of Indian cultural life, an isolation that
started with our medieval times, was broken; as a result of this,
our literature came to be enriched with new forms and ideas due
to western literary impact, particularly English.
134 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Dr. B. Kakati has pointed out that the modern age in Assamese
from “the beginning of the nineteenth century”.
literature starts
In fact, the American Baptist Mission is the torch-bearer of this
new literaryepoch in our language. With the publication of
the NewTestament from the Baptist Mission press at Serampore,
Bengal, in 1813, the modern period in Assamese literature, strictly
speaking, begins; it was translated into Assamese by one Atmaram
Sarma of Nowgong. It was an age of struggle for existence for
Assamese language and literature. As French displaced the
Anglo-Saxon tongue in England when the Duke of Normandy
rested there, Bengali that enjoyed the patronage of British rulers
in Assam displaced Assamese from the local offices and schools
and superimposed itself. Like the Cossacks filling the Gzarist
army, men from Bengal filled the offices in Assam during British
rule. In 1836 Assamese was completely jockeyed out of existence;
it was deprived of its legitimate place in the courts of administration

and educational institutions. It lost not only its rightful place,

but also its initiative to live and grow.
The new landmark in the history of modern Assamese language
and literature was provided by two American missionaries the Rev.
:

N. Brown (1807-1886) and O. T. Cotter. They set foot in the

land in 1836. Like Caxton setting his printing press in Westmin-
ster, these missionaries set theirs in Sibsagar and with this innova-

tion, the sudden acceleration in the pace of “exchange and preser-

vation of knowledge”, to use Rothenstein’s words, started. These
missionaries made Sibsagar in eastern Assam the centre of their
Christian work. Besides the Rev. Brown and Cotter, other zealous
missionaries who worked for the cause are M. Bronson, A. H.
Danforth, C. Barker, W. M. Ward, Hesselmeyer and A. K. Gurney.
To quote Dr. S. K. Bhuyan :

They came to Assam at a time when the older regime was

fast disappearing from the view. They brought with them
the indomitable spirit of the early New England settlers and
their adaptations to new environments as well as their esca-
pades with the aboriginal tribes in whose vicinity they had to
 TRANSITION 135

work and preach had their counterpart in the struggles waged

by the voyagers of the May Flower and their successors in the
land of their adoption.

With a view to popularise the message of Christ, the missionaries

thought it essential that the people should be approached through
the medium of their own tongue; this they materialised into action
within a brief span of barely three months. They produced the
first primer for use in schools they established for imparting English

education. To the credit of the American Baptist Missionaries,

thismust be said that they whole-heartedly advocated the use of
Assamese in place of Bengali in schools and courts. This is what
A. H. Danforth wrote in 1853

We might as well think of creating a love of knowledge in

the mind of a
stupid English boy by attempting to teach him
French before he knew anything of the rudiments of English.
To my mind this feature of the educational policy persued
in Assam is not only absurd but destructive of the highest
motive of education and must necessarily cripple the advance-
ment of the school as well as separate them from the sympa-
thies of the people.

The redemption of the Assamese language in fact came at the

hands of the American Baptist Mission who not only gave the
language of the people a fresh lease of life, but also gave it a due
share of justice and recognition in all their institutions. Forced
by George Campbell’s Government
irresistible circumstances, Sir
initiated an enquiry into the claims of the Assamese language for
official recognition. In 1853, A. J. Moffat Mills, a Judge of the
Calcutta High Court was deputed to prepare an account of Assam;
his report was published in 1854. Among other things, it says
An English youth is not taught Latin until he is well-grounded
in English, and same manner an Assamese should not
in the
be taught a foreign language until he knows his own.

This bore fruit in the ultimate recognition of Assamese as the

136 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

language of the province. But for this, modern Assamese

official
literaturewould not have been possible, at least its emergence
would have been delayed by a good many years and so its progress
retarded.
The potent force that helped the American Baptist Missionaries
in their campaign of restoring the Assamese language from the
morass was consigned into due to official apathy was Ananda-
it

ram Dhekial Phukan (1829-1859); he received his education first

at the Mission School, established by the Baptist Mission at Sibsagar,
and then at the Hindu College, Calcutta, during 1841-1844.
He rendered yeoman’s service in restoring the Assamese language
to the claims of expansion and instruction, and simultaneously
with it, attracted the attention of the enlightened few to the
benefits of English education.
Under the auspices of the Missionaries, literary growth and
movement went hand in hand with linguistic study. The lan-
guage which the Rev. Brown admired and whose “open agreeable
vocalisation, picturesque Sanskritic characters, quaint inflections
and idioms became almost native to him” (Mrs. Eliza Brown)
stimulated further interest. Like Father Johan Ernst Hans-lcden
of the Malabar Christian Mission publishing the first modern
Sanskrit grammar, N. Robinson of the Baptist Mission published
a grammar called Grammar of the Assamese Language as early as 1839
from Seramporc, Bengal. Besides emphasising the need to study
the Assamese language, this grammar had introduced certain
innovations in the alphabet.
Dr. N. Brown’s Grammatical Notes on the Assamese Language first ,

published in 1848 (the third revised edition was published in 1893)

is an instance of painstaking work in grammatical research of the

language. Other works of Dr. Brown are translations of some

portions of the New Testament, particularly the Gospel portion of
Mark, Matthew, Luke and John; all this was done between 1648
and 1854. Mrs. Eliza Brown whose love of the Assamese language
was as acute as that of her husband’s has to her credit a book of
tales for children, a book of arithmetic and another of geography.
In this connection, mention may be made of Mrs. Cotter’s English-
 TRANSITION 137

Assamese book called Vocabulary and Phrases ,

first published in 1840.
The Rev.N. Brown’s Grammatical Notes is a landmark; it was followed
by A. R. Dhekial Phukan’s A Few Remarks on the Assamese Language
in 1855. The study of the language was, however, given a sure
foundation by Hemchandra Barua (1835-1897) through his gram-
mar called Asamiya Vyakarana (1895). It was followed by his

monumental Anglo- Assamese dictionary, Hemkosh (1900). But

for the persistent efforts of Col. Gordon and HemGoswami (1872-
1928), this dictionary possibly would not have seen the light.
The compilation of dictionary engaged the attention also of the
American Baptist Mission. Miles Bronson’s Anglo-Assamese
Dictionary is a stupendous work; it contains about 14,000 words.
In the preface, the compiler says

As the language has hitherto no standard and has been used

vaguely, like all other first attempts of this kind must be left
more or less imperfect. No word however has been allowed
to pass without careful examination and when doubts have
existed the oldest and the best informed of the people have
been consulted.

On the other hand, this must be said that Jaduram Barua is truly
the Dr. Johnson of Assam; he was the first to compile a dictionary
of our language as early as 1839. He presented it to Col. John-
son who in his own turn gave it to the American Baptist Mission.
This must have served as a key to Bronson’s Assamese-English
Dictionary , a solid landmark of scholarship and industry.
The Rev. Brown made certain other atteihpts that produced a far-
reaching impact on our literature towards preservation and publi-
cation of old manuscripts. The publication of such classics as
Bakul Kayastha’s Kitabat-manjari in 1845, besides the collection
of about forty old Assamese manuscripts between 1840 and 1850,
stimulated antiquarian interest. The interest thus stimulated
led to the enthusiastic publication a few years later of books like
Sankardeva’s Kirtan-Ghosa in 1876, the Assamese version of the
Ramayana and a few other manuscripts by patriotic men like
Haribilash Agarwalla (1842-1931), and Madhav Bardoloi, only
138 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

to mention a few. Agarwalla also published a few cantos of

Sankardeva’s Bhagavata ,
Rama vijaya nata, Gunamala ,
Bhatima,
Bhakti Ratnavali , besides a few of his Bargitas and Daityari’s and
Ramchandra’s Guru caritas. Madhav Bardoloi published the
seven-canto Ramayana and Dipika-Chandra in 1895. Kaliram
Barua published Kir tan Dasama and Gita-Govinda.
The Baptist Mission did their best to make literature accessible
to all. In 1846, this missionary organisation founded a monthly
journal called Oronodoi (1846-1882). The printing press and the
academic institutions established by the Baptist Mission brought
within the reach of the people the light of western science, litera-
ture and culture; undernew inspiration a group of writers
this
in the vernacular emerged, and books, pamphlets and periodicals
in Assamese came to be registered. Missionary work that was
necessarily stimulated by Christian piety inspired no doubt some
original writers like Nidhi Levi Farwell ( 1827); FarwelPs poem
Binoi vachan, more didactic than an interesting study
lyrical, is

both from the point of diction and Christian literary trend. To be

precise, this poem is Vaishnava in aesthetics and Christian in
theological diction. His other poems like Nistarar upai Christar ,

avatar bibaran etc. similarly partake of the essence of Biblical sermon

or paraphrase rather than herald a new poetical trend; he is credited
with a few prose essays also on subjects of law, science and history.
It is said that Farwell who was the first Assamese to be converted
to Christianity was principally associated with the compilation of
Bronson’s dictionary.
Oronodoi , the mouthpiece of Baptist society, was an “Oriental
replica” of an illustrated London paper; the pages of the journal
were decorated with woodcuts engraved by indigenous artists.
The subjects that found expression in this journal are both religious
and secular. P. H. Moor of the Baptist Mission wrote thus in
1907:

Modern literature whether Christian or non-Christian is the

product of the last sixty years of the nineteenth century.

Once interest was stimulated through the Oronodoi, there grew

 TRANSITION 139

a number of journals and periodicals, each one of which has left

a distinct mark on modern Assamese literature. Asam Bandhu
(1885-86) was published from Calcutta with Gunabhiram Barua
(1837-94) as Assam News an Anglo-Assamese journal,
editor. ,

was published from Gauhati in 1882 with H. C. Barua as editor.

With its well-written prose and verse, this journal may be descri-
bed as the authentic precursor of the Jonaki ( 1 889)
. It was through
this journal that the spelling of Assamese words was standardised
and an authentic style formulated. The Asam Bandhu contained
many thought-provoking articles, literary and historical, and thus
helped to widen man’s intellectual vision. Other journals publi-
shed during the eighties of the last century are Asam Bilashini
(1871-83), Mau (1886), Asam Tara (1888-90) and Lorahandhu (1888).
Vaishnava literary trends stretched far down into this late
period i.e. the age of transition prior to western literary tendencies
making themselves clearly felt. Raghudev Goswami wrote his
Hitopadesi kavya in the old epic styleround a parable of the animal
world; it is mock-heroic in spirit. Lalit Goswami, a follower of
Bengal Vaishnavism initiated by Chaitanyadeva (1485-1533),
translated into Assamese in 1875 a Sanskrit kavya by Gopalobhatta
Goswami that contains lurid descriptions of Lord Krishna’s amorous
dalliance. Classical in content and technique, this poem is known
as Sri Keli Rahashya. Surjyakhari Daivajna preserved till the open-
ing decade of the 20th century the Vaishnava thematic tradition
of poetry as manifest in his adaptations from the Mahabharata.
Visheswar Vaidadhip is the author of a metrical chronicle
called Belimarar Buranji written under the inspiration of Ahom
padya Buranjis it was probably composed between
; 1838 and
1846. It contains a vivid account of the changing aspects of life,
events and incidents in Assam between 1788 and 1819. The lan-
guage of the poem has easy rhythm and the similes are remarkably
original; the central motif of the poem is impermanence of all
things in the manner of Vaishnava ethical tenets. Besides making
an extensive use of Vaishnava traditional metres, Vaidadhip has
introduced some other metres also like muktavali, bidagdha lechari
etc. Purandarar patni sakalar bilap in muktavali metre and Chandra -
140 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

kantar babe puranarir bilap in bidagdha leckari are new directions in

our metrical history. Though definitely archaic, Dharmakanta'
Buragohain’s Gowahatir bibaran like Vaidadhip’s Rangpur nagarar
barnana is rich in descriptive imageries. Mostly conventional in
form, they belong in spirit to the old tradition. Others who have
reflected the Oronodoi tradition in particular arc Balaram Phukan,
Kinaram Sattria and Govindaram Bhuyan.
Surjyakhari Daivajna has maintained the traditional buranji
art in his metrical chronicle Darang Raja-vamsavali (1806). In
poetic diction, it is neither as rich or enervating as Vaidadhip’s
Belimarar Buranji or Dutiram Hazarika’s (1805-1901) Kali Bharat
(1862); Though the theme is historical, the inspiration deduced
is from Vaiahnava classical poetry; it narrates events between
the years of 1679 and 1858. Hazarika never employed archaic
forms or words to create an atmosphere of history.
Other poets of this transition period are Gopinath Chakravart-
ty and Purnakanta Sarma. Although inspired by a similar
Vaishnava classical spirit, Chakravartty is not as finished an
artist as Raghudev Goswami. Mythological in purport, his
Kalanka bhanjana possesses a touch of what may be called
“wholesome rusticity”; and although the tone of the poem is often
stern and archaic, it grows passionate in the recital of tender
themes. Purnakanta Sarnia’ s Nala charit (1889) describes the
mythopoetic life of Nala and his tragic experiences. With
episodes, descriptions and similes borrowed from the classical
storehouse, Sarma represents the culmination of the first phase of
transition of our modern literary period. Broadly speaking, this
age of transition may be described like the Augustan age in English
literature as an age of pseudo-classicism.
The opening years of British rule that constitute the second
phase of transition in our literature are barren of the agonies of
a re-birth, it* conflict and restlessness, and whatever impact of
western literary nends the age experienced was not direct; it was
Anglo-Bengali in inspiration. The publication of the Jonaki
(1889), a monthly magazine from Calcutta by a group of Assamese
students there, gave in a sense the real momentum to Assamese
 TRANSITION 141

literature after the spell of fadeout it suffered in thepost-Ahom

*
transition period. Though short-lived, this journal marked a rapid
growth of literary culture to be followed by the Bijoli in 1890,
Banhi in 1909 and Chetova in 1919. It was a period of great interest
and inspiration; the influx of ideas due to contact with western
literary trends revolutionised the existingmethods. A wave of
literary upheaval, optimism and newness of form and technique
had arisen as a result. In fact, the Oronodoi and the Jonaki that
effected great changes in our literary trends and technique are
the two milestones of modern Assamese literature.
With the poets writing in the Oronodoi tradition, the first phase
of transition ends; the second phase arose and continued to
reflect tendencies that could not be defined as typical of the new
spirit that was soon to follow. The period of Assamese literature
subsequent to it was romantic in content, spirit and inspiration.

Though the new age marked a reaction against the tradition of

the classical age, it would be wrong to describe it as mere reac-
tion; this response contained in its womb “winged seeds” of a
new development. Although they could not completely
identify themselves with the mainstream, the writers of the second
phase of transition nevertheless aided the process. The sun of
new inspiration so far as these transitional writers are concerned
showed itself only on the rim of the horizon, and that too not in
clear outlines. In between these stages, however, was heralded
the romantic age, and although the classical note was not wholly
absent, the dissolution of the compromise of the past became
imperative under western literary impact. f
Ratneswar Mahan ta’s (1864-93) prose and verse compositions
appeared in the Asam Bandhu (1885-86) and Jonaki (1889). His
collection of poems is Kavitar har Written in the romantic tradi-
.

tion of the commonplace, Mahanta’s Gawalia bowari is a poetical

picture of dedication and endeavour, that of a daughter-in-law,
an image of health and virtue seen against the background of her
daily household routine. Though the poets of the transition
period very often than not borrowed episodes and similes from
Vaishnava poets, Gawalia bowari is a marked departure as com-
10
 142 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

pared with D. K. Buragohain's Gowahatir bibaran for instance,

published in the 1853 June issue of the Oronodoi, The concluding
lines of the poem are in themanner of a didactic exhortation;
nevertheless, its thought and imagery are neatly trimmed.
Mahanta’s Asomat Man published in the Jonaki, gives an evidence
,

of the new historical-cum-political prose.

Baladev Mahanta (1850-95), teacher in an elementary school,
is a poet of “memorable verses*'; in 1884 was published his Ujupath .

The poems are easy and lucid, the imageries are free from the
usual learned influences of the preceding era. Epigrammatic in
some of its lines, his poem Kauri aru sial is an exceedingly popular
piece. If simplicity and rapidity of movement constitute the
essence of the new poetry, poems like Kauri aru sial despite their
,

moralistic tone, register a significant progress towards that end.

Balinarayan Bora, editor and publisher of a journal called Mau
(1886) like Goldsmith’s Bee , focussed his attention on the social
conditions of the time. He wrote satires in the main, the tone of
which was neither personal nor occasional or whimsical. Bora's
poems like Dangaria and Asamiya babu that lampoon the new
Anglo- Assamese crudity are the first satiric poems of our modern
literature; they paved the way for verse-satirists like Mitradev
Mahanta ( 1895) and Dandi Kalita (1890-1955) of the subsequent
period to whom goes the credit of raising satire, a “debunking
art”, to dignity. The impact of Anglo-Bengali influences, British
administrators and European tea-planters created a new social
dags called babus by providing this spurious growth with clerical
jobs in their offices; Asamiya babu satirises the queer tendencies of
this new malignant social growth in a merciless, though not savage,
manner. In Dangaria the piquancy of the situation is brought
,

out through individual incongruities. Though the note is light-

hearted, the purpose of both the poems is deeply serious.
Durgaprasad Majumdar-Barua (1870-1928) published his
Uju kavita in 1895, Lora kavita and Phul in 1899. Though not of
the nature of a parable like those of Baladev Mahanta’s, these
m
poe s are remarkable for their easy flow and simplicity. Mafi-
zuddin Ahmed Hazarika’s (1870-1958) Jnanmalini was published
 TRANSITION 143

in 1897. Ahmed’s poetry is illustrative of a spirit that creates by

quiet contact with the commonplace experiences of life a stimulated
philosophy. The simple idea that he expresses in Munichuni beli
isexpanded into a level of philosophy in Dinkana In it, through
.

the symbol of a blind man who struts and frets aimlessly, the poet
universalises the nature of human life tossed about in this universe
of illusions. The spirit of this poem is more homely than the
avowed homeliness of most poets of the Wordsworthian tradition
in our language. Ahmed has earned the maximum of praise with
the minimum Promod Barthakur
of creative work to his credit.
and Suleiman Khan have to their credit children’s verses, Kavita
kusum and Kavitaputhi respectively. With their inherent tender-
ness, lucidity and easy graceful thought, what these children’s
verses achieved was the promotion of sincere and simple suscepti-
bilities that coristitutes the quintessence of romanticism.
Benudhar Rajkhowa (1872-1955) edited the Bijoli (1890-92) in its

third year of existence at Calcutta. Besides Chandra sambhav kavya ,

an epic, he is also the author of a number of poems and songs; in
a sense, he is our pioneer song-maker. In between 1920 and
1930 he published a number of poems like Debar pralay Jivan ,

Rajkhowa’s poems
sandhiya , Sipurir batari etc., all serious verse.
are known for their historical significance rather than for their
artistic merit. Perhaps it is because of this that time has cruelly
relegated him and his work to the background, if not into oblivion.
Nevertheless, these songs like most other compositions of this transi-
tion period are precursors in a sense of the dawn-songs of the
succeeding romantic period.
Bholanath Das (1858-1929) and Ramafkan ta Chaudhury (1846-
1889) are pioneers in the sense that they discarded the conventional
forms of the transition poets and adopted the blankverse initiated
in contemporary Bengali literature by Michael Madhusudan
Dutt (1824-1873). To Das and Chaudhury goes the credit of
introducing this new instrument into our poetical orchestra and
helping to revive and re-create music by enlarging the compass.
its

Though the theme of Chaudhury’s blankverse epic Abhimanyu

9adh is taken from the Mahabharata, the kavya reveals influences
144 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

of a new technique. The poem shows originality and the power

to utilise natural expression in the new verse-form. Chaudhury
has two mythological dramas to his credit, Sita haran and Ravan vadh.
Bholanath Das’s poetical fame rests on his blankverse epic,
Sita haran (1888) and collection of poems Kavita-mala, published
in two one in 1882 and the other in 1883. Subsequently,
parts,
another collection of his poems Chintatarangini was published in
1884. Though mostly outlandish in jargon, Sita haran kavya is

noted for its vigorously sustained movement; the formality of style

adds dignity to its descriptive fervour. Though words of an alien
origin like bitopi, brika dhurta, bayosha etc. are used, the beauty of
this narrative poem lies in the fact that these words, however
alien, are submerged in the context of a powerful narration.
The greatest contribution of the succeeding age is the innova-
tion of the lyric as a distinct class of poetry; the lyric appeared
for the first time in Das’s Kavita-mala and Chintatarangini collec-
tions of poems. Of them, Megh and Kiwanu nagage amar mon
show certain departure from tradition. In the nature-lyric Megh>
the poet reveals in the Wordsworthian sense the extent to which
a simple object of nature could be clothed with beauty and ima-
ginative insight,and yet, the poem lacks in freshness because of
its elaborate classical diction. Nevertheless, this poem, noted
for its picturesque emotionality, ushers nature as a theme for
treatment to be echoed more deeply by subsequent nature-poets
like Raghu Chaudhury (
b . 1879).
In blankverse, it is the form that gives freedom
and rescues
an unrhymed measure from drifting into that which is nearer to
bad prose than to good verse. The innovators of blankverse in
Assamese, Das and Chaudhury, drew their inspiration from
Madhusudan Dutt, who in his turn drew his from Milton.
Although his subjects were drawn mostly from classical sources
like Kirtibasa’s Ramayana Dutt, who knew western literature, both
,

English and Greek, used blankverse with poise and dignity. On

the otherhand, Bholanath Das’s blankverse could not rise above
the level of imitation and that is why his Sita haran kavya technically ,

speaking, produces a staccato effect, despite the fact that there

 TRANSITION 145

are in the poem occasional lines of tangent hues reflecting a

sepiate radiance. Chaudhury’s Abhimanyu vadh kavya is technically
more developed.
These modern blankverse kavyas exploiting mythological themes
produced a deep impression on the contemporaries of Das and
Chaudhury. Due to contact with western epic-poetry as also with
Vaishnava mythological poetry, the conventional need for
something grand and magnificent still held good in the new age;
whatever the subject-matter, epical kavyas generally subserve this
purpose. While the lyric was vaguely supposed to be of ephemeral
interest, the epic was considered to be otherwise; many poets,
because of this, nourished a secret preference for the epic till the
recent past.
Hiteswar Barbarua (1876-1939) has to his credit two collections
of sonnets, Malach (1918) and Chakulo (1922) and several kavyas
like Kamatapur dhamsa (1899), Birahini bilap (1896), Tirotar atmadan

(1908), Mulagabharu (1915), Desdemona (1917) etc. While Das

and Chaudhury employed blankverse for mythological and
P. N. Gohain-Barua for personal themes, Barbarua utilised it
principally for historical subject-matter. Barbarua often shows
an attachment for chiselled homely words, but not without tangible
detriment to the epic elegance of his kavyas His life was dar-
.

kened by successive tragic incidents, loss of two sons, one in 1910

and another in 1921 and his wife in 1912, and that is why we hear
undertones of sadness in most of his later-day compositions.
Pranar Jiten is personal in tone, an echo of a soul smothered with
grief. Though the natural organ note of blankverse music is often
missing from his verse, it has a certain measure of flexibility and
caressing tenderness. Another thing must be said the invocation
:

to the Muses is an epic convention. Like Milton invoking the

Muses or Ovid the gods to inspire “the verse unbroken”, P. N.
Gohain-Barua invokes the Muse of sacred song, Bagdevi, to in-
spire his poetic eloquence.
P. N. Gohain-Barua (1871-1946) has to his credit a blankverse
epic Lila (1901), written in the manner of a personal elegy on the
premature death of his wife. The poem however failed to take
146: ASSAMESE UTEBJmilUE,

wings, and even as an elegy, it is crippled. Gohain-Barua’s pass-

port to Parnassus is however assured by some of the lyrics in his
collection, Jurani (1900). The lyric Gohat presents a contrast
between the society of man and the solitude of nature. The reli-
gion of man, corrupted by vague mortal desires, is base and sordid
whereas that of nature is pure and ennobling. In Kartabya ,
plants and creepers sing with the sparkling sunrays in praise of
the Supreme Being; it is the message of duty as enjoined in the
Gita. The rest of the Jurani poems are mostly bereft of colour
and vision, insight and glow, qualities that give to lyric poetry
grace and beauty, passion and feeling.
The tone of the age was so preponderatingly poetical that
even men famed as essayists, novelists and historians also
flirted with the Muses. Radha Phukan, Satya Bora, K. L. Barua
and Rajani Bardoloi, all tried their hands at poetical composi-
tions without any tangible success whatsoever. Despite the so-
called newness of themes, the inspiration of these poets was not far
removed from the didactic writers of the preceding era. Whatever
sublimation they sought to impart to their reflections on life or
nature produced only a barren staccato effect; their emotions were
not deeply felt.

Kamalakanta Bhattacharjya (1853-1937), a poet of the Oronodoi

age, spanned the 19th with the 20th century; his first volume of
poems Chintanal appeared in 1890 and the last Chintatarangini in
1933. Bhattacharjya is of the transition, and yet outside it.
Judging from his extensive literary life, it is difficult to pin him
down to a particular period of literary development. But then,
that he succeeded in revolutionising poetic diction at a time when
the language of poetry was mainly a compound of conceits cannot
be denied. No matter what he wrote, patriotism was a burning
passion with Bhattacharjya, the deepest roots of which were em-
bedded according to him in the old traditions of our culture and
history. He was a faithful transcriber of social problems whose
study of life and society was based on one exclusive principle, .the
principle of solitary search for truth. Besides Rangpur and Sibsagar
darshan , partly for its subject-matter and partly for its forceful
 TRANSITION 147

direct style, Kuwa paharani is one of Bhattacharjya *s most popular

poems. The love of patriotic ideals, local in Chintanal assumes ,

largely a universal note in Chintataranginu The west first enamoured

and then repulsed when the country’s subjection and the conse-
quent destruction of, national values was brought into focus by
thinking men of the time. Bhattacharjya is poetically in that
nationalistic springtide.
Despite the varied influences that affected his poetic career,
extending over half a century or so, Bhaltacharjya’s works reveal
few romantic tendencies, except the romanticism of patriotic
passion. Precisely speaking, most of his poems resemble carefully
developed symphonies upon various moods and their success
depends not so much on the harmony produced, but on their
rugged simplicity and emotional appeal, patriotic at its best.
His most well-known prose- work is Kah pantha (1934).
Broadly speaking, the medium of expression of the transition
period, barring a few exceptions, was a compound of mannerisms,
archaisms and conceits; it was an era of positive triviality. Yet,
of the literary revival that followed, there is no denying the fact
that K. K. Bhattacharjya was its poetic herald. In all irreverance
of form or idiom, he utilised a lucidly direct phraseology whether
writing in suave dignity as in Jatiya gaurov or plainly and easily
as in Paharani .Of all the poets of the transition on the eve of the
romantic revival of the subsequent era, Bhattacharjya stands
supreme as a man who with his fine sensibility and sense of balance
harmonised the era of Oronodoi with the epoch of Jonaki Although .

like Wordsworth who often exaggerated simplicity until it dege-

nerated into imbecility, he too, occasionally lapsed from plain
speaking into luridness, Bhattacharjya in the true Chaucerean
manner stretched out both his hands, the left into the past and the
right into the future and so laid the foundation of a new epoch
that manifested itself, to use Tagore’s words, in the “language of
picture and music”.
western influences

The history of modern Assamese literature is the history of a

new growth under the impact of western literature and education.
In fact, all modern Indian regional literatures have drawn a rich
fund of inspiration from foreign lands, particularly England.
Mr. Latif and Mr. P. R. Sen have shown how modern Urdu and
Bengali literature have evolved a new idiom under the impact of
western literature. Modern literature has become more human
and less divine and religio-ethical in inspiration. When we
speak of Assamese literature in general, we consider it as almost
homogenous consisting of intertwining traditions and tendencies.
But with the introduction of western literary influences, however,
there has been a conscious dissolution of the compromise of the
past. In brief, the temper of the new age may be described as
poetical and philosophic, human and imbued with a new creative
passion. The literature of the present is ipso facto free in style,

thought and form; its discipline is assured by a “peculiar creative

faculty”, to use Benedetto Croce’s words.
During tS*e years bridging the Oronodoi (1846) and the Jonaki
(1889), western literary influences did not have any direct impact
as in the subsequent years. It was felt and realised through the

influence of Bengali, and it was through this alien contact that the
magnetic charge of familiarising the people with western litera-
 WESTERN INFLUENCES 149

turc was conducted; naturally, the influence was chequered.

With the ultimate restoration of Assamese and publication of
the Jonaki from Calcutta, direct contact was accelerated. Like
the Banga darshan (1882) of Bengal with Bankim Chatterjee at its
helm, the Jonaki with Chandrakumar Agarwalla as its editor
produced an ever-widening effect. Krishnaprasad Agarwalla's
poem Jonaki published in the first issue of this journal is significant
of the new literary trend it was destined to create and promote.
The latter part of the 19th century was an era of unequalled en-
thusiasm for Assam; it was a period of great interest and inspira-
tion. The influx of new ideas due to contact with western litera-
ture gave our literature of this period a new evolutionary stamina
and standard. This was a dynamic epoch; it was under its aus-

pices that literature came to be humanised and a tangible har-

mony in language emerged in the place of conflicting transitional
trends.
With the emancipation of literature from the intellectual and
religious discipline of the Vaishnava era, there has been inevitably
a widening of the literary frontier. The new drama of the type
of Bhrama ranga (1888), translation of Shakespeare’s Comedy of
Errors ousted the old nataka
,
While the Vaishnava drama was
.

principally a one-Act piece, the modern drama experienced a new

technical development; it came to be planned into “Acts” and
“scenes”. Old technical devices of the type of sutradhara who
acted like the Greek chorus on stage were ultimately discarded
and other devices like “asides” and “soliloquies” with a view to
give a concerted effect to the dramatic story were introduced.
According to Sanskrit aesthetics, tragedy was an anathema on the
stage and certain scenes like eating or ‘fighting were prohibited.
Except a few minor deviations, our Vaishnava ankiya natas follow-
ed these rules of Sanskrit aesthetic discipline to a considerable
extent. Under western impact, tragedy was ushered into our
literature as a new drama form; the tragic hero as such is a new
addition to our dramatis personae Although none of the tragic
.

heroes of our drama has risen to any great height, the inspiration
drawn is inevitably from Shakespeare and Seneca. Goodness
150 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

and piety, usual Indian characteristics, do not generally contribute

to tragic intensity needed for the theatre.
Judging from Shakespearean tragic heroes, the quality essential
is tragic virtue and certain tortuous complexity of character,
capable of producing dramatic conflict in a big way. Even tragic
women characters should possess these qualities as Lady Macbeth
or Cleopatra possessed. Women of the type of Portia or Calpurnia^
because they do not possess these virtues, are tragically pale and
unimportant. Whatever this may be, that our modern drama is
modelled on the western prototype is a historical fact. In recent
times, the influence has further widened, embracing different
techniques initiated by Ibsen, O’Neill and other great playwrights,
of the western world. Another technique that has influenced
our drama particularly is the three basic Aristotelean “unities”,,
including the unity of plot and action, as understood by the Italian
critics of the Renaissance or later by the French classicists of the-
19th century.
Further, there had been a rapid introduction of new forms of
literature under western inspiration, particularly short story,,

novel and essay. Technically, the short story is a departure from

where fantasy played a dominant role, thus-
existing folk-tales
eliminating the human
element from its canvas. The modern
short story has shown variety and vision, apart from technical
development and depth of subject-matter. Beginning with L. N*
Bezbarua (1868-1938) and Sarat Goswami (1884-1944), the
short story in our language has established itself in variety and
potentiality of technique and subject-matter. Two broad trends
in our later-day stories are evident, one of Maupassant and the
other of Chekov, besides the influences of others like Somerset
Maugham and Katherine Mansfield in particular.
Old fiction literature was primarily in verse; they are the kavyas
describing mythical, super-normal incidents of a mythopoetic world
where imagination of an abundant character rather than down-
to-earth reality played a dominant role. Modern complexities
of life are antagonistic to moribund flights of imagination. The
romantic novel with a social setting that idealises and outlines
 WESTERN INFLUENCES 151

the hero as a vapid individual became fashionable for some time

in our literature; it is a dying phase now. Under the inspiration
of western aesthetics, there is today very little of that fatal divi-
sion between life and literature; the study of Marxian dialectics
has given an edge to it. Apart from Freudian and Jungian psy-
chology, conflicting literary intentions under western creative
auspices, each dynamic in its own way, have come to stimulate
the sinews of thought and form of our literature into meaningful
creations. To be brief, time that is neither neutral nor non-alig-
ned by its very nature has its own contributions to make and our
literature has adjusted itself significantly to this process.
The essay, both informal and serious, is a western innovation;
introduced under the auspices of the Jonaki , it has come to become
a potential instrument of dissertation, both for literary and non-
literary purposes. Through our essays on historical subjects, a
new analytical process of study and dissertation has emerged, an
avenue in which men like Dr. S. K. Bhuyan and Benu Sarma have
made a mark. Similarly, under its auspices, literary criticism,
entirely a new development in our literature, has grown; it has
contributed to the widening of literary subject-matter on the one
hand and intensification of aesthetic study on the other. The
scope of the critical essay is further extended to embrace a wider
avenue of expression from metaphysics and psychology to science
and technology. The best example of the informal essay is
L. N. Bezbarua’s (1868-1938), written in the Pickwickian manner;
it has further been developed by the later generation into belles

lettresof the Ghestertonian type.

This must be said that the modern age in Assamese literature is
essentially an age of poetry; no other avenue of literature has sti-
mulated as much interest and study as this. Both from the point
of technique and subject-matter, western impact on it is the deepest.
The history of modern Assamese literature like that of other Indian
literatures is not an experiment in evolution, an indigenous process,
but an accelerated drift from one extreme to another made possible
by western education and its aesthetic impact. The most tangible
result of it is the growth of the lyric as a class by itself. The epic
152 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

often of old Vaishnava type, flamboyant in concept and technique,

lingered on until it was completely obliterated by the emergence
of the lyric into emotionally potential outline. With the romantic
lyricists,the aim emphasised was intensity, and unlike Vaishnava
kavyas that deal with characters and events outside man’s experi-
ence, the lyric in the modern use the words of Sharp,
sense, to
is “vivid expression of personal experience”. True it is that lyrical
strains are often evident in Vaishnava narrative poems also, but
the lyric as a distinct class of poetry, each poem turning, as Pal-
grave says, “on some single thought, feeling or situation” did not
develop. Lyricism may be compared to a delicate song-bird
that loses all its spontaneity of expression under rigid discipline;
it is antithetical to restraint.
Itis said that the lyric is a general term for all poetry susceptible

of being sung to the accompaniment of a musical instrument.

Taken in this sense, our folk-songs like the Bihugits and Bongits are
truly lyrical in essence like the songs of Ovid and Theocritus.
Emotionally these songs of our folk-poets must have helped our
modern lyric poetry that grew under western inspiration. But,
we must not forget that the lyric is something more than a song;
all musical compositions are not lyric poetry. For instance,
although they are music, poetry and religion combined into a
single frame, our Bargitas, Vaishnava hymn-songs, are not lyrics in
the strict modern sense. Hegel insists that it is the personal thought,
passion or emotion as also the metrical form that defines a lyric.
The modern age of Assamese poetry is an era that synchronises
with an all-round development of the lyric.
The principal characteristics of the romantic movement are:
return to nature, personal love, interest in the supernatural and
medieval legends, sympathetic treatment of the commonplace,
revolt against conventions, experimentation with new metres etc.
Under romantic inspiration, the personal theme in poetry grew.
Modern lyric compositions are in a sense lyric confessions. With
the advent of the personal note in poetry, there has been a rapid
growth of love-poems in our literature. It is Rousseau who is the
progenitor of the cult of passion for passion’s sake and it is the
 WESTERN INFLUENCES 153

romantic poets of France and England who following him trans-

formed this grand passion from what it had been in the medieval
,,
age, passion for “demoniac possession to use Aldous Huxley’s J

words, into a divine ecstasy. For instance, love in the medieval

romance, though virginal, is gross physical passion unredeemed
by any mystic romantic emotion.
On the other hand, love, according to romanticists, is an ideal
passion, an emotion that often transcends sense-appeal. Bertrand
Russell points out that the essential of romantic love consists in
the idea that regards the beloved as very precious and difficult to
possess. Romantic love, under western literary inspiration, parti-
cularly that of Shelley, has come to be treated as an ideal subject
for poetry in our modern literature. The other aspect of love
which, according to Alexis Carrel, stimulates the mind when it

does not attain its an exhilarating expression in

object also finds
some of our songs, particularly of Jatin Duara and Goncsh Gogoi.
Speaking of the “delicate creations” of love, Andre Maurois
says : “The truth is that love existing already in the soul seeks
a suitable object and if it does not find one thus creates it.”
Romantic poets, princes of imagination, are easily susceptible
to this sort of thirst for love and beauty.
To sum up : if Petrach who is said to be the first great poet since
the days of ancient Rome “language that
to write love-songs in the
men an Italian critic has pointed out, furnished models
talk”, as
for Shelley and other love-poets of the time, our Vaishnava poet-
singers like Suradas, Vidyapati, Vilvamangal as also our folk-songs
with their inherent lyricism must have served as source of inspira-
tion for our romantic poets, at least in thought and feelings; this
has ultimately been re-inforced and stabilised into a tendency under
western literary impact.
What the modern Assamese poets did under the inspiration of
western poetry was to idealise passion in the manner of simple
peasant-singers. L. N. Bezbarua’s Malati and Pharing premikar
jui, Hem Goswami’s Priyatamar chithi and Kako aru hiya nibilao ,
C. K. Agarwalla’s Madhuri etc. reveal romantic possibilities of
poems composed in a simple and unsophisticated style. Precisely
 154 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

speaking, our romantic love-poetry has become a song like the

Elizabethan love-lyrics “to the mistress’s eye-brow”, to use Caud-
well’s words. The beloved is pictured as too precious for “human
nature’s daily food”; the lover’s heart burns with the “desire of
the moth for the star”. This is the prevailing spirit of the roman-
tic poetry of the age. Besides the introduction of the blankverse
and the sonnet, there has also been, with the widening of art-
avenue and subject-matter, a corresponding rejuvenation and
variety of verse music, newness of metrical technique and verse
form in this period of our literature.
The emancipation of imagination from conventional Vaishnava
literary ideal is an outstanding achievement of modern Assamese
poetry. With the romanticists, imagination is free and subservient
only to poetic impulses, moods of excitement and emotion. Under
western inspiration, imagination is extended to invest common-
place objects of life and nature with a vision of art. This vision
of art, the power to transmute ordinary things into objects of
perennial beauty, is one of the most precious possessions of our
new poetry. At the initial stage, this enthusiasm for common-
place objects went to such disproportionate extent that even poems
on printing presses, e.g Dayaram Chetia’s Chapakhanar bibaran
and others like Manimuni sak by Bhairav Khataniar were written.
Though stilted in emotion and expression, these poems show the
extent to which the new inspiration permeated. Thus under
western inspiration, the attention of poets was drawn away from
esoteric philosophy to simple objects of nature and life. Naturally,
there has been a considerable widening in the range of subject-
matter and intellectual perception and emotional responses.
The attitude of poets had undergone a change from nature as
decorative symbol for literature to one that vibrates with an
impulse of life and communes spiritually and emotionally with
man. It would be wrong to say that nature did not feature in
our old poetry whether of the Vaishnava era or of the era earlier
to that. Possibly this earlier absorption in nature prepared the
aground for the upsurge of modern nature-poetry; the wholesome
impact of Rousseauite philosophy and English poetry must have
 WESTERN INFLUENCES 155

-completed this process of sympathetic interest in nature for her

own sake. It is true that there is fine description of nature in
Sankardeva’s poetry also, but it is not poetry for the sake of nature
alone. Nature to classical poets like Sankardeva was a scenic
back-drop against which the mythopoetic drama of life, as concei-
ved by them, unfolded; to them, nature was merely an emblem,
a parable, a simile, in short an anthology of poetic objects without
any fundamental unity or significance underlying them. Our
modern poets’ acquaintance with English poets like Wordsworth,
Shelley, Keats and Byron inspired their poetry with the Rousseauite
idea that nature is dead unless animated by fires of love; this
awakened in them the desire for beauty as a hand awakens the
sleeping music of a harp. Their attitude towards nature became
pantheistic, inspired by an idea of subtle mystic relation between
man and nature i.e a sort of semi-mystical faith in thd goodness
.

of nature. The difference in attitude between the two sets

of thought can be illustrated by a comparison of the simple and
soulful nature pictures of Raghu Ghaudhury of the modern times
with the stately but artificial grandeur of nature-descriptions to
be found in Sankardeva’s Haramohan for instance.
Different romantic elements standardised by Rousseau’s philo-
sophy, arcadian longing, pursuit of the dream-woman, aspiration
for the infinite etc., had crystallised steadily into our modern
poetry. Besides love-lyrics and nature-lyrics, there has been the
growth of a new poetry of mysticism. With Nalini Devi (b
. 1898),
.a mystic poet par romanticism expresses a restless state
excellence ,

•of the deeper life of the soul, a poetry of intuitive flights, soaring
with tranquil and serene certitude into tl\e realm of the absolute.
With A. G. Rai-Ghaudhury, it is spiritual and mystic absorption
in the infinite, realised through sense-perception. The ideology
of western romantic poetry had revivified mysticism already
•constituting the life-spring of our eastern philosophy.
For mystic ideal, the Indian poet did not have to seek inspiration
from foreign sources. That there is a transcendental “beyond”
•outside the limits of the visible universe, an unseen world-manifes-
tation, that there is a spiritual pining of the human soul for the
 156 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Supreme Truth, that ours is the land of Nachiketa whom eve?

Yama’s wealth could not beguile, all these mystic ideals are basic
with our culture and philosophy. Another metaphysical idea
that inspired our poets of this particular age is mayavada an inte- ,

gral part of Shankaracharya’s Vedanta which holds that the

universe is an apparition, an appearance. The universe is an
illusion our life is a momentary halt on the journey of the infinite;
:

the Gita teaches us that the creation is a divine action. The songs
of our saint-poets like and Madhavdeva added
Sankardeva
intensity to these basic mystic concepts, mayavada and the law of
cosmic karma; the inspiration continued and encouraged a temper
for creative responses of a mystic type in our modern poetry.
In our romantic poetry under western literary impact, the passi-
ons of the individual, the commonplace objects of life and nature
are given distinct poetic and mystic representation. Barring a
few occasional references to love of humanity or man as such, our
medieval literature, despite its religio-ethical bias, is sterile so
far as the poetry of man is concerned. Whatever reference to
man was there is Platonic or metaphysical, ethereal or doctrinaire.
What the writings of Voltaire and Rousseau achieved was an
enthusiasm for man as man; this, often idealised to a point of
emotional intensity, has found an eloquent expression in western
romantic poetry. This literary ideal has inspired the poetry of
man in our romantic literature, an idealised concept of certain
transcendental absorption, re-inforced by our philosophy and old
made to it by the trans-
metaphysical literature; the contribution
cendental movement from Kant
Hegel is significant. Besides,
to
what the French philosopher Auguste Comte preached, the —
only positive faith, faith in a God of whom we are certain was the
worship of humanity and while humanity in the concrete was
present before us, it was useless to seek after strange gods, —also
influenced our poetry of man to a certain extent. Nurtured in the
metaphysics of Sankardeva and Oriental ethics, poets like Chandra-
kumar Agarwalla (1867-1938) readily responded to this inspira-
tion. His Manav-bandana reflects this philosophy.
The impact of western romantic poetry has revitalised and
 WESTERN INFLUENCES 157

popularised patriotism as a poetic theme for our literature. Besides,

there were objective conditions on a national scale to give it an
edge. Whether in poetry or prose essay, the interest in history
as a patriotic theme came definitely with the age of romanticism.
To these writers, matter was not subordinated to idea, and yet
then, history to them was not a pageant on a Chinese scroll; it was
a living entity. If the ideas and passions of the French Revolution
enflamed patriotism in western romantic literature, particularly
in the poetry of Italy, Germany and England, the subjection of
our country and a consequent pride in our cultural heritage had
provided the necessary emotive impulse to our patriotic literature.
England had provided the political conditions for it and English
literature its form and technique. Literature is crystallisation
of tendencies of thoughts of a particular age. In our history,
this was an age of social unrest and political enthusiasm; into
every phase of this national upsurge, poets and writers entered
to celebrate and report. To quote Dr. Aronson “At one time
:

or another, every contemporary poet comes in contact with poli-

tical forces; frequently also he cannot avoid taking an active
part in the political life of his own country.” Of our patriotic
poets, the most outstanding are K. K. Bhattacharjya (1853-1936),
L. N. Bezbarua (1868-1938) and A. G. Rai-Chaudhury ( b 1885). .

This note of revolutionary patriotism at times diversified itself

into different forms, one being the verse satire. In its social asso-
ciations, the satire sets out to correct manners by laughter. Though
apparently satire might look frivolous, it strives “to cure excess”
and from this standpoint, its purpose is patriotic. In fact,
western literature has popularised satire and given a fillip to its
different forms in our literature. The avowed aim of satire is
to prick illusions and “to
repress eccentricity or exaggeration,
lash the vices”, as Martial says. It wields Meredithian
the
“sword of commonsense”. Besides, on the analogy of what
Juvenal had said to the query “why write satire”, it can be said
that satire was necessary in an age of misplaced values and cross-
purposes as the one we had under the British. Chandra Barua
and Dandi Kalita, only to mention two, are notable satirists of
11
158 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

our literature; they have adequately exposed the vain make-belief

of society, its mockeries and the accumulating dross under its so-
called glossy surface.
To be brief, the impact of western literature during British
rule has created a new tendency in our literary history. It has
reassured our literature with new technique and forms like drama
and novel, story and essay, journalism and poetry. In poetry
particularly, rigidity has given place to fluidity and fixity to plasti-
city. The introduction of blankverse with its run-on beauty
has already been pointed out; the sonnet is another innovation.
Hem Goswami (1872-1928) has produced the first authentic image
of the sonnet in his Priyatamar chithi. The lyric grew and with it
grew ballad literature that has attained great beauty in, for ins-
tance, L. N. Bezbarua’s Dhanbar aru Ratani and C. K. Agarwalla’s
Ttjimala Jalkonwari etc.
,
Folk-theme, which Henry Sidgwick has
defined as “it is lore and belongs to the illiterate”, was exploited
by the educated romantic poets to create a new art-form according
to their basic literary ideals. The modern ballad is a renovation
of the ancient folk-ballad, literary development of a traditional
art-form into a more cultured sensibility.
To sum up this new age of our literature is essentially an age
:

of re-discovery of the beauty of life, the soul of an inspiration

embedded in a distinctive rhythm. An age of sensibility and
imaginative freedom, this is an age in which the mind as well as
the senses are in revolt, an uprising of long trammelled desire.
Despite these foreign influences, it would be wrong for us to forget
that the modern age of our literature has inherited a rich legacy
from the ancient classics. We must remember another thing also
although our literature was considerably influenced and inspired
by English literature under British rule, the rills of foreign influence
were soon lost in a river that flowed from a more abundant spring.
What had actually happened is that classical discipline, more parti-
cularly of religious and metaphysical inspiration, was steadily loosen-
ing its grip and in ts place literature came to be more progressively
;

humanised. Varied and rich in texture, this was primarily achieved

(through the renascence of feelings and innovation of forms.
romantic poetry

Indigenous blossoming of the human intellect is possible when

old and traditional bonds are loosened and no new bonds
or conventions usurp their place. Like the German literature
of Goethe’s age showing such a flowering, the age of Jonaki (1889)
with L. N. Bezbarua and C. K. Agarwalla as pioneers shows such
freedom and fulfilment for Assamese literature. It is true that
this literary epoch did not begin as an active and organised crusade
against established traditions, but as a spontaneous response on
which influences coming from the west through English education
were pronounced. Soon the romantic possibility of the new
contact was recognised. Bezbarua and Agarwalla with their
sensuousness, delight in colour, physical beauty, love and poetry
exhibit what traditions romantic poets generally follow. These
two poets together with Hem Goswami (1872-1928) constitute our
romantic trio. They gave a redeeming flavour to the poetry of
the Jonaki era both in technique and diction; it is they who freed
Assamese literature from conventions, a freedom that was new to
our literature. To the romanticists, the proper organ of poetry
is imagination and its aim, the creation of beauty.
Mystery of and creation and devotion to universal beauty
life

on a higher aesthetic level are some of the subject-matter of G. K.

Agarwalla’s poetry; he is a poet primarily of patriotism and
160 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

philosophic thought. In his landscape portrait the sense of

mystery, as in the poem Phula sariyah dora ,
is almost invariably
present. The immutability of nature compared to its usual
changing pattern is intensified as the poet gains in maturity; it is
the burden of his poem Prakriti. The worship of beauty ( Saundajya ,
Niyar) as with Keats or Ruskin was a religion and an aesthetic
principle with Agarwalla. The romantic ideal of intangibility of
things re-inforced with similar Vaishnava ideas became a mystic
faith with him. It was of course not an intellectual passion with
Agarwalla.
Agarwalla attained great success also as a lyricist of mythopoetic
and supernatural themes ( Tejimala Bonkonwari Jalkonwari etc.).
, ,

On the other hand, Madhuri descriptive of the physical and

,

emotional beauty of a virgin is sensuous in appeal like something

“fashioned in a dream”. Unlike that of the romanticists of the
west, the beauty of Agarwalla’ s poems springs from adroit concen-
tration and economy of words and choice of epithets and images.
Agarwalla is a philosopher before he is a poet; his poetry is
introspective rather than intuitive, but the emotional element
in it is so aptly balanced that it seldom suffers from the lack of
poetical quality. His Manav bandana or the worship of man
contains a note of sublimity and force. The metaphysical idea,
basic in our philosophy, that “man is a beautiful hymn of God”,
to use Anatole France’s words, finds an adroit expression in
Agarwalla’s poetry. His Vin-varagi is written on a similar concept,
I.*., man is the “beauty and bloom” of the universe. To sum up
Agarwalla no doubt possesses the poet-philosopher’s delects in
qualities, but they are splendid qualities. In a sense, he is our
Browning, not the “literary barbarian”, but the penetrating
psychologist. His collections of poems are Pratima (1914) and
Vin-varagi (1923).
Lakshm nath Bezbarua
:
(1868-1938) has to his credit a number
of love-lyrics, nature-poems, ballads and patriotic songs. A
Shambalpur, he was constantly re-visiting in
life-long exile in
memory the hills, dales and rivers of his land of birth. With
Bezbarua, the romantic fire leapt into living flames in metrical
 ROMANTIC POETRY 161

romances of the ballad type like, for instance, Dhanbar aru Ratanu
His imagination was fed on simple folk- tunes and ballad-music;
in fact, he possessed the balladist’s mind and music. On the
other hand, Bezbarua’s Priyatamar saundajya written on the physical
,

loveliness of the beloved, is, from the point of images and imagi-
nation, one of our finest sensuous love-poems. Bezbarua in whose
poetry there is complete absence of morbid reflection is primarily
a poet of joy; he refused to subscribe to the idea that the universe
is an illusion. Besides his anthem for the people 0 mor aponar
desk, Bezbarua’s Vin aru varagi is a poem of stirring patriotic
appeal.
To be brief, one must not forget that Bezbarua’s work has its
own limitations also. Except in about half a dozen poems, his
poetic achievements are generally flippant as seen in the rest.
This flippancy is not the result of intellectual imbecility. Often
flippancy is the result of intellectual maturity also; this is the
type that Bezbarua represents. Though he drew his inspiration
primarily from English literature, he would not mimick even the
cuckoos of foreign lands; this distinctiveness he tried to preserve
with deft craftsmanship. L. N. Bezbarua’s collection of poems is
Kodamkali (1913).
Hem Goswami’s (1872-1928) poems were mostly published in
the Asam Bandhu (1885-1886). In point of diction, subject-matter
and imagination, his poems are noted for their simplicity and other
distinguishing qualities of romantic poetry. Goswami’s collection
of poems is Phular chaki (1907), a “real nosegay of flowers”, to
use Dr. S. K. Bhuyan’s words. His Puwa is a tender nature-lyric,
the significance of which is symbolic.* Like Keats’ Grecian
Urn composed on a piece of antique art, Puwa is said to be
,

inspired by a picture of dawn appearing in the journal Jonaki .

As dawn approaches, the lyre of life, tuneless for a time, again gets
vibrated; it seems the poet adopts dawn as a symbol through which
the dawn of a new literary light and renascence is suggested.
Hem Goswami’s Kako aru hiya nibilao Priyatamar chithi and
,

Kakuti together with Agarwalla’s Madhuri and Bezbarua’s Malati 9

Pharing premikat jui etc. constitute the pioneer lovc-lyrics of modern

162 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Assamese literature. Goswami’s Priyatamar chithi popularised the

sonnet for the first time in our literature as also the psychology of
personal passion. In Kakuti the loneliness of the poet’s love-lorn
>

soul is suggested through the symbol of a mango-tree cast in a

lonely meadow. The usual technique of romantic poets is to
idealise the beloved and
be eaten up with remorse. Dignified
to
and restrained, although his remorse could not be as intense
as that of Jatin Duara of the subsequent generation, it is as
poignant.
Ananda Agarwalla (1874-1904), a translator of graceful lyrics,
is an original balladist. His Jilingani (1920) contains poems like
Ishwar , Chaha aru pandit ,
Jivan sangit, Sukhar thai etc., translated
from English, which if the sources were not acknowledged, it would
have been difficult to identify. Apart from his poem Balam
Agarwalla’s ballads like Panesoi Phulkonwar ,
etc. remind one of the
emotional tenderness and lucid expressiveness of L. N. Bezbarua’s.
The ballad Phulkonwar reveals Agarwalla’s gifts at their finest, his

lyrical sweep, lucid verse-music the power of transport

and above all

into an atmosphere of faery grace.

A poor imitator of Madhusudan Dutt’s epic-method and
blankverse, the literary historian remembers Ghandradhar Barua
(1874-1961) for his kavyas like Meghnad badh Kamrup Jiyari etc. ,

The common reader remembers him mostly as a satirist; many

of the Ranjan poems are written with the purpose of attack on
so-called orthodoxy. Barua makes no attempt at moralising.
He gives to his satirical portraits a social background that is at
once scrupulously true and fastidiously artistic.
As a romanticist, C. D. Barua’s fame rests mainly on his love-
lyrics; it is in lyrics like Smriti that the art and feeling of the poet
are better represented than in the long kavyas of artificial style and
stilted feeling. Towards the end, Smriti also suffers from certain
technical flaw. This must be noted that C. D. Barua did not
belong to the Jonaki cycle, nor did he belong to the post-Jonaki
era of Raghu Chaudhury (
b 1879) or Jatin Duara (1892-1964);
.

spiritually and temperamentally, he stands apart. If he has any

relation with any of the poets of the post-Jonaki era, then it is
 ROMANTIC POETRY 163

undoubtedly with Dandi Kalita (1890-1950); both of them are

pungent in their satire.

Post-Jonaki Era :

Gibbon amongst the many wise things in his Autobio-

tells us,

graphy, that every man has two educations (i) that which he
:

receives from his teachers, and («) that which he owes to himself.
Physical ailment having stood on the way, Raghu Chaudhury had
completed the second type of education. This poet who has
expressed many moods and sensations and found the most fitting
words to express them has succeeded in broadening the range of
our poetry. Chaudhury is a poet of joy who more often than not
calls upon nature, and flowers to share human delight and
birds
contribute to it. But
must be remembered that his is not the
this
old “return to nature” extolled by Rousseau, nor is it that fine vein
of the purely descriptive expressed by Scott. Like Swinburne,
a splendid pagan, Chaudhury has found in the “reading of
the earth” a solace from the battle of life. The poems Ketaki
and Dahikatara are written in perfect intoxication ofjoy and freedom
from care. In Bahagir biya the poet breaks into ecstasies over the
,

prospect of spring. Chaudhury does not mourn as Shelley does

for “those ecstasies that are too rare” or for the fleeting apparitions
of “intellectual beauty” and the “spirit of joy”. Yet, the essence
of his nature-poetry, as evident from Golap and Girimallika is an ,

over-abundant influence of joy “winking at the brim”.

Free from the alloy of an alien spiritualism, Chaudhury’s
naturalism is not the twilight of an ecstasy felt in childhood, but
a passion-oriented religion. The gleams ofandearth, sky, water
vegetation, the changes of season and the beauty of alternating
landscape inspiring his poetry possess a tender rapturous charm
that is invariably marked by a naturalness of description that
can be said to be typical Throughout his
like oriental sketches.
physically struggling existence, Chaudhury has resorted to open
spaces to commune with nature, to observe and study all living
things, to form an attitude and develop a distinctive literary style;
delicately refined in the reflected hues of assonance and allitera-
164 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

tion, his style is flawless in phrases and imageries. Chaudhury’s

poetical works are Sadari (1910), Ketaki (1918), Karbala (1923)
and Dahikatara (1931).
Ambikagiri Rai-Chaudhury’s (6. 1885) poetry has two pronoun-
ced aspects, mystic and patriotic. He owes much to his contact
with the metaphysics and mysticism of the Gita and Vaishnava
literature and no less to his understanding and elective taste for
precision and imaginative vision. To the poet, beauty is a flower-
like expression of the Divine Soul which is co-extensive with nature
and which gives to everything its form. Rai-Chaudhury’s Tumi
(1915) opens with a sensuous description of the beloved’s body.
From the love of the individual it expands into the love of the
universal and merges itself completely in the identification of the
poet’s soul with that of God’s. It is the orison to a personal God

that constitutes the genesis of the poet’s mystic philosophy. Like

a true seer, he concludes that the universe is a mysterious play-
ground of the Creator where myriad symbols of His play lie
scattered, from the beloved’s beauty to a mother’s love, each
eloquent of a super-presence.
Rai-Chaudhury was imprisoned twice in connection with our
struggle for freedom. Except two, all the poems of the Songs
of the Cell English
,
translations of his Assamese poems, were
rendered behind prison-bars. The poet is an apostle of patriotism;
to him, it is a broad democratic enthusiasm for humanity. Rai-
Chaudhury’s songs are meant for “fighters who will conquer fear
of death and will be deathless and unconquerable”. If Nalini
Devi’s poetry teaches us faith, Rai-Chaudhury’s instils courage
into us. Nowhere does his optimistic philosophy find a better
expression than in the brave lyric Jivan kihak kai. Likewise, his
songs composed for the Pandu session of the Congress, 1926 are
remarkable for their universality of approach and emotion, energy
and flexibility of style. His other works are Anubhuti (1914),
Veen (1916), Bandoki chhandare Sthapan kar sthapankar (1958) etc.
,

Jatin Duara (1892-1964) whose poetic career grew under the

auspices of a journal called Banhi (1909-1933) is a poet’s poet.
Fate had mapped out his destiny and to this his betterness and
 ROMANTIC POETRY 165

pessimism, as evident from his paharani poems, bear sincere

testimony. As Shelley used to repeat in his fits of despair Peacock’s
lines like “man’s happiest lot is not to be”, so were the following
equally significant lines of William Blake Duara’s favourite

So I turned to the garden of love

That so many sweet flowers bore,
And I saw it was filled with graves.
Reflected in the prisms of that is a myriad of broken sighs and
shadows that sweep across his mind and are encased in his lyric
outburst of pain, so typical of idealism in all ages. Succinctly
speaking, Duara records the emotional despair of life as Bezbarua
records its ecstasy.
Duara owes much to Shelley and Tennyson as to Omar
Khayyam, Sufism and Tagore; often in his poetry, there are distinct
echoes from these sources. Sunya parichoi is an adroit confession
of a man who makes the romantic soul an object of his analysis.
It is said that running water like music has the power to change
misery into melancholy; nothing is more Rousseauite than the
desire, Arnold attributes, to be “borne on forever down an
enchanted stream”. In Duara’s nawaria group of poems, the
desire to drift with the stream like a forlorn soul is emotionally
vivid. Likewise, his Katha kavita (1933), written in the manner of
Turgeniev’s poetic prose, is agonised meditation. Duara’s doctrine
of love is not exactly Platonic, it is passionate. Duara is our
supreme lyricist; there is a buried lyric even in his prose.
The poet realises that love and beauty are not fixed eternal
forms, an idea that runs through his poetry answering each other
like the voices of a chorus. Wearied of life, the poet seeks, as in
Milan , an eternal union with God, for, through the attainment of
supreme bliss, life can be emancipated from the “burden of tears”.
Nalini Devi makes her illusion the occasion for a spiritual sojourn,
Duara presents only cadenzas of a simple passion. The former
has popularised asim (infinite) and the other atit (past) with agonising
re-appraisals. But to be exact, Duara is read more for his melodious
verse than for his sentiments. He is Shelley in melancholy and
166 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Keats in music. Duara’s publications are Omartirtha (1925),

Apon sur (1938), Banaphul (1952), Milanar sur (1960) etc.
It is the implicit realisation of the Divine spirit in
life and nature

charm of Nalini Devi (6. 1898), Durgeswar

that constitutes the
Sarma (1885-1961) and A. G. Rai-Chaudhury. One of the tenets
of mysticism is that no art which does not suggest the infinite is
true art, and “beauty”, Schelling said, “is a finite rendering of the
infinite”. Every aspect of earthly beauty is an emanation from
above, diversified into many molecules. Unlike Rai-Chaudhury,
Nalini Devi is a spiritual quietest who shares with the former
magical cadence, rapturous thought and poetic ardour. There
is a predominance of faith in her inspiration, and yet her best

poems are devoted not to sacred themes. Nalini Devi never gets
into the thorny depths of metaphysics or theology; she turns to the
spiritual world as quietly as A. E. turned to eastern philosophy or
James Stephens to the simple life of peasants and children. The
central note of Paramtrishna> one of her best poems, is the
imperishability of the soul; such is the doctrine of karma ,
of
re-birth or transmigration of soul.
Like all mystic poetry, Nalini Devi’s poetry has a kind of
symbolism; her philosophy is a series of intuitive flights into the
realm of the absolute with tranquil and imperious assurance. A
ceaseless pining of the soul for the Infinite is the theme of her poem
Sosa ne. Sesh argha is the spiritual struggle of a soul with a “spire
of meaning”. Benu rob is a hymn to the Beautiful whose presence
in the “desert of her soul” is an ennobling experience. Nalini
Devi’s poetry noted for a certain quality of spiritual absolutism;
is

she is religious association but by temperament

a mystic not by
and ultimate vision. The negative, impersonal and detached
aspect of God where the absolute is viewed as neti neti does not
constitute the central motif of her poetry; to her, it is Roso vai sah ,
a positive, personal and adorable orison. Nalini Devi does not
believe in asceticism as a creed or in the pessimistic doctrine of the
Upanishads that holds that outside of the everblissful Brahma, all

is artah. Compared to her Sandhiyar sur (1928) collection of poems

which constitutes the landmark of her poetic achievement, the
 ROMANTIC POETRY 167

subsequent poems collected in Saponar sur (1943), Parasmani (1954)

and Jugadevata (1958) are anaemic,
Ratna Barkakati (1897-1963), a poet of serene vision, never
fumbled with dusky fancies or vague imageries. His Sewali (1932)
collection of poems exhibits the glow of a poetic gift for mystical
effects that reveal a temperament which conceals the feverish
questionings of a philosopher beneath a balanced style. Lines of
great beauty as in Sundar or Mor puja flights of imagination as in
,

Prakash badha or Taj Mahal suddenly take wings and bear the reader
to exhilarating heights. There is in these poems a pleasant quest
and insight set off by a brightness of colouring and sound.
Barkakati’s style is suggestive and restrained. The true light of
the Supreme Being manifests itself in the loveliness of nature which
is generally comprehended through inner perception; it is this

concept that fans into glow the metaphysical musings of some of his
best poems in Sewali poems on which
,
Tagore’s influence is
distinctly evident. Barkakati’s love-poetry is above all aspiration
and desire; the object of his desire is generally centred on intellec-
tual passion which submerges all feelings of duality into a feeling
of oneness. In Tilottama it is seen how pleasure is spiritualised
,

into joy and joy becomes irradiated with an intellectual passion.

Calmly passionate, Viswa-haran that combines an imaginative
romanticism with the discipline of a sober form is one of Barkakati’s
best love-lyrics. Likewise, in Taj Mahal it is love crystallised into
an epitome of radiant marble, spiritualised love, that captures the
poet’s imagination.
Barkakati sought to replace the luxuriant details of romanticism
by chiselled architectural design in poetry; though often cold,,
this technical finish marked by a note of accuracy and equipoise;
is

some of his poems are instinct with a glowing pantheism. Although

he fuses deftly the musical into the logical at times, Barkakati’s
music, broadly speaking, is not of the ethereal type. This is why
some of his poems appear as emotionally decadent. To be brief*
Barkakati is best enjoyed selectively. His other work is Tarpan
(1953).
Dr. S. K. Bhuyan (1894-1964), whose first love was antiquarian.
168 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

research rather than poetry, published his collection of poems Nirmali

in 1918. His style suggests the leisure and refinement of a secluded
university life. Dr. Bhuyan is least of all a nature-poet; yet then,
some of his nature-lyrics are not without any searching appeal.
In Saundajya> nature in her twilight beauty is portrayed as a maiden
against the sky in the manner of D. G. Rossetti’s Blessed Damozel
leaning against the “bar of heaven”. Prakritir santan is a mytho-
poetic description of a child reared up in harmony with nature
that is reminiscent of Wordsworth.

In Sukhdukhy Dr. Bhuyan repudiates the pessimistic view of life;

although basically his philosophy of life is not optimistic, it is often
as vivacious as Bezbarua’s. Generally in love with all that
savours of didacticism, he displays a lively interest in history and
antiquarian studies; for this reason in particular, his verse at times
tends towards a belated pseudo- Sanskrit style. Joymati upakhyan
(1923), written under a pseudonym, Bhanunandan, is aptly illus-
trative of it. Nevertheless, it must not be overlooked that
temperamentally Dr. Bhuyan is sincere in his romantic emotions,
in evidence of which one has to turn to his poems like Apon sur ,

Utala, Tipam deka Asam gaurov etc.

,
Utala possesses rapid ani-
mation; this poem and a few other lyrics show that the poet is not
deficient in that lyrical passion which carried to reasonable extremes
could produce at times a sense of exaltation beyond the power of
prose to create. This must be noted that Dr. Bhuyan’s average
performance does not usually sustain a high level. He does not
have to his credit strikingly novel themes or forms of expression,
nor is he considerably original.
As evident from her collections, Phular sarai (1929) and Pranar
parash (1952), Dharmeswari Devi’s (1892-1960) poetry pulsates
with a certain measure of impassioned romanticism of the age.
Although it partakes of the qualities partially of both, Devi’s
Dhumuha is vot like Shelley’s Ode to the West Wind that echoes the
poet’s aspirations, nor is it like Robert Bridges’ lyrical appreciation
of nature’s storm-washed beauty that one comes across in the
poem The Rain Set in. Devi’s Sagar sangit written during her visit
to Srikhctradham in 1950 is a simple lyric on the sea. Dharmeswari
 ROMANTIC POETRY 169

Devi, a grand-motherly poet, loves the sea, for, it is forever playful

like a child and time cannot write wrinkles on its face. In W. E.
Henley’s poem The Full Sea Rolls the playful prospect of the sea
,

enkindles in the poet the longing to be buried after death “not

in the senseless earth, but in the living sea”. Devi has no such
aspiration; in her other sea-poem Samudra sangit Devi calls the ,

sea a hymn in its unbounded immensity to God.

Although not as deep-toned as Rai-Chaudhury’s Tumi or Nalini
Devi’s Paramtrishna , in Tumiyei neki the poet gains the mystic height
of a symbol through which she seeks solace in the Vedantic doctrine
of an all-immanent power permeating through objects of sight
and sound. In Prakrita sukh through a process of ratioci-
kot ,
nation, she reaches the conclusion that real happiness transcends
the material concerns of life and is the outcome of complete
emancipation from self-interest. Dharmeswari Devi whose fine
and discreet talent has a simplicity of its own is often associated
with Nalini Devi, for, love of nature and spiritual absorption are
qualities manifest in both. Yet, though usually exalted and
devotional in theme, Devi’s poems are not as rich and variegated
in expression as those of Nalini Devi’s.
Essentially a poet of mystic and philosophic thought, Durgeswar
Sarma (1885-1961) possesses a sane and satisfying outlook on life
and a spiritual bias to contentment. To Sarma, the art of poetry
to which he gives a sort of mystic exposition in his poem Kavita —
is as old as the universe where imaginative vision and insight play
a distinct part. Thus spiritualised, the mystic conception of life
and creation becomes Sarma’s own belief. Whether in Jivan ,
Atma or Maran , Sarma’s mystic view of life is enflamed with a
sober colouring from the poet’s meditative mind. He expands the
idea expressed in Putali that the universe is a toy of the Creator
into a deep mystic faith in Viswa bhawana God is the divine
.

minstrel. The creation is no mere illusion. It is His song.

Nurtured in the romantic spirit of the West, Sarma, like romantic
poets in general, sees the image of the beloved everywhere, “in the
beauty of flowers”, “in the flight of doves”, to use Anatole France’s
words in a general way, and her absence in the true romantic
170 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

vein gives to the landscape a feeling of strange loneliness. Kiba

jen nai nai is a delicious love-lyric; the almost feminine rhyming of
the last lines rings like violin strings.Wordsworthian in his
simplicity of approach, Sarma
Upanishadic in his mystic thought
is

and diction. It is true that often he mystifies nature, but it is

without any intrusion of pedanticism. Sarma’s collections of
poems are Anjali (1910) and Nivedan (1920).
Apart from his blankverse epic Asom Sandhiya (1949), a historical
poem on the declining phases of Ahom rule under Ohandrakanta
Singha that is noted for its technical finish, Dandi Kalita (1890-1950)
is a remarkable satirist as evident from his collections of poems

like Rah-ghora (1916), Ragar (1922) and Bahurupi (1926). In

these satirical poems, now burning with patriotism and now with
irony or wrath, what Kalita aimed at was dramatic effect through
imaginative treatment. Despite the surface that is vividly stirred
by tremors of laughter, these poems reveal the hidden energy of
intention as also the dual qualities of things expressed. It is true
that in his satires, Kalita does not reach a positive solution or
offer an infallible conclusion, nevertheless, as evident from
Bahurupi the poet displays facts as they are under a painful light.
,

Kalita’s satires are sharp and edged as evident from Medhi

tirthalai jai ; it is a poem noted for its “clash” brought out through
•delicate touches of humour and inconceivable fooleries, “between
the Ideal and the Real”, to say in the words of Crompton Rickett.
Likewise, Mota is a brilliant piece of scorn.
ne tiruta His poems
Abhijat sakalar pratiand Anunnata are on the other hand on a different
key; their note is serious. Anunnata is about the “great unwashed”,
to use Edmund Burke’s words, of our society; it is truly Gandhian
in spirit. Kalita’s poems on women as also his poem of mystic
thought Viswa Sangit are equally inspiring. To sum up in Dandi :

Kalita all the different notes of seriousness and raillery, laughter

and tenderness mingle in full accord; it is like a harmony from
which no strain couU be dispensed with. Self-realisation comes
with self-reliance and that alone can usher in a new civilisation;
that is Kalita’s social philosophy.
Rigid adherence to rules of regularity and pre-conceived
 ROMANTIC POETRY 171

discipline often deprived Dimbeswar Neog’s (£. 1900) poetry of

tangible emotional appeal. Whenever he escaped from these
restrictions, he produced poems of great strength and beauty like
Sapamukta-, this poem presents a mythopoetic conception of nature.
It is in a sense a nature-myth; the poet accepts the rejuvenation of
nature as a symbol. Through it he seeks to rouse the slumbering
land to self-consciousness and patriotic pride. Likewise, Neog’s
Maram bhikhari is a poem of great idyllic beauty. His Mukuta
(1932) is a collection of fourteen sonnets. Apart from the technical
beauty of the sonnet, these lyrics like some of his poems in the
Indradhenu (1930) collection are fresh as spring blossoms. A
poem of tumultuous patriotic impulse, Neog’s Buranji lekhak presents
in absolute poetic fidelity the glories enshrined in the vaults of our
history.
To sum up this must be said that Neog’s lyrics that might lead
:

him anywhere into the hall of poetry are difficult of general

classification,except as good or bad; poems of the type of Sapamukta
are definitely good, while poems like Am Phani etc. are indefinitely
,

bad. Neog’s other works are Malika (1922), Thupitara (1925),

Malati (1927), Shahide Karbala (1940), Meghdut (1942), Bichitra ,

Thapana (1948) etc.

Sailadhar Rajkhowa ( b 1892) is noted for spontaneity of thought
.

and felicity of expression. Besides Barpeta and Bisandoi ali, his

Pasan pratima , reminiscent of D. Neog’s Sapamukta , is a patriotic
song of great appeal. In fact, it may be defined as a fine war-
poem saturated with the annals of military valour and enlivened
with the presence of two divine maidens, Phulora and Chotola,
ultimately frozen to rocks because of frustrated love. Rajkhowa’s
Humar kasat is an apostrophe to “wedded love”, a poem noted for
its resolution to beauty in pious reverence. would be wrong
It
to suppose that this poem was written with a purpose to show the
futilityof romantic love.
Although the number of Rajkhowa’s verses destined to outlast
the ravages of time is limited, poems like the Amanisha ode entitle
him to recognition for all time to come as the creator of liquid
sonorities and pictorial symbol. This poem is elegiac in tone.
172 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

The rhythm of the poem, suggestive of tragic intensity, is subtly

wedded to its emotions. an elegiac poem is
Likewise, Niyati ,
composed under deep feeling. In point of music and beauty of
conception, this poem reminds one of Walter de la Mare’s The
Silver Penny .

Though Nilmani Phukan ( b 1880)

Jyotikona (1938) establishes .

as a poet of mystic thought, social problems also engaged the

attention of this poet-rww-politician. Except poems of the type ol
Varagir tirtha written in limpid ballad metre, Phukan has imported
,

into poetry the peculiar excellence of prose which grows stilted

when it seeks to soar. Because of his sincerity in depicting real
life, it would be wrong to say that the poet takes recourse to wordy

pomposity or to an ambling style. His poems like Bhikahu> Dukhiram

etc. are full of passionate sympathy for the socially downtrodden.
More often than not, Phukan takes liberty with his rhymes, but
never with his images and metaphors.
An octogenarian by now, Phukan has taken to poetry late in
life and this is why he appears at times a somewhat unstable
synthesis of different lines of descent, romantic and classical,
mystic and metaphysical; often his poetry produces an oppressive
sense of “metaphysicalism”. By reading his poems like Akash ,

Sabda Brahma , Nistabdha etc. this can be said that the poet is
endowed with the rare gifts of perception and reflection, gifts that
have saved him from undue imitation. The Jyotikona sonnets end
with a couplet which invariably contains a maxim. True it is that
Phukan exalts ideas above passion, intellect above emotion and
this is perhaps one of the reasons why his poetry lacks the ardour of
spontaneous creation. He may not possess the fine power of
phrasing, nevertheless he possesses the power to pack his lines with
thought. As a mystic poet, Phukan has neither the powerful
concentration of Nalini Devi nor her radiant focus of spiritual
lyricism or ihrill of the infinite. His Manasi (1943) collection is
however different. As evident from poems like Arupar rup Manas t

pratima, Sundar Uuai kot 9 Hetu aru prattoi, Jalkonwari etc., Manasi
represents search for intellectual beauty that is super-sensuous in
its content and spirit. Jalkonwari has easy cadence of verse that
 ROMANTIC POETRY 173

adds music and beauty to the poem as a happy blend of light and
colour adds poetry to painting. Phukan’s other poetical works
are Gutimali (1950), Jingiri (1951), Amitra (1952) and Sandhani
(1953).
Lakshminath Phukan (
b . 1897) has written impassioned love lyrics;
these are collected in a book called Sonali sapon (1961). The poet’s
emotions which he does not dwell on in the full radiance of their
emergence are generally refined in sensibility. Noted for its quiet
intensity of grief, the poem Saakhi
a landscape view of the lover’s
is

heart. In Moran belika as also in Saakhi the poet gives beautiful

,

snapshots of atmosphere and melody; the best of his lyrics as the

former are also the saddest. In criticism it is often said that
Phukan’s love-lyrics are ‘rather cold”. Although he does not
'

shriek in pain as Shelley did, that his love-lyrics possess artistic

form and purity of style cannot be denied. It is true that there
is an absence of luscious qualities in his verse, nevertheless, in quiet

beauty and calm appeal, it won’t be far-fetched to say that they

are like Chinese porcelain. Phukan’s best lyric-poem Brahmaputrar
prati can be described as a landscape portrait with patriotism as its
central motif in it, historical associations are re- vitalised through
;

an art that is at once suggestive and evocative. The verse-beat

keeps tune with the rhythm of patriotic ideal, a medium through
which Phukan gives beautiful glimpses of melody and atmosphere
bathed in a warm and tranquil glow.
Binanda Barua’s ( b 1905) poetic fame rests principally on his
.

patriotic poems rather than on his nature-lyrics that are few.

True to the tradition stimulated by romantic ideals, “going back
to a fancied golden age”, as Brandes says, Barua has quickened the
knowledge and love of our national past through his poetry; his
collection of poems Sangkhadhani (1925) is an evidence in point.
In Smasan the vagrant minstrel, sad and pensive, sees the vision of
,

our country melting into a crematory, for, the genial current of

freedom adding “bloomy flushes” to her face is not there; our
country is only a sepulchre of past greatness. Like Goldsmith’s
“sweet Auburn” turned into a “deserted village”, foreign hordes
have devastated Assam into a “haunt of bitterns”; this is the bitter
12
174 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

irony of the poem. Rangamuar vir, Agiyathutir vir etc. are patriotic
poems with historical themes. Rangpur is a poem of swelling
musical cadence, the effect of which is achieved through assonances
and consonantal repetition. Closely allied in spirit to Rangpur
is Barua’s other poem Gargoan; nowhere in our poetry as in the
quaintly lovely lines of this poem, the historical atmosphere of
independent Assam with her dignity, vigour and colour is more
picturesquely painted. Binanda Barua’s other poetical work is

Pratidhani (1938).
Mitradev Mahanta’s ( b 1895) most notable gift is humour that
.

is both urbane and hearty. Though he lacks the satiric severity of

Dandi Kalita, Mahanta as a satirist is easily comparable with the
former in more than one respect. But in ironic humour, his only
peer is Chandradhar Barua; the resultant humour of Mahanta’s
satire is at the expense of classes rather than individuals. Although
known primarily as a writer of light verse, Mahanta’s songs like
Chira chenehi mor Kane kane batahi bai etc. show him as a poet of
,

considerable lyrical gifts.

Poet, playwright and prose-writer, Atul Hazarika (

b . 1906)
writes more like a man who has gone into a library of harnessed
emotions than as one who has directly contacted nature or experi-
enced life so as to reflect The opening lines of his poem
its spirit.

Baliehar glimmer in a radiance of beauty as the Brahmaputra

sandbanks glimmer under sunlight. The poet has a number of
bird-poems, viz., Dahikatara Patmadai etc. and also flower-poems
,

like Kanchan Indramalati etc. to his credit; these poems do not

,

possess of course the beauty and dignity of Raghu Chaudhury’s on

similar subjects. To be brief, his birds arc lifeless like stuffed birds.
Hazarika’s attitude towards nature is of the Wordsworthian romantic
type and not of the critical type of Tennyson or Matthew Arnold:
this latter type is almost unknown in our literature.
Except ta Devadasi a poem that may be described as Hazarika’s
,

best, the poet’s natural gifts are seen better in his patriotic poems.
In Devi ne rakshashi , the patriotic ideal is conveyed through an
allegory. Likewise, his nature-poems like Varsamangal , Barisar
dak etc. have a distinct message for man, s.*., message for a people
 ROMANTIC POETRY 175

lost in slumber. Makaprashthan apparently an elegy on L. N.

,

Bezbarua, is not an elegy as such on a single individual; it is more

comprehensive than that. Besides patriotic poems, other signi-
ficant poems of Hazarika are Mor puja and Devadasi. The latter
presents the picture of a devadasi , vestal determined to
virgin,
touch the marble heart of the temple deity through concentrated
passion, dance and music; she seeks final emancipation from the
agony of transmigrated soul which is possible only through union
with God. Hazarika’s poetical works are Manimala 9 Mukutamala
(1930), Panchajanya (1931), Dipali (1938) etc. Daiba Talukdar
( b . 1900) who writes about nature and
problems and Parvati
life’s

Barua (1904-1964) who has given to our poetry a refreshing aroma

of the soil are noteworthy contemporaries of Atul Hazarika.
Ananda Barua (
b . 1907) who has to his credit exquisite trans-
lations of Marlow’s The Passionate Shephered to his Love and
Swinburne’s “If love were what the rose is” has imbibed, broadly
speaking, the former’s passion and the latter’s polish, qualities that
are easily discernible in his style. Spontaneity rather than anaemic
virtuosity is one of Barua’s dominant qualities. His poetical works
are Parag, Ranjan rashmi and Hafizar sur (1933); the last one is a
translation from Hafiz.
Within an intimate and modest array of themes, Kamaleswar
Chaliha’s ( b 1904) poetry is abstract and analytical in a restrained
.

sense. In his Gungun (1928), there are some delightful poems of

eager raptures Taru Dhuli Kavir prati phul, Abhoy etc. Chaliha
: y ,

cannot generally rid himself of abstractions; often there are

evidences of obscure symbolism in his poetry. Not only an
admirer but an imitator as well of Tagore, the latter’s influence
seems to be more potent on this poet than on Ratna Barkakati,
an avowed Tagorite; this is the impression one gets from Chaliha’s
Chhandita (1941). Rajmau pukhuri , written on a historical site,
reminds one of Tagore’s Shahjehan not only in conception but also
in imageries and vocabulary. In Byartha Meghdut, the influence
of Tagore’s vocabulary is blantantly strong. Even the repetition
of words in the manner of Tagore in Chaliha’s Sesh lehha, aye hatha,
eye hatha, aye matra hatha is distinctly reminiscent of Tagore. To be
176 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

brief, what Chaliha has succeeded in capturing is Tagore’s echoes,

not his spirit as such.
Sariyahani in which the panoramic beauty of mustard blooms
is woven is one of Chaliha’s best lyrics.
into a pattern of joy The
idea is expressed more aptly in his Kavir prati phul and Lekkakar
samal. The poet’s attitude to nature is not pantheistic; it is

mystical. This must be said that there is a difference even between

Chaliha’s own prose and poetry; it is so mainly because of the
density of verbal texture and abstruse stressing of the idea in the
latter. Nevertheless, the more substantial part of his positive
thought is to be found not in his prose, but in his poetry. In music
and mystic vision, Chaliha is more limited than Nalini Devi and
in the grasp of life, less comprehensive than Ratna Barkakati.

J. P. Agarwalla’s (1903-51) poems like his songs Bharat Janani ,

Uddudhan , Luitar parare etc. are noted for their patriotic appeal.
Few poems on their first appearance were able to create a greater
furor than his Deka-gabharur ukti , published in the Awahon ;
the
emotional sinews of the poem are redeemed by poignant allusion
to the martyrdom of Kanaklata, a girl of fourteen, during the
1942 struggle for freedom. Pari passu with it, the other aspect of
his poetry, how at times an extensive ingenuity which was tempera-
mental with Agarwalla led him to over-spectacular conclusions and
opulent romantic luxuriance must not be lost sight of. Yet, it
must be said that Agarwalla is a poet of lucid lyricism which is
however different from the feminine aesthetics of Jatin Duara or
Gonesh Gogoi.
Here a few other poets of the elder generation may be mentioned
Padmadhar Chaliha ( b 1895) and Prasannalal Chaudhury (b. 1902)
.

are primarily poets of patriotism. While the ideal of the former is

academic, that of the latter, as evident from his Agnimantra (1952),
is militant; he enlivens the dying embers of A. G. Rai-Chaudhury

with a pussion. The names of two eminent political personalities,

T. R. Phukan (1877-1939) andN. C. Bardoloi (1876-1936) who like
the diver in Schiller’s ballad plunged into politics of struggle,
initiated by Gandhiji, may also be mentioned here. The note of
Phukan’s Ax mor Asom is soft as a contralto. Bardoloi’s Shyam
 ROMANTIC POETRY 177

Asom ai dkunia is a hymn to mother Assam; its militant note

jeuti
becomes evident only towards the end with the poet worshipping
the Sakti-image of the mother. Bardoloi who loved to sing of the
quiet things of life, as in Sisur hanhi , could tune his note to the heroic
with no uncertain strains as in Deka gabharwr dol\ it is a poem not
of a nation weeping over or lamenting its fate, but of one girding
itself for battle. Though not strictly speaking romanticists, other
noteworthy poets of this generation are Indreswar Barthakur
(1887-1960), Jamuneswari Khataniar (1899-1924) and Singhadatta
DevaAdhikari (1889-1925).
One might forget Gonesh Gogoi’s (1907-1938) love-poems,
if such a thing is possible, but not his patriotic poems like Puja

ayujan. A departure from the monotone of traditional patriotic

poems in which emotional appeal was sought to be created through
vague sentimental allusions mostly, this poem is symbolic in
conception and distinctive in music and beauty. Lyrical intensity,
often appallingly opulent, is the keynote of Gogoi’s love-poems;

he can be connected with Jatin Duara in temperamental approach

and attitude; the similarity is one of passionate urge and refresh-
ing simplicity.
Gonesh Gogoi shares much more than any one else in the
sustained prolongation of romantic sentimentalism. He felt

too keenly the thrill of romantic longing and seems to have broken
down like an electric wire charged with too strong a current.
Gogoi was faithful through life to beauty, writing about what was
worthy of love; he envisaged his theme, the plaint of love, now
sadly and now passionately, lavishing upon it a copious flood of
sound and colour. To be brief, sensitive to the appeal of beauty
and conscious equally of its transience, Gonesh Gogoi’s poetry
has a melodious wailing music, an intense note of sentimental
sadness, the total effect of which is an appalling sense of monotony
and meaningless repetition. Not even romantic poetry could be
great without intellectual animation, and this is what Gogoi’s
poetry sadly lacked. His poetical works are Papari (1935) Swapna
bhanga (1934) and Rupajyoti (1945).
Among other poets of the thirties and mid-forties in whose hands
178 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

the romantic trend continued undiminished, mention may be

made of Sashi Gogoi, Bhabanath Hazarika, Bhabananda Rajkhowa,
Dulal Barpujari and Bhabaprasad Rajkhowa. Among others,
Thaneswar Hazarika (1898-1943) had shown great sensitivity of
perception and expression. M. N. Deka-Phukan who has to his
credit fine lyrics like Puraniputala is another poet of this generation.
In the words of Victor Hugo on Baudelaire, it might be said that
Deva Barua (4. 1914) “created a new shudder” with his poems that
depict the perennial perplexities and exhilaration of love. He
possesses the faculty of naturalistic interpretation which serves him
as an instrument in transmuting the quintessence of natural beauty
and images into the language of poetry. Without any exaggera-
tion this might be said of Barua that the beauty of his poetry consists
in the arrangement of images and impressions done with a deftness
that generally a Japanese flower-artist possesses. The poet’s voice
is seldom lifted into an outburst of intense joy, nor is it allowed to

shrill into reckless complaint or disturbed by any touch of cynicism

or superior disdain. Even in poems of separation like Kalang parat,

the poet maintains a perfect poise in the “silent manliness of
grief”.
Deva Barua’s innovation in form is the introduction of dramatic
monologues on which Virginia Woolf’s, more particularly Robert
Browning’s influence is amply discernible. His most popular poem
Tumi nubujiba sakhi reads like Virginia Woolf’s “interior mono-
logues”; in it, the poet’s soul and the sea are bound in the identi-
cal aspects of tranquillity and disturbance in a way that is basic
and bewitching. With maturity, there has been a corresponding
development in the intellectual content of his poems. In dignity
of poise and conception, Barua’s Tilottama with its Swinburnean
sweep is seldom surpassed; from the point of abstract thought,
Urvasi bidai can be closely associated with it. Urvasi is a myth;
according f o common conception, she is a heavenly courtesan who
dances in the paradise of Indra, but with Barua she is a symbol of
freedom and fulfilment, a symbol of ecstasy in contrast to the
evanescent nature of earthly love.
The emotional ecstasy of Deva Barua is often imbued with a
 ROMANTIC POETRY 179

philosophy, the idea of an omniscient destiny governing man’s

life and all that it means. There is a spiritual logic that governs
man’s life which the Greeks With Barua, the inspira-
call nemesis .
tion of this philosophy is more from Ibsen and Thomas Hardy
than from the Greek theory. This acknowledgement of destiny
has not succeeded in making the poet’s view of life pessimistic. To
Hardy, for instance, the greenwood tree does not suggest joy or
delight, but destiny, a pair of blue eyes not heaven or bliss, but
fate. With Barua, it is otherwise; the Epicurean sensibility of life,
as illustrated in the poem Devadasi has its spell on the poet.
,

Deva Barua found much in contemporary life that had disgusted

him; with considerable skill and insight, he has pilloried certain
socio-political tendencies in the poem Lachit Barphukan; the historical
figure of Lachit Barphukan is used in the poem as a symbol to give
coherence to the incoherent material of contemporary life. Except
Ami duar mukali karo which is an intellectual departure from his
older poems, Barua has however not written anything significant
after Lachit Barphukan , published about a couple of decades back.
Of late, he has left the flowery field of poetry for power politics.
Barua’s collection of poems is Sagar dekhisa (1945).
drama

The Assamese drama, as drama in other parts of India, is a

process that has extended its limits and displayed novel forms
throughout its existence. This is the nature of all true art, for,
true art both creates and reproduces. The art of drama is empi-
rical; it is related to a living theatre. Its idiom is not only intended
to be read by the eye, but also to be spoken and felt in the emotional
atmosphere of a theatre. The new theatre has created its own
forms, although in the initial stages of its development it absorbed
much from the traditional, i.e. t the Vaishnava bhawana- theatre
and drama.
The main streams of inspiration of the new theatre and
drama may broadly be divided into two: (t) the tradition of
Vaishnava Mauuwa-theatre and drama, and an academic (»)
tradition to which attention was directed by western education
and literary influences. The modern Indian theatre of the urban
type emerged under the auspices of the British European community
after the last battle of Plassey; they created itfor their own enjoy-

ment and to keep alive home traditions. The Indian theatre,

so sired, grew powerfully in Bengal and Maharashtra; the modem
theatre in Assam like the Calcutta theatre, Minerva, Star, Man-
mohan etc. is an offshoot of this tradition. At first, only a
cross-section of these influences came to the new theatre through
 DRAMA 181

the Calcutta stages; later on, it became more direct through the
spread of western education resulting in the release of new creative
forces and cohesion of forms.
The literary art of drama cannot be isolated from the stage
arts; it is not possible for the historian of the drama or theatre to
neglect either. ApArt from stage setting, costumes etc., necessary
accessories of the theatre, western traditions popularised new
technique of the drama, a greater sense of form, planned divisions
of Acts and scenes, soliloquies, asides, plot development, character-
isation and blankverse. Gunabhiram Barua’s (1837-1894)
Ram Navami (1857) and Hemchandra Barua’s (1835-97) Kaniya
Kirtan (1861) are poineers of the new drama. This must be
noted in this connection that dislocation of the established political
system caused by repeated Burmese invasions and ultimate
consolidation of British rule stood as barrier against the natural
process of evolution of our literature. But to be precise, the
drama tradition was not dead as such; despite these convulsive
setbacks, it was kept alive by the Vaishnava bhawana tradition
of the people.
In fact, the foundation of modern Assamese drama was laid
with the popularisation of dramas of social criticism like G. R.
Barua’s Ram Navami H. ,
C. Barua’s Kaniya Kirtan and Rudraram
Bardoloi’s Bangal-Bangalani (1871); how far these playwrights
were directly influenced by western technique, it is difficult to say,
but that they introduced Acts and scenes and atleast in one case
a tragic type, opposed to established Sanskrit aesthetics, is signi-
ficant. Although not a tragedy in the Senecan or Shakespearean
sense, Ram Navami (1857) might be described as the first tragic
drama in our language. Whatever the influence of western
technique, that the inspiration was primarily Anglo-Bengali,
Calcutta theatre and Bengali literature under the impact of
English education, there is no doubt. For the new class emerging
under British impact, Calcutta was the principal source of inspi-
ration in social thought and literary technique.
Apart from the introduction of western technical devices,
the new drama was made action-oriented and “conflict” in charac-
182 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

ter and action came to be, to say with Alardyce Nicoll, its “soul**;
the ankiya-nat of the Vaishnava type was religious, the new drama
is humanised in the social sense and even when it is historical or

mythological in theme, the human interest is neither distorted

nor lost sight of. Modern Assamese drama can be divided into
three categories (i) Serious and light comedies, farce etc., (*i)
:

Mythological and historical, and (iii) Socio-psychological plays.

The first category is generally village-centric, the rest are mostly
urban-oriented. To be brief, there can be no water-tight division
of our drama into categories according to the characteristics of a
particular span of years; very often than not, tendencies over-lap.
Only when literary types arc determined by socio-psychological
tendencies of an age, for instance as in the case of English drama
determinism, neo-classicism, materialism, dialectism etc., —then
alone a particular literary tendency can be accordingly defined;
with modern Assamese drama, it is not so.
Particularly because of the imperceptible challenge thrown
at accepted values and a new psychology of reason making itself
feltunder altered political conditions, a phenomenon that pinpoint-
ed the chinks inherent in our social fabric, the comedy of manners
of the Ben Jonsonian type became popular during this period.
Whether they could or could not rouse people’s conscience to
problems that eroded social thinking of a rational type, these
plays succeeded at least by a kind of “forensic logic” to make the
audience laugh at themselves on realising how stupid they were.
Our first modern drama Ram Navami is different; it is a
serious play that depicts the problem of widow marriage.. The
story pivotsround Navami, a girl widow, falling in love with an
educated young man Ramchandra whom she could not marry
because social sanction was against widow marriage; their
ultimate fulfilment was in death. Although characterisation
and dialogues are weak and certain minor devices are drawn
from Sanskrit aesthetics, Ram Navami is primarily western in
technique; it reflects the new rationalised thought initiated by
Vidyasagar of Bengal. The sub-plot in the play, a parallel love-
story of two unsophisticated village-folks, Mongalu and Sonphuli,
 DRAMA 183

reflectsShakespearean technique; the introduction of the sutra-

dhara in the end connects it with Vaishnava ankiya-nata tradition.
H. C. Barua’s Kaniya Kir tan a play in three Acts, is a comedy;
,

the different fragments of social life, often disjointed, that are

presented in it are calculated to serve a purpose. It depicts the
evil effects of opium feating, a vice that almost ruined our people.
Kirtikanta, a youngman of a rich family ruins himself completely
by this atrocious habit. Besides this dismal picture, there are
other snapshots of social degradation caused by attachment to
false religion and meaningless orthodoxy. The structure of the
play is loose all through; possibly it is because of this that the play
fails to achieve its avowed aim, i.e., to rouse emotions of antipathy
against social evil. Although the climax and catastrophe of the
situation are not well-developed in the dramatic sense, it never-
theless tells a complete story.
Poor in character development and plot construction, Rudraram
Bardoloi’s Batigal-Bangalani (1871) is thematically a vulgar play.
It lampoons within its eight- Act compass certain aspects of social
problems created by outsiders coming to the land during British
rule. As in Ram Navami the author of this drama also introduces
,

the sutradhara as a connecting link between some of the episodes

of the story. It would however be wrong to say that these
three pioneer dramas, Ram Navami , Kaniya Kirtan and Bangal-
Bangalani are written in the Ben Jonsonian tradition; except
L. N. Bezbarua flirting with it in his light-hearted comedies and
farces, the impact of Ben Jonson does not seem to inspire these
writers.
From what had its unmista-
particular date western technique
kable impact on our drama, be precise, but that it
it is difficult to
was initiated by Bhrama ranga ( 1 888) translation of Shakespeare’s
,

Comedy of Errors , there is little or no doubt; the translation of this

work was done jointly by R. D. Barua, R. K. Barkakati, G. Barua
and G. S. Barua under the guidance of L. N. Bezbarua at Calcutta.
Although western dramatic technique was initiated through this
translated version of Shakespeare, blankverse was yet to be adopted.
Bhrama ranga is a prose translation. With skill and imaginative
184 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

rendering, action in the translated play is given a local venue;

and the characters are also given a local colour.
Under the inspiration of Bhrama ranga a spate of translations
,

from Shakespeare followed over a number of years, which

helped to stabilise an initial impact into a significant experience.
An adaptation rather than a translation of Shakespeare’s As You
Like it, it was through Durgeswar Sarma’s Chandravati (1910)
that blankverse came to reinforce and stabilise a tradition,
already introduced by Chandradhar Barua a few years earlier in
his mythological drama Meghnad vadh ( 1 904) This was followed by
.

translations of Macbeth by D. Bharali, Cymbeline by A. P. Goswami,

Troilus and Cressida by N. C. Bardoloi, Merchant of Venice and King
Lear by Atul Hazarika, Romeo and Juliet by Padma Chaliha etc.
Thus a tradition was steadily established. Shakespearean influ-
ence in technique and form became a source of great inspiration
to our contemporary playwrights. For instance, while L. N.
Bezbarua’s Gojpuria in Chakradhvaj Singha is modelled after
Shakespeare’s Falstaff, the mob scene in Julius Ceasar finds its echo
in Indreswar Barthakur’s Srivatsa Chinta (1923); Benudhar Raj-
khowa’s Seuti Kiran a romantic drama of love, shows the influence
,

of both Othello and Hamlet.

From P. N. Gohain-Barua and L. N. Bezbarua to Pravin Phukan
and Kumud Barua, the tradition of light comedies or farces
continues in an unabated stream; some of these plays have no
other authentic purpose than to create an atmosphere of incon-
gruity and laughter, while others exhibit a certain measure of
social purpose in the way of ironic undertone. Bezbarua’s
Litikai (1890), serialised in the Jonaki from its first issue, is a light
comedy of revenge. His three other light comedies based on the
ludicrous can best be described as farces of inferior quality. The
stage effect is sought to be achieved by exaggerated emphasis on
the incongruity of situation, inconsistency of character and
malapropistic use of words.
It is said that “comedy represents in a ridiculous light the aber-
rationsfrom the social norm”, but in these dramas of situation
by Bezbarua where types are said to be handled, nowhere is
 DRAMA 185

evident the author’s capacity for cool, objective appraisal of social

norms and deviations from them. True it is that like Ben Jonson,
this playwright tried to sport with “human follies” and “not with
crimes”, but this must be remembered that Bezbarua’s genius
was essentially attuned to the non-serious like that of a talkative
child prattling about. By his light comedies and farces, Bezbarua
has pointed out the foibles of human character, but mere pointing
out leaves a vacuum if it is not stimulated by social thinking.
The vacuum thus created is filled up by the playwright’s more
serious plays, mainly historical in inspiration, that are dealt with
separately.
Of P. N. Gohain-Barua’s three light comedies, Gaonbura (1899),
Tetun Tamuli (1909) and Bhut ne Bhram (1924), the first is un-
doubtedly the author’s best; it is better than L. N. Bezbarua’s
light comedies or farces. The
emphasis in Gaonbura is as
much on situation as it on characterisation. The central
is

character Bhogman is a type by himself; the character of the man

is studied in the context of social currents of the time and against
the background of corrupt practices indulged in by petty govern-
ment officials emerging as a privileged class under British rule.
The play has a “corrective” purpose. The other two plays,
Tetun Tamuli and Bhut ne Bhram do not come up to the standard
of Gaonbura in the delineation either of character or situation;
yet then, all the three are noted for their refreshing rural idiom.
Another noted comedy of manners is Durgaprasad Majumdar-
Barua’s Mohari (1893); the plot of the play is thin, but the situation
is piquant. It presents a powerful snapshot of tea-garden life,

the profligacy of European manager Mr. Fox and the help-

its

lessness of Bhogram, garden mohorur, whose knowledge of English

is less than elementary. The characters are painted in robust
outline, but its humour is essentially grotesque. That type of
humour which stimulates intellect with brilliant flashes of wit
rather than superficial cause for laughter through incongruities
grew neither in the hands of Bezbarua nor in the hands of any of
his contemporaries. Except in the case of Pravin Phukan,
Lakshya Chaudhury and Durgeswar Barthakur, broadly speaking,
186 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

no serious attempt has so far been made in this direction. Though

refined, as evident from Prajapatir bhul 9 even Lakshmidhar Sarma’s
humour was circumscribed.
As a writer of light comedies, Benudhar Rajkhowa belongs
to the generation of Bezbarua and Gohain-Barua. His plays
are Darbar (1902), Tini ghaini, Ashikshita ghaini , Topanir parinam
(1932), Jampuri (1931) and Chorar sristi. Some of these plays
portray weak spots in domestic life. To be precise, Rajkhowa
is Gohain-Barua nor with
gifted neither with the rural insight of
the idiom of Bezbarua. Except
literary presenting certain
snapshots from urbanised parapets, his plays do not go much
further either as social “correctives” or as technically inspiring
pieces. The line of demarcation between the two is generally
thin, yet then, these plays may
be described as comedies of errors
rather than as comedies of manners. According to Hardin Craig,
comedies of errors are the “most artificial of comedies”. Other
writers of light comedies are Chandradhar Barua (Bhaigya pari-
ksha 9 1915), Padma Chaliha ( Nimantran, 1915, Kene maja 1920), ,

Mitradcv Mahanta (Biya biparjyoi 1924, Kukuri kanar athmangala

, ,

1917), Lakshmi Sarma ( Atma-sanman Prajapatir bhul ), Karuna

,

Barua ( Madhumastarar garu) Kumud Barua ( Good-night Sir Ltd.

9 ,

Company ), Lakshya Chaudhury ( Javanikar are are) and Pravin

Phukan ( Kalparinoy Assam Hollywood ). L. Chaudhury’s Javanikar
,

are are is of the nature of Pirandello’s Six Characters in Search of an

Author ; its humour deep and comprehensive. P. Phukan’s
is

Kalparinoy is a social satire, not without a touch of cynicism and

sarcasm directed against all those who have become misguided
“quotations”, to say in the language of Dr. Radhakrishnan, of
western manners.
Of all the arts, drama has the closest social reference, for, nothing
else is so much supported and sustained by society as this literary
form. This is dramas often tended to become
true that our social
satirical; it is so because of the censorious spirit that was inherent
in society and was stimulated by conflicting transitional purposes.
Ben Jonson who used comedy to castigate human foibles, ridiculing
them often with unmitigated vehemence, tried to soften down the
 DRAMA 187

sting by describing his comedies as “humours”. With our social

playwrights, it was otherwise; their wrath was not concealed, for,

what they were primarily concerned with was “stage effects”.

Speaking from the point of drama, it needed irony and sarcasm,
intrigue and tragic intensity to achieve this effect.

(it) Mythological and Historical Dramas :

Like dramas of social criticism, the new mythological drama

emerged also during the last decade of the 19th century. It was
during this decade that modern play-houses arose and gave a
technical fillip to the art of drama. Between 1895 and 1904,
several play-houses were established in different urban areas of
the Brahmaputra valley. This must be remembered here that a
drama is written primarily, as pointed out by George Bernard
Shaw, for the theatre. Dr. S. Sarma is of the opinion that Rama-
kanta Chaudhury’s Sita haran written between 1870-1880, is the
,

first mythological drama of the modern period. Thus a tradition

was revived, a tradition that was already engrained in our Vaish-
nava ankiya nata this new tradition might not actually be a trans-
;

cript of that, but that it had certain impact in revivalism, there

is little doubt. Broadly speaking, the technical inspiration of this
drama came from the Anglo-Bengali source of Michael Madhu-
sudan Dutt and the thematic from the Vaishnava fountain-head.
It was in 1893 that P. K. DcvaSarma’s Harishchandra was published,
which was followed soon after by Haradhanu bhanga by the same
author. Two other dramatists of these decades arc H. Sarma
Barua {Abhimanyu vadh Sakuntala) and D. N. Bardoloi (Baidehi
,

bished). During the opening years of the 20th century, the follow-
ing mythological dramas were produced B. Rajkhowa’s Durju -
:

dhanar urubhanga (1903) and Daksha Yajna D. P. Majumdar-

, ,

Barua’s Guru dakshina (1903) and Brisaketu and G. D. Barua’s

y

Meghnad vadh (1904). Barring the historical significance they

possess, these dramas, barring the last, do not have any substan-
tial technical importance; they are depraved in thought and

imagination. Unimaginative emphasis on dissipating theatrica-

lity has deprived them of any creative merit of note.
188 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

The admitted inspiration of C. D. Barua’s Meghnad vadh, a

blankverse play, is Madhusudan Dutt’s kavya on the
same theme.
Though the pattern is fixed, it is elastic in scope, for, much liberty
can naturally be taken in the depiction of mythological characters;
each character can be made to represent a certain aspect of human
life like virtue or vice, valour or vaingloriousness. This, Madhu-
sudan Dutt who drew his inspiration principally from European
literature, Greek and English, and generally modelled his charac-
ters on Homer in particular, has done. The impact of it is vivid
in Barua; whether in character delineation by contrast, as in the
case of Rama and Ravana, or in plot construction, Barua has
shown considerable craftsmanship in Meghnad vadh compared ;

to Tiloltama sambhav (1924) and Rajarshi, Meghnad vadh is the

playwright’s best drama. Studded with about two dozens songs,
Tilottama sambhav has neither stage merit nor literary quality.
Likewise, Rajarshi is of inferior technical merit.
Durgeswar Sarnia has to his credit two mythological plays:
Partha parajay (1909) and Bali vadh (1912). He has not deviated
from the accepted mythological pattern in a big way, yet then,
the influence of Shakespeare’s dramatic craft on the playwright
is pronounced. The characters are humanised; barring the
introduction of Ganga in a significant dramatic role, the rest of
Partha parajay is an authentic transcript of mythology. The
main focus in the drama is not on Partha, but on Vabrubahana,
his adversary; this shift in focus gives naturally a tense romantic
quality to the mythological episode. Some other mythological
dramas of a similar type are: Balaram Pathak’s Laba-Kusa
(1914), Dhaniram Datta’s Urvasi uddhar , I. S. Barthakur’s
Srivatsa Chinta (1927), Mitradev Mahanta’s Baidehi biyug
(staged: 1930) and Balichalan (1953), P. N. Gohain-Barua’s Banraja
(1932), Dandi Kalita’s Agni pariksha (1937) and Kisak vadh etc.
Except being faithful transcript of mythology with the object of
exploiting man’s inherent faith in religious and spectacular deeds,
these dramas do not transmit any tangible idea. Their mind
being attuued already to the religio-romantic atmosphere
depicted in the plays, it was easy for the audience to comprehend
 DRAMA 189

the meaning of these dramas and thus satisfy their cathartic ego.
In the subsequent years following this creative period, the womb
of both mythology and history seemed to have dried up; This
era of indigenous work was succeeded by an era of translation from
Bengali. With the Bengali drama came naturally the Bengali
yatra theatre, thus posing a serious threat to our indigenous theatre.
Apart from A. G. Rai-Chaudhury who wrote his play Bandini
Bharatmata (1904) to meet this challenge, J. P. Agarwalla tried to
meet the challenge by sheer excellence of his play Sonit Konwari
(1924) and Atul Hazarika by sheer number of his plays. From
this standpoint, Hazarika’s contribution is significant. His
mythological plays are Narakasur (1930), Beula (1933), Nanda
dulal (1935), Kurushetra (1936), Ramchandra (1937), Champavati ,
Sakuntala , Saoitri (1939), Rukmini haran (1949) and Nirjita (1952).
We must not forget that this playwright wrote primarily for the
stage in order to stem the inroad of Bengali yatra theatre; that is

why one finds the spectacular pronounced in him. In Narakasur ,

fate dominates in the manner of deus ex machina In Beula , the dia-
.

logue is declamatory; this becomes palpable when this drama is

compared with Kamakhya Thakur’s Beula published in the same

,

year. In Rukmini haran the vidusak is modelled on the Shakes-

,

pearean fool.
Hazarika could make his people talk naturally, although at
times on a high pitch to suit stage needs. He could give plausi-
bility to a plot, although it very often than not looks disjoined at
first sight. Hazarika could hit off an atmosphere vibrant with
mythical incredibility. His dialogues are crisp and declamatory
at times; his diction is conversationally fluent, characters are con-
vincing and dramas mythologically true to the tip.

Noted for lyricism and psychological interpretation of character

and situation, J. P. Agarwalla’s Sonit Konwari (1924) is a master-
piece of its kind. Devoid of tardy sentimentalism, it is a romantic
comedy of love based on the legendary episode of Usha and
Aniruddha. The conflict of passion in the drama rests on the
conflict of circumstances and characters and not so much, as
opined by our scholars, on the “two cross themes, a fit rival for
13
190 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Bana and a worthy lover for Usha”. T. G. Williams points out

that the theatre is “an orchestration of a number of distinct arts”.
One of these is stage technique which Agarwalla, creator of our
romantic drama, knew well; the much needed cooperation of the
audience with the author was thus assured through developed
stage technique, the forte of this playwright.
Some other mythological plays of which mention may be made
are Abasan, Chitrangada and Savitri by K. N. Bhattacharjya, Bisarjan
(1933) and Nal Damayanti (1956) by Ananda Barua, Sakunir pra-
tisodh (1939) by Gonesh Gogoi, Rakshyakumar by L. D. Chaudhury,
Kama and Lakshman (1949) by Suren Saikia and Mahavir Kama
by Bhaben Thakuria. Robust in dialogue and dramatic poise,
Gogoi’s Sakunir pratisodh is a great stage success. Sakuni is an Iago
type character; his diabolical role is chiselled out aptly. L. D.
Chaudhury’s Rakshyakumar is structurally a balanced play; what
pervades its atmosphere, despite the violent clash of purpose succin-

ctly brought out into relief, is spiritual understanding of a deeper

dimension.
From 1940, possibly due to (i) compelling preoccupation with
the problems of day-to-day and («) development of a more
life,

rational attitude, mythological dramas are progressively on the

decline. Most of the mythological dramas published during the
post-war period are earlier compositions. What these playwrights
have achieved is that they have transformed the art of drama into
an impassioned and have on no occasion
serious experience; they
failed in the imaginative presentation moving incidents and
of
capturing of the mythical atmosphere with skill and craftsmanship.
Employment of the technique of opposite and irreconcilable forces,
a masterly device which Shakespeare discovered from his own
experience, had come to enrich the technical quality of our serious
drama.
From mythology to history is but a short step. In our dramatic
literature, the two moved pari passu and the characteristics of the
one apply mutatis mutandis to the other. The playwrights of this
raw materials of history into imaginative forms
genre turned the
and redeemed them with poetry; verse was primarily used, but
 DRAMA 191

no such was ever laid down. Of course the

rigid convention
fact that serious dramas needed heightened language which is
naturally verse was admitted. Verse suits mythological better
than it suits historical dramas, for, the latter is nothing but
tangible facts. This can be illustrated by the growth and deve-
lopment of P. N. Gohain-Barua’s mind and art his first three :

historical dramas Joymati (1900), Gadadhar (1908) and Sadhani

(1911) are written in verse; the last Lachit Barphukan( 1916), another
historical drama, is written in prose. Atul Hazarika uses verse
for mythological and prose for historical plays.
“A sympathetic interest in history”, Brandes says, i“is the
result of refreshed interior life”. Interest in history is an inspiring
aspect of the romantic ideal that influenced our literature of the
British period; it was further sharpened by political conditions
of dependence. Our historical dramas emerged during the
closing decade of the 19th century. P. N. Gohain-Barua’s Joymati
(1900), a tragic story, is the first historical drama in our language.
The author captures aptly the “bustle and action” of history,
yet then, the drama suffers from superfluity and fails to rise to
acknowledged tragic heights. Lachit Barphukan is a faithful record
of history; the characters are stagey. The author succeeds better
in his non-historical sub-plots and falters whenever he tries to
interpret history. To be brief, Gohain-Barua had neither the
sense of historical perspective nor the capacity to impart dynamism
to the cold facts of history by action, dialogue and character
delineation.
Like Ben Jonson resorting to Roman history in Sejanus ,
L. N. Bezbarua, a noted writer of light comedies, resorted to Ahom
chronicles for his serious dramas. His historical dramas are
Chakradhvaj Singha , Joymati Konwari and Belimar (all in 1915).
These dramas show considerable Shakespearean influence in
comic interludes and characterisation by contrast. In Ckakra-
dhvaj Singha , Prince Hall and Falstaff are recreated through
Priyaram, irresponsible and care-free like the former and Gajpuria,
crafty and bland like the latter; these resemblances are but super-
ficial. Gajpuria may best be described as dexterous and mock-
192 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

heroic whose attitude to life is forensic; to be precise, he is not a

9
“synthetic character *
like Falstaff.
Bezbarua’s Joymati Konwari is a marked improvement on his
own Chakradhvaj Singha. Dalimi, a Naga girl, whose spiritual
identification with mountains and streams, birds and flowers
of her native land is itself a poem, is his immortal creation. Com-
pared to her, Jinu, a Naga girl in Gohain-Barua’s Joymati is not
only poetically sterile, but also an evidence of the real falling far
short of the ideal. In this drama, Bezbarua is at his best in
dialogue and characterisation. The canvas of Belimar that shows
not only the decline of a ruling dynasty due to vicious internecine
strife, but also the “sunset” of freedom for a people is wide; it

treats four principal historical characters with equal depth and

insight. To be brief, Bezbarua’s world is a world of situation;
occasionally even speech as in Joymati Konwari tended to become
a spectacle.
Other historical dramas are Vidyapati (1918) and Pratap
Singha (1926) by Rajkhowa, Mulagabharu (1924) by R. K.
Saila
Handique, Nilambar by P. Chaudhury, Badan Baiphukan (1927),
Chandrakanta Singha (1931) and Bidrohi Moran (1938) by Nakul
Bhuyan, Satir tej (1931) by D. Kalita and Naga Konwar (1935)
by K. N. Bhattacharjya. Bezbarua and Nakul Bhuyan are found
to take liberty only with the minor characters they create; likewise,
sub-plots in most of these plays, generally unconnected with history,
show “invention” and originality; besides the conflict in situation
and character is aptly brought out with an eye to the demands
of drama and verisimilitude of history.
Two other successful playwrights of this generation are Daiba
Talukdar and Atul Hazarika. Talukdar has to his credit Asom
prativa (1924), Bamuni Konwar (1929), Haradatta (1935) and Bhaskar
Varma (l u 52). Asom prativa can be described as a spectacle play;
it depicts a gallery of portraits of historical personalities like Narana-

rayan and Chi'arai, Sankardeva and Damodardeva the first two —

symbolise political regeneration and the other two religious refor-
mism. The play is not well-knit and by its very nature techni-
cally weak. Slightly melodramatic, Talukdar is non-sentimentai
 DRAMA 193

in his historical portraits.Written primarily as a shadow or

pantomime-play, Parag Chaliha’s Chari hazar baser Asm (1952)
may also be described as a spectacle play; its canvas is poetically
convincing.
Atul Hazarika has these historical plays to his credit Chhatrapati :

Kanauj Konwari (1933), Birangana( 1 952) and Trikendrajit

Sivaji (1927),

(1959). Of these, from the point of the architectonics of style,

Chhatrapati Sivaji is the author’s best. Hazarika’s characters are
mostly boldly drawn extroverts; his dramatic craftsmanship lies

in his mastery over antithesis and contrast. The playwright’s

gaze is limited to the circumference and not to the soul of history;
when he tries to escape from this limitation, he does so with a
certain measure of plausibility. Dramatists of the type of Paji-
ruddin Ahmed looked beyond the frontiers of local history for inspi-
ration and thus widened the horizon of thematic material for
drama. Ahmed’s Gulenar (1924) and Sindhu vijay (1928) may be
mentioned as instances in this connection. From the point of
dramatic situation and characterisation, the latter is not as telling
and lively as the former. From the point of story also, it is in-
sipid.
This must be noted that though historical and mythological
commonly accepted as spring-boards of patriotism which
plays are
they re-define in larger terms, the primary motive of these play-
wrights was larger than re-definition of patriotism. To them
must go the drama tradition in the modern
credit of building a
context as also of initiating a theatre movement under changed
conditions. While the Vaishnava theatre, mostly open-air, had
the village namghar for its venue, the modern theatre needed certain
technical adjuncts that were not available in the namghar. The
Vaishnava drama is religious while the modern drama is secular,
Anglo-Indian in inspiration, and that is why a prayer hall like
the namghar could not naturally accommodate it.

Although there are tragic sequences in some of the dramas,

tragedy in its proper emotional and aesthetic context has not
grown in our literature. It is difficult to write, in the strict sense
of the term, a tragedy on social themes; even so powerful a play as
194 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Galsworthy’s Justice is merely a tragic symbol of social malaise

and not a tragedy proper. For tragedy proper, one has to depend
primarily on historical or mythological subject. A tragic hero
rides the tide of events and stimulates “pity and terror”. Although
planned to be a tragedy, the hero in Daiba Talukdar’s Bamuni
Konwar Taokhamti, buffeted about by individual attitudes, does
,

not have the necessary sublimity capable of effecting catharsis

of emotions. What we find, for instance, in Joymati Konwari,
Bamuni Konwar or Sadhani is mere predilection for pathos rather
than for sterner tragic effects. A tragedy is not merely a “senti-
mental play of tears”. The only two dramas that show tragic
qualities to a certain extent are of the post-war period Maniram :

Dewan by Pravin Phukan and Piali Phukan of Nowgong Dramatic

Club. The heroes of these dramas show a certain tragic firmness
and idealism of character, capable of exciting pity and passion,
men beyond whom there is the omnipotence of circumstances to
victimise them.
Historicaldramas of the post-war period like Maniram Dewan ,
Piali Kusal Konwar Lahhita
Phukan , Trikendrajit
,
Tirhot Singh ,
, ,

Rajdrohi Bhogjara etc. have proved popular; most of them deal

,

with the history of British times. Over and above this, a new
process of experimentation started initially during the forties has
helped to widen the frontiers of the new drama into meaningful
forms, viz., symbolic, poetic, social, political, psycho-analytical,
allegorical etc. It is the younger generation of playwrights who
have attuned themselves to this new impact with gusto. What is
significant about this new group is that the technique adopted by
them is more naturalistic; atlcast melodrama is largely eliminated.
Although of non-opera type, the technique adopted by the older
group of playwrights was to intersperse their dramas with too
many songs; except giving entertainment to the people, these
songs served no dramatic purpose. Konwari alone
It is in Sonit
that they arc used as a dramatic device. In the post-war theatre,
there is a marked decline of songs as an integral part of the drama;
its place is taken by background music which is an adjunct of the
theatre and not of the drama.
 DRAMA 195

•
It is J. P. Agarwalla who for the first time made dialogue art-
fully articulate, gave it variety and understanding flash, depth of
idea and feeling. James Elroy Flecher,
This can be said that like
this playwright also won by the dramatic employ-
brilliant success
ment of poetical prose. The dialogues of Maniram Dewan and
Piali Phukan are of a developed standard; they are not only an
embellishment in the dramatic sense, but politically significant
also. The credit of making dialogue dramatically articulate goes
to J. P. Agarwalla.
initially The playwrights of the time were
seeking freedom from verse and in the process some of them
lapsed into a prose that was hard and terse. From his own experi-
ence, Agarwalla discovered a medium, subsequently implemented
effectively by young playwrights like Satyaprasad Barua and
others, that suited the new idiom best. Thus the tradition of an
effective syntax and an expressive language was established, in the
process of which the stern sequence of cause and effect was made
to acquire a new meaning.
Pravin Phukan’s Maniram Dewan (1948), a three-Act play, has
sharp and incisive dialogue and balanced development of the
denouement that is climaxed in the emotionally packed four
scenes of the last Act. Lachit Barphukan (1948) by the same author
has dramatic suspense and well-developed characters, most of
whom are aptly fitted into the perspective of patriotic courage
that is “crimson splendour”. Whether in the architectonics of
style or chiselled phrasing or delineation of emotionally vibrant
character or situation, Piali Phukan (1948) of the Nowgong Dra-
matic Club is a class by itself. The drama has no Act-divisions;
seven different series of events culminate in the tragically intense
final scene. Piali Phukan is existentialist in essence. Suren Sai-
kia’s Kusal Konwar (1949) is a topical drama of martyrdom of
an individual, whose name the play bears, during the 1942 struggle
for freedom; technically, the play is on a lower key. Although
dialogues have a tendency to over-step limits, Atul Hazarika’s
Trikendrajit (1S59) reveals unity of insight and balanced develop-
ment of story. Abdul Malik’s Rajdrohi (1958) seeks to give a new
interpretation to the historical character of Satram against the
196 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

background of a modern idiom, i.e. 9 people’s revolution; technically,

it is not a well-designed play. On the other hand, Bhogjara (1957)
that depicts Tipamia Gohain, a feudal chieftain and the Ahom
King Lakshminath Singha (1769-1780) in strife, is more imagina-
tively planned in character, stage effect and dialogue. This
drama is by Phani Sarma.

(Hi) Social and other Dramas :

Analysis of contemporary social and domestic life is a popular

motif with our younger playwrights. This trend is the offshoot
of a growing middle class whose virtues and problems are both
domestic and social. Whatever that maybe, this trend must
not be confused with indulgence, as of the romanticists, in private
emotions. This type of drama can be divided into two broad
categories :
(i) domestic dramas of the type of Arthur Jones and

Arthur Pinero, and (it) social dramas that depict political or

socio-economic problems or conflict between society and indi-
viduals of the Ibsenian type. The situations arise inevitably
from the interplay of characters and the denouement is not forced;
it is the inevitable sequence and conclusion of the logistics of cause

and effect and the tensions that are set up. This trend towards
naturalism must have been the result of a psychological reaction
against insipid sentimental comedies and so-called romantic
tragedies of exaggerated pathos and refinement.
These social dramas are generally marked by an economy of
scenes and Acts; their characters are not presented as handmaids
of Fate; they might be the victims of social forces, but, broadly
speaking, they are their own destiny. These characters are social
beings in the sense that they represent social ideas and impulses;
even their misfortunes arc the results of social causes finding expres-
sion either by way of response or reaction.
This must be said that our pioneer domestic drama was
written by N. C. Bardoloi of the past generation; it is Grika Lakshmi
(1911). This drama describes the sufferings of a woman whose
husband is a profligate. Likewise, G. K. Barua’s Uma depicts
a contrast between two women, Sumitra, disruptive in her conduct
 DRAMA 197

and Uma who applies the ointment of understanding on the ulcer

of family life. Strictly speaking, Lakshmi Sarma’s Nirmtla (1926)
is not a domestic drama. It is the story of a widow who commits
suicide due to social obduracy.
Though located in a mythopoetic environment, J. P. Agar-
walla’s Karengar ligiri
(1934) from
is,the point of technique, one of
our best domestic tragedies of the romantic type. Certain incidents
in the drama hinge on the borderline of incredibility; possibly
that is why the writer has given it a mythopoetic environment.
Each one of the main characters, Sundarkonwar, Kanchankumari
and Sewali are psychoanalytic symbols; the dramatic action
opens up moribund layers of human consciousness into aesthetic
experience. Agarwalla like Ibsen has restored literature to the
theatre and exposed the vacuity of the melodrama.
Agarwalla’s Rupalim (written in 1936), the scene of which is
located in an imaginary atmosphere amidst north-eastern tribal life,
is a tragic story of romantic love. Suresh Goswami’s Runumi (1946)
is a drama of a similar type. For such idealistic plots, Goswami
and Agarwalla set their scenes in remote regions and with deft
imagination gave to them an atmosphere of stem realism.
Rupalim is psychological in approach, a drama where mere sensual
love is controlled by intellectual realisation as one comes across
in the character of Manimugdha. Agarwalla’s Labhita (1948)
is a powerful socio-political play written against the background
of cataclysmic social conditions generated by the last War.
Labhita, a young village girl, is an inspiring representative of
the popular will to resist, a will that was stimulated by the ’42
spirit; besides, she is a victim of the hell-fire let loose by the War.
A commonplace story, Atul Hazarika's Ahuti is also written against
the background of the ’42 movement for freedom. D. Sarma’s
Kon bate (1962) has captured not only the spirit of the social forces
of the time, but also reflected them adequately. Atul Hazarika’s
Kalyani (1939) is of a different cast; in it, the influence of Gandhian
renascence is clearly evident. Hazarika is noted for ingenuity
rather than originality.
Prayin Phukan’s Kalparinay has already been referred to.
198 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

His other dramas are Dr, Promod, Satikar ban (1954)

social
and Bisvarupa
(1961). Phukan’s is a socially conscious mind;
anything in society, a mood or an attitude, that seeks to violate
established norms disturbs his sensitive mind. In a characteristic
cynical vein, the playwright exposes in Satikar ban the acquisitive
tendencies of individuals and by contrast brings into focus basically
good characters Ananta, Srikanta and Rupahi; the situation
like
is domestic, but the impact is social. Phukan knows how to
develop artistic concept with imaginative consistency.
Satyaprasad Barua, a serious playwright of the younger
generation, approximates to a certain extent J. P. Agarwalla in
—
some significant aspects depth of insight and idiom, psychology
and intellectual approach. His dramas are Chakaichakuwa (1939),
Sikha (1957) and Jyoti Rekha (1958). Thematically romanitc,
these dramas present psycho-analytic probe into character,
which James Joyce used to describe as the “innermost flickering
of the human heart”. Behind every human act there is an idea,
intellectual or psychological, — this fact is skilfully telescoped
into a focus in dramas through character study and
Barua’s
significant dialogue. Complicated in plot-structure, Nagen
Sarma’s Ulkar Jui (1961) is a powerful socio-psychological drama;
the playwright’s insight into socio-psychological forces is refresh-
ingly new and dramatically intense.
In the use of rural and lower middle class urbanised idiom,
Sarada Bardoloi is unique. His plays are Magribar ajan (1950),
Pahila tarikh (1956) and Ae batedi (1957). A drama of social
realism, the first is a living portrait of rural idealism as reflected
in the character of Karim and Lathau. Pahila tarikh is a realistic
snapshot, with an undertone of irony and agony, of lower middle
class life. S. Chakra var tty’s Abhiman (1952) and Kankan (1956)
are domestic studies of chiselled emotional conflict. In the first,
the playwright employs successfully the flashback technique
popularised by the celluloid world. The two and brothers, Anil
Girish Chaudhury are gifted young playwrights; they possess
technical skill and insight into character and situation. Prativai
(1953) is a psychological story by the first and Minabazar (1958),
 DRAMA 199

an agonising appraisal of socio-economic conditions of the poor

by the latter. Another drama of this genre is A. Pathak’s Interview
(1955). Other dramas of this generation are D. Barthakur’s
Chaknoiya Phani Sarma’s Kiya (1960), Premnarayan Datta’s
,

Satkar and Kantharol { 1950), Abhoy Deka’s Gara-khahania (1955)

and Prafulla Barua’s Asar balichar (1954). In inspiration, the
last one is of the nature of Ernst Toller’s The Machine and thi
Man .

Besides these social realists, there is another group of play-

wrights whose forte is poetic romance. These playwrights are
aesthetically selective and poetically passionate, but unlike the
social realists, they are not ethically oblique. The poetic and
symbolic dramas are K. Chaliha’s Dhuli , Kirti and Mukti Bardoloi’s
:

Sur vijay , Luit Konwar, Meghavali etc., Ananda Barua’s Kapau

Konwari y Badan Sarma’s Kavitar janma Heimantika etc., and Parvati
,

Barua’s Lakhimi and Sonar solang (1929). Sonar solang is symbolic

like Maeterlink’s The Blue Bird . In the words of W. B. Yeats,
these plays might be described as “plays for drums and zithers”,
for, the intrinsic character of these dramas is musical and
operatic. In dramas seek to provide the “nourishment”
brief, these
on which, to use the words of Synge, “our imaginations live”.
One-Act plays and radio-dramas are modern experiments
in our literature. Joseph T. Shipley describes the one- Act play
thus “The usual one- Act piece is to the play as the short story
:

is to the novel; it can stress but one aspect: character, action,

background, emotion, of the many in a full and rounded work.”

Although L. N. Bezbarua’s light comedies like Nomal Pachani etc. ,

are one-Act plays, the real path-finder of the modern one-Act play
is Lakshmi Sarma’s Prajapatir bhul , first published in the Awahon
during the thirties of the century. Since then, there has been a
spate of these dramas; they have come to enrich our literature
with a new idiom. Tafazul Ali, H. C. Bhattacharjya, Bina Barua,
S. P. Barua, Mahendra Bora, llomen Bargohain, Jogen Chetia,
Satish Das, Bhaben Saikia, D. K. Saikia and Kiran Sarnia have
definitely made a mark in this field of drama. Bina Barua’s
Abelar nat, a psychological study of two cross-currents and Pravin
200 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Phukan’s an anthology of three social plays, have

Tritaranga ,
stabilised experiment into an ennobling experience.
this
The radio drama in our literature has made its debut with
the establishment of the Gauhati station of the All India Radio
in 1948. The art of the radio drama is defined by Joseph T.
Shipley thus: “The absence of visual element compels the writer
to be economical with characters, so that they can be easily
distinguished. This in turn forces him to employ comparatively
simple plots.’* Radio dramas like Bhogjara , Jonakir biya> Adha
aka chhabi Jinti , Malati> Era batar sur Ghatoal etc. have added to
9 ,

the compass of our dramatic literature.

Although it does not come within any of these categories,
Phani Talukdar’s Juiyepora son (1963) written against the back-
ground of recent Chinese aggression is a class by itself. In presen-
tation of plot and technical finish, in delineation of character and
situation, it has its own distinctive charm.
In summing up, this can be said that since people today
generally seek emotional satisfaction in cinemas rather than in plays,
the social outlook as such is not so encouraging for the growth
of drama. Broadly speaking, the problem is, however, different
with us. Despite the growth in our dramatic literature, no
permanent theatre has yet grown in our State. “No play is
complete”, Robert Speaight rightly remarks, “until it is performed”.
Occasional amateur performances do not help to create a theatre
and without the active cooperation of an institution as permanent
theatre, no drama can grow and thrive. The one grows with the
other and this interdependent growth helps to sustain both. The
question that might naturally be asked here is “Do you judge a
:

play by literary standards or those of the footlights?” My answer

will be: “By both.”
novel

The Baptist Missionaries wanted to propagate religion through

literature. To achieve this end, they took to prose and verse both
and thus effected a significant departure from the largely accepted
medium of the Vaishnava age which was verse only. With a
view to disseminate the ideas of Christian piety, John Bunyan’s
The Pilgrim's Progress (1678) was chosen for translation; some
it were serialised in the Oronodoi during 1851.
parts of The Assamese
version of it is known as Jatrikar jatra\ with this creative fiction,
novel writing, slowly but steadily, came into vogue in our language.
This literary work of John Bunyan, who was himself a Baptist
and on whose writing the influence of the Bible is most pronounced,
found a ready response in the Baptist Missionaries of the Oronodoi
circle working in Assam. It is said that the “evangelists” with
flowing narrative and the colloquial ease and force of parabolic
teaching meet us in almost every page of The Pilgrim's Progress
(Peter Westland). Besides its style, vivid, simple and terse,

characteristics evident in Oronodoi writings, had its own appeal

to the unlettered and the cultured alike. Whatever that may be,
it would, however, be wrong to suppose that the translated version
of The Pilgrim's Progress is the first novel in Assamese or anything
approximating that. At best, it is a religious allegory in prose
that depicts the “progress of every Christian soul, with its aspira-
202 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

tions, its struggles, its weaknesses, its recoveries, along the path
of life”.
A. C. Ward describes The Pilgrim's Progress on the other hand
as the “lonely instance of a Christian novel which, as literature,
is not inferior to the great secular novels”. He says further
4
‘Here for the time in English imaginative prose, the characters
first

possess the vital third dimension they have depth, they step away
:

from the background.” This can be said that to Jatrikar jatra t

noted for its purposeful appraisal of character and situation, the
Assamese novel of the succeeding period must have owed a
certain debt. Jatrikar jatra was circumscribed in its influence;
nevertheless, both as a piece of imaginative prose and fiction, it is
historically significant.
Another Christian theme, the Kani-beharuar sadhu (1876) has
for its story a Scottish background. Its central idea is the mono-

lithic Christian doctrine, according to which salvation lies solely in

Christ. The search for wild birds’ eggs as represented by the
central figure of the story is symbolic of man’s search for mundane
pleasures. Buffeted by the wearisome search, the hero finds solace
and security ultimately in Christ; the story is of the type of a
popular parable. Thus, the social theme for fiction with a religious
motif caught on. Translated by A. K. Gurney of the Baptist
Mission, Elokeshi baishyar bis ay a novelette originally in Bengali
>

by Miss M. E. Lesley, was published in Assamese in 1877. The

focus was on our social environment. It depicts conflict in
a girl widow’s life beguiled into evil ways by designing persons.
Ultimately she is saved from this social cesspool by a nun who
ordains her into the Christian faith. From the technical stand-
point, therea concerted effort in this work at character portrayal
is

and plot development that projects social conditions at their

degrading worst.
Kamimkanta (1877) by A. K. Gurney is a significant Christian
novel. This is a story of the desertion of original faith by a Bengali
youth, Kamir.ikanta, who wanted
embrace Christianity and the
to
natural mental torment suffered by his wife, Sarala. Through the
intervention of a common friend of the family, Narendra, there is a
 NOVEL 203

steady exchange of epistles between the husband and the wile,

—the former recounting the virtues of Christianity and the latter
protesting till at last she herself is converted to Christianity
together with the common friend of the family, Narendra and
his wife, Hemangi. The propaganda motive is so strong in this
work that it most of the basic considerations of aesthetics
relegates
into the background. That the characters belong to the highest
echelon of Hindu society, i.e the Brahmins is meaningful: the
rational spirit of Christianity could penetrate even into the strongest
citadel of Hindu orthodoxy. The end depicts the natural pros-
perity of Kaminikanta, a fact that seeks to carry the impression that
the acceptance of Christian faith is not only spiritually ennobling,
but economically rewarding also.
A work of fiction or novel is not cried down either for its subject-
matter or the idea that it seeks to unfold or propagate, provided
it does not distort or throw overboard the basic concepts of a novel.

In the traditional sense, the requisites are (*) the novelist’s

:

creative power, (ii) the power to tell a story, (Hi) the power to
make characters live, and (iv) a certain balanced plot-development.
Kaminikanta is the first story in Assamese to delineate socio-psycho-
logical tension through characterisation and necessary plot-construc-
tion; from this standpoint, it can easily be described as the first
traditional novel in Assamese.
Originally written in Bengali by Mrs. Mullens of the Baptist
Mission, Mrs. Gurney’s Phulmani aru Karuna (1877), a story about
women, is a work of translation. In her introductory note, Mrs.
Mullens says:

It is a book specially intended for native Christian women.

I have endeavoured to show in it the practical influence of
.

Christianity on the various details of domestic life... The

above subjects are woven into the title story, fictitious on
the whole, but founded upon facts.

Although limited to a narrow dimension, this story is a departure

in theme and thought. At the same time, one must remember
that a novel is not merely a record of homilies and “various details
204 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

of domestic life” The characters of the

or other aspects of “life”.
story do not they are like drainpipes $tted into Mrs. Mullens’
live;

fixed mental idiom. This work is devoid of any historical signi-

ficance from the point of the development of our novel.
The of Christian missionary writers was circums-
perspective
cribed, an
admitted drawback against creation of anything
ennobling either from the point of technique or aesthetics.
Though the chosen theme of Christian fiction was generally social,
the preponderance of religion diminished whatever social appeal
they could be expected to have. To say that they are the first

social novels in our language In between these

is incorrect.
Christian efforts appeared Padmavati Phukanani’s Sudharmar
upakhyan (1884), the first work of fiction by a woman. Unini-
tiated to the technique of novel writing, Phukanani’s work
remained a loosely-knit story of the upakhyana type and did not
have any impact on subsequent novels. Likewise, H. C. Barua's
(1835-97) Bahire rangchang bhitare kowabhaturi is not a novel in the

strict sense of the term. It is at best a ficton type prose essay with
over-drawn characters and situation.
With P. N. Gohain-Barua and Rajani Bardoloi (1867-1939), the
novel in the modern sense emerged; the theme of their novels was
mainly historical and romantic. A touch of imagination was
introduced into the closed precincts of history, and the novel, which
isoften described as “fictitious prose narrative in which characters
and actions representative of real life are portrayed in a plot of
more or less complexity” emerged during the nineties of the last
century.
History is not a choreography of ossified moments. The success
of a historical novel depends on the writer’s capacity to absorb
the spirit of the past imaginatively and to transmute it into reality;
this creative resurrection of the past is only possible if the writer
possesses a “dialectical understanding of reality” and also the capa-
city to identify himself with the swing and swirl of historical forces.
The success of Gohain-Barua and Bardoloi as historical novelists lies

mind being largely attuned to such a spirit.

in the fact of their
Gohain-Barua’s Bhanumati was serialised in the Bijoli during 1890;
 NOVEL 205

his Lahori was published in 1892. The setting of the first is the
history of Moamaria revolution against Ahom
and that of the
rule
second is Burmese invasion of Assam; the central theme in
these works is youthful romance. The situations are made com-
plex, a particular event cutting into another and thus confounding
the issue. The characters are not complicated : storms toss them;
nonetheless they show a certain dignity and and
discipline, poise
power to control events and forces at strife with one another. At
the same time, events often prove too powerful, as in Bhanumati ’,

to be controlled. The climax in this story is reached with Bhanu-

mati seeking a watery grave like Shakespeare’s Ophelia and the
other woman-character Tara becoming a spiritual recluse. In
Lahori there is an element of drama that gives it an animated
sensationalism, but deprives it of artistic elegance. Though they
are historical novels, history, except giving credence to the story,
is seen only in dim perspective.
Rajani Bardoloi has popularised history in the picturesque;
it is in his hands that the novel assumed its distinctive character.

In those settled times after the vacation of Burmese occupation and

the full-fledged consolidation of British rule in the land, history
naturally gratified man’s craving for more glamorous pictures
of enchanted one of the reasons behind the popularity
life; this is

of historical themes both with the reader and the writer in those
days. But the substance of history, except environment pro-
viding the setting of the story, was hardly touched upon; besides,
except providing sentimental and emotional appraisal of history,
there is no probe in the novels into the social motivations of
political events.
novelist, Rajani Bardoloi drew his inspiration mainly from
As a
Sir Walter Scott and Bankim Chatterjec of Bengal. This he ackno-
wledges in the preface to his novel Dandowa droh (1909). Except
Miri Jiyari (1895), a romantic talc in a tribal social environ-
ment, the rest of his novels arc historical-cwra-romantic in inspira~
tion. Powerful in appeal and tragic in denouement, Miri Jiyari
enacts the sad love story of a Miri boy and girl, Jangki and Panei.
Characters are few in the novel, but each one of them is developed
14
206 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

adequately in keeping with the tenets of aesthetic balance. Although

Miri Jiyari is Bardoloi’s first novel, it shows the qualities of the
novelist in transparent grace. The narrative is graphic and the
environment, particularly nature, is with a passion.
delineated
It won’t be an exaggeration to say that Miri Jiyari embodies
Bardoloi’s yearning for a Rousseauite return to nature. The greatest
technical blemish of the author, as evident from Miri Jiyari and
Rangili (1925), is however his digressive departures unwarranted
by compulsions of technique or aesthetics.
In his historical novels, Bardoloi mingled the authentic figures
of history with those of his imagination and effectively buttressed
romance with truth. Of these, Manomati (1900), a romantic story
in the context of Burmese invasion, is the author’s best. Historical
events like the defeat of the Assamese garrisons in the hands of the
Burmese at Hadirachaki arc used as a backdrop for this romantic
tale of two storm-tossed lovers. In the true Romeo and Juliet
manner, the conflict between the two feudal families to which the
lovers belonged is Manomati belonged to the family of
shown.
Chandi Barua, Barnagar and her lover Lakshmikanta
chieftain of
to that of another nobleman Halakanta Barua. In the romantic
interlude, Manomati’s young friend Pamila and a mendicant
Santiram play a significant role.
The plot of Manomati is a complex tour de force type; the
denouementis a simple relieving solution. Both the pairs of
lovers are united, Manomati with Lakshmikanta and Padumi
with Santiram. Padumi, a helpless victim of Burmese vandalism,
is an image of tragedy, but the way she conducts herself even in her

saddest ordeal, taciturn and inward looking, intelligent and alert,

is a tribute to womanhood in general. In portraying the charac-
ter of Manomati and Pamila, Bardoloi must have drawn his
inspiration from two mythopoetic prototypes, Usha and Chitra-
lekha. Manomati is Usha in love and Pamila Chitralekha in her

warmth of feelings and intelligent overtures. Even Santiram

Bhakat addresses her as Chitralekha: 'Tamila, no, Chitralekha
you^e. Won’t it be possible for you, Chitralekha, to put some
one else in charge of this mission?” There is an element of sus-
 NOVEL 207

pense in the novel. Apparently Santiram is carefree but under-

neath the exterior of his gay abandon there is an undefined agony,
the springs of which are visible only towards the end.
To be brief, Manomati is a story of simple beauty told in a lucid,
limpid language; sympathy is the keynote of Bardoloi as a novelist,
sympathy for virtues and strength, petty weaknesses and foibles
of his characters, all alike. The blemish, as evident in Manomati ,
is his unnecessary digression into rigmarole of man’s socio-
religious conduct, a thing that inevitably acts as a deterrent to
precise aesthetic growth.
But for the streaks of spiritual light, Rangili (1925) is basically
a novel of gloom. Unyielding in her idealism, the heroine is a
symbol of patience and fortitude. The setting is one of Burmese
invasion during the last decades of Ahom rule and of a society
in its disintegrating phases. The character of Rangili, human
and sublime, is a psychological projection of these social reflexes.
With the death of her lover, Satram, she becomes a Vaishnava.
Like Rangili, the heroine of Rahdai Ligiri also suffers incredibly
due to corrupting court intrigues and antipathy, brought about
by her love for a common youth, Dayaram, a fact that enflames
royal wrath. Except that it is technically more developed,
Nirmal Bhakat (1926) is thematically like any Christian novel of
the Oronodoi type where the religious strain is pronounced; the
story as it develops sharpens and does not overshadow it. Nirmal
who was taken captive by the Burmese during their last invasion
of Assam returns after a long span of years only to discover that
a terrific change has overtaken the lar*d. Even his own wife,
Rupahi, had married their childhood playmate Aniram. Nirmal
emerges in a new light; he does not disturb their conjugal happi-
ness by disclosing his identity, but seeks solace in Vaishnavism.
All foreign invasions have a catalectic impact and so had the
repeated Burmese invasions of Assam; this brought about a disin-
tegrating social upheaval that stirred Bardoloi’s responsive mind
and intellect. Traditionalist by temperament, he sought to
rejuvenate society according to Vaishnava spiritual tenets. Though
primarily a romantic story, in Tamreswari mandir (1936) there is a
208 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

conflict between two trends of religious thought, Tantrism and

Vaishnavism, the latter ultimately triumphing over the former.
In contrast to it, Dandowa droh (1909) may be described as a poli-
tical novel that pivots round the peasants’ revolt of 1880 against
the Ahom viceroy of Gauhati, Badanchandra; Haradatta and
Biradatta provided the leadership in this revolt; the one died fighting
and the other was court-martialled in captivity. Interwoven into
this setting of war is a love-story that redeems history with a roman-
tic appeal. In Bardoloi’s hands, women characters generally
enjoy a more illuminating focus. His other two novels are Radha
Rukmini (1925) and Khamba aru Thaibi. Noted for its tragic
intensity, the latter is a romantic story based on a legendary
episode of Manipur.
To sum up (i) Bardoloi’s novels are an imaginative re-creation
:

of history that does not prevaricate or distort the basic perspective,

(ii) Bardoloi has a basic concept about society that enflames his
consciousness as a writer throughout, (iii) Bardoloi’s writings are
inspired with a spirit of patriotism, romantic at its exuberant best.
He loves nature, hills and dales, rivers and streams, because of
their inherent romantic possibility. He loves history because it

is romantically attractive. He loves abnormal situations, war and

rebellion, because they enflame romantic imagination. He loves
women because they are symbols of pristine grace and beauty,
(ip) Bardoloi’s forte lies chiefly in the development of situations
in which desperate women face crisis and resolve it without
however denying or suppressing their deepest feeling and with
natural candour, intelligence and dynamism of spirit. 0 Bardo-
( )

loi’s characters are not princes and potentates; they are mostly

humble folks with their tiny joys and sorrows.

The strength of Bardoloi’s technique lies in his plot construction
and character study. He loves sensationalism for it added rhythm
to the sinews of his stories. There is but it
conflict in his novels,
is formalistic and keyed to a set pattern. The
of theinitial years

novel that synchronised with the life-work of Gohain-Barua and

Bardoloi are marked by a certain development of social conscious-
ness, the result of which was the growth of satire and exploitation
 NOVEL 209

of historical materials for story purposes. Often the novel is descri-

bed as a “twin sister” of the drama, for, it is equally privileged to
arouse deep and strong emotions. A certain element of drama is

present in the novels of both Gohain-Barua and Bardoloi. Despite

skill in other literary avenues, L. N. Bezbarua attained no significant
success as a novelist nor did his only novel Padumkumari (1905)
on a similar theme as Bardoloi’s Dandowa droh (1909) hold out any
promise.
The vital spring of literary enthusiasm of the twenties and thir-
ties was the resurgence of ideas and impulse produced by our
freedom movement; all-embracing in character, it quickened
national life condemned to stagnation under foreign rule and re-
leased new social ideas and sense of literary values. Dandi Kalita
whose Sadhana (1938) is a departure from the historical trend
initiated by Gohain-Barua and Bardoloi is a pioneer in the field
of social novel. In 1908 Kalita first tried his hand at the histori-
cal novel. This work Phul is an evidence of immaturity.
Sadhana depicts two parallel sets of characters, one dedicated to
selfless social work and the other professing only lip loyalty to

the cause. Spiritually devoted to the cause, the hero, Dinabandhu,

symbolises an idealism that is nourished by new social thinking.
Although emancipation has given Rambha an opportunity, true
idealism deludes her. In contrast to her, there are two gentle and
strong-willed women-characters, Prabha and Usha, to whom
dedication to a cause is an article of faith. Though in characterisa-
tion and conflict of impulses Sadhana attains considerable
success, the work is not without technical blemish. It is true
that certain sensational suspense adds edge to a novel as to
a drama, but when it is sought to be over-dramatised through
plot-manoeuvre, much of the creative poise of a literary work is

either lost or distorted. The weakest spot of the story is its end
which is melodramatic. Kalita’s Abishkar (1950) is a social novel
with a powerful theme marred by poorer perception. His other
novels are Parichay (1950) and Gana-viplav (1951). Set in the
context of the Moamaria revolution against Ahom oligarchy, the
latter is a historical novel; the narrative is poor and does not show
210 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

any of the promise held out earlier. Kalita’s art is monographic.

To him, characters are either good or bad and in between these
two broad divisions, there is no room for an intermediate type.
If the impact of Gandhian renascence touched only the fringe
of Kalita’s psychology, it was fundamental with Daiba Talukdar.
His novels Dhuwali Kuwali (1922), Apurna> Agneyagiri (1924),
Vidrohi (1939) and Adarskapitk are mostly snapshots of the tone
and temper of the time. Despite overburdening moral didacticism,
Talukdar sets a tradition of social probe in his novels. This
idealism is projected through the hero of Adarshapith , a man who
symbolises social consciousness and seeks to fashion society into
a new framework. What had remained unfulfilled in Apurna due
to the hero Premadhar’s death finds an extension in Agneyagiri;
the central figure Kanak is a Gandhian radicalist who throws
splinters on the painted veil of social customs, for, they are sham
and irrational. This theme finds a further expression in Vidrohi .

Thematically, Talukdar has widened the scope of the novel; it is as a

soothing teller of story that he is handicapped, particularly because
of his disjointed style and over-exuberance of design; mere propaga-
nda in the guise of art cannot replace the demands of aesthetics.
In spite of Kalita and Talukdar, our novel after Rajani Bardoloi
did not make any significant headway till the forties and the
succeeding decade of this century. True it is that attempts were
made by writers proficient mainly in other literary avenues like Sarat
Goswami ( Panipath , 1930), Santiram Das (Vairagi, 1921), H. N.
Datta-Barooa ( Ckitra Darshan , 1930) and Sneha Bhattachaijya
(Bina, 1926), but none of them could register any significant pro-
gress, perhaps because they lacked that absorbing passion which
a specialised branch of literary art as the novel needed. Except
Kalita’s Sadhana and Dina Sarma’s Usha> serialised in the Awahon
during 1938, these years are lean in novel. Usha is a romantic
story that marks a deviation from pre-occupation with social and
historical themes of the years preceding.
Bina Barua’s Jivanav Batat (1945) has introduced a refreshing
breeze into the limited canvas of our novel. This novel is noted
for its graphic probe into the tiny joys and sorrows of the man in
 NOVEL 211

the masses and for rural vignettes and environment. Both

Tagar and Kamali are lovely feminine characters; the compelling
interest of the story lies in the fascination they weave. Around
a simple theme, the author weaves a wide texture of village life,
some of the snapshots of which are vivid and vibrant like cinema-
tographic portraits. There is a conflict of circumstances and the
reaction of characters thereto is in a remote way psychological.
The humanistic in appeal and dynamic in character and
story is

environment. The “strategic conclusion” of the story is, however,,

blatantly conventional, a medieval romance- type device.
encouraging to note that our novel has registered an inspi-
It is
ring progress duringand after the last War. This is the period
when the rural compromise of our life was experiencing a steady
dissolution due to uncertain and unstable conditions created by the
War. From pre-occupation of writers in rural themes during this
period, as in Jivanar Batat it won’t be wrong to suppose that there
y

was an attempt to capture scenes and experiences before they

were consigned into oblivion. Yet, the years were sterile from
the literary point of view. This stifling effect on creative work
was the natural outcome of the sense of insecurity and instability
generated by war conditions. With the threat of war receding
after Hiroshima, new signs of life became visible. The post-War
social consciousness, the edge of which was chiselled by the people’s
movement of 1942, was created principally by a monthly journal
called Jayanti (1943) under the editorship of K. N. Dev. Once
the enthusiasm was created, it caught on and literature took upon
itself the task of reflectng this spirit of rejuvenation.
The problem of poverty and social injustice dominates Md.
Piar’s inspiration. His novels are Priti-upahar (1947), Sangram
(1948), Marahapapari , Jivan noir janji (1949), Harowa swarga (1952)
and Hyphen (1959); the last one is an abridged edition of Tols-
toy’s Anna Karenina Other novels of the period with socio-eco-
.

nomic problems as themes are Dina Sarma’s Sangram Jamiruddin’s ,

Samaj sanghat sangram Mathura Deka’s Humuniyah, Saumer’s

,

Keranir kapal etc. Though their contribution to the popularity of

the social novel is undeniable, the appraisal of socio-economic
212 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

problems in these novels is photographic rather than psychoanaly-

tic.

The initial years of the post-War panorama are Md. Piar’s years.
His Sangram> auto-biographical in a large measure, brings into
focus the problems of lower middle class society that believes neither
in resignation to the will of God nor submits to social and econo-
mic injustices,but struggles on bravely with a will to overcome
defeat. The central figure of the novel Rafique symbolises such a
spirit. Harowa swarga is identical in spirit and in reaction to hostile
circumstances. Md. Piar’s language is graphic, although vitupera-
tive at times. His characters are intrepid human beings. No
ideological bias of a political type disturbs Md. Piar’s social pen-
portraits and that is why they are free from dogma and rancour.
Except for Dina Sarma’s Nadai that depicts an idealised portrait
of village life with a passion for the “good earth” and its lyrical
sensibilities, the bias for lower middle class life is pronounced in
the novels of this period. Slightly reminiscent of Pearl Buck’s
Good Earthy Nadai represents conflict between two trends of thought,
one of status quoism represented by Nadai and the other, a radical
one, by his sons. Sarma’s Sangram depicts life in a small town
where the central figure of the story, Buddhinath, is a sojourner;
his defeat is not the defeat of an ideal, it is a defeat imposed by
conscience. Santi is a story of urbanised life and the situation,
despite brilliant character study at places, is unnecessarily compli-
cated with incidents and events, digressions and details. Santi com-
pares unfavourably with Sarma’s own earlier creations, Nadai
and Sangram .

Hitesh Deka’s natural talents for objective appraisal find a better

life, problems of peasantry,
expression in the depiction of rural
imbalances imposed by extraneous forces, land hunger of intere-
sted people etc. His Ajir Manuh (1952) and Mati kar (1958) are
realistic portraits of problems; in a sense, the latter is a political

tract with a programme in the guise of a story. His two other

novels are Bharaghar (1957) and Aeyalu Jivan (1962). The first

of these two depicts problems of lower middle class society. To

be brief, Deka’s popularity rests on the story itself rather than on
 NOVEL 213

any technical skill or sensitive appraisal of character and situation.

Like Dina Sarma, he too has failed in his subsequent novels to
achieve even his own standard established in Ajir Manuk. In point
of lively exposition of peasant life, Ghana Gogoi’s Sonar Nangal is a
successful work. Though the story is absorbing and has an elemental
force, his Bhumi Kanya (1962) is a hybridisation of two trends, rural
and urban; the idyllic beauty of rural idiom is oddly affected by
the introduction of urbanised jargon. The end of the story,
although gripping, is melodramatic in the most extraordinary sense.
Elaborate in diction, P. D. Rajkhowa’s Bhular Samadhi is a story
of characters delineated against a wide canvas of pre-War problems.
The writer is ruthless in his appraisal. Unlike Vivek of R. M.
Goswami’s Chaknoiya the hero of Rajkhowa’s novel suffers from no
,

morbid self-appraisal or despair born of futility. Era and Mira

are two fine women characters. Premnarayan Datta’s success
in detective novels, it is true, has deterred serious critics from gran-
ting him attention. But the fact remains that the note of serious-
ness and of raillery, of tenderness and of laughter blend in full
accord in whatever he writes, no matter how trivial or insipid the
theme might be. His notable detective novels are Dindakait
(1947) and Ramtangun (1950). His novels are Niyalir Nirmali
and Pranayar suti. Datta gives substance and verisimilitude to
strangely incoherent situations; his laughter is invariably unob-
trusive.
1954 witnessed two noteworthy novels of social study: R. M.
Goswami’s Chaknoiya and Naba Barua’s Kapiliparia sadhu this was ;

followed by Jogesh Das’s Dawar am nai ( 1955) One of the striking

.

developments of the post-War period in the novel is pre-occupation

with social and sociological themes. The total impression one is
left with in Chaknoiya is the sad imbalance, the discrepancy between

man’s ideal and its realisation due to futility of attitude. Vivek

is not defeated in his faith, he wants to keep alive the “spark of

human dignity”; it is his conscience that is disturbed. Though

devoid of Vivek’s idealistic vein, other characters in the story like
Amala are portrayed in the full glow of colour rather than in sepia.
Within the framework of reality and relevance, the novelist is a
214 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

man who keeps through life the eye of a child dilating at the
and marvels of the human scene. In the sweep
oddities, surprises
and range, poignancy and architectonics of Goswami’s Chaknoiya ,
all this is reflected. His second novel is Bamarali (1958).
Naba Barua’s Kapiliparia sadhu ,
a story of strife and struggle,
disillusion and despair, may
be described as poetry based on extre-
mely refined assimilation of reality. Like Blackmore’s Lorna Doone
(1869), the narration is “forever running into the rhythms of
verse”, a characteristic that is basically antagonistic to stem effects.
Rupai, the central figure of the story is a child of the river, his
life-spring twined into its panorama. The story interest does not
flag; it reaches a tragic climax when Rupai is deterred from per-

forming the sradh ceremony of his father Dhirsingh, for, he was a

mere foundling in the floods; this accounts for his psychology of
intense attachment to the river. This may be defined, to use
the words of Paul West, as the “view of man in the abstract”.
Such a story, slim as a poplar tree, might easily become over-
burdened with sentimentalism or politico-ethical amplitudes.
In Barua’s lyrical hands, it rings true as a whole.
The violent tempo of the last War created many social and
psychological problems in our State. Jogesh Das’s ( b 1927) .

Dawar aru nai is a graphic portrait of the psycho-social currents

and complexes in the perspective of War, an “uneasy scrapping on
the scalp”, to use D. H. Lawrence’s words. Like C. E. Montague’s
Disenchantment (1922) and Rough Justice (1926), it is a blatant
exposure of the ugliness of War. Unlike Vivek of Chaknoiya y the
hero of this novel Bakhar is not “sickbed o’er with the pale cast of
thought”; in his mission of social understanding, Bakhar finds a
friend in Jivan, a political worker, through whom the 1942 move-
ment for freedom is splashed suggestively into the canvas. There are
two sets of parallel characters in the novel. One Garela, Gauri :

and in certain respects Anupama suffering from the decadence of

the soul due to War-time social whirlpool; this, Das portrays
with relentless reality. And another Bakhar, Bhim, Nizam and
:

Jivan who refuse to be affected by War-intoxication; this, Das

portrays with fidelity and sympathy.
 NOVEL 215

Broadly humanistic in appeal and intimate in delineation of War-

time crisis of confidence, Dawar aru nai is noted for its author’s sense
of technical restraint and control over verbal medium as also his
capacity to fit action into a setting and invest it with picturesque
illusions. Jogesh Das has a way of dramatising his characters’
feelings in terms of their own consciousness and let them alone to
unfold their story. Das has drawn illuminating portraits of women
whether in the nubile or uneasy married stage. His other
novels are Sahari pai, Jonakir Jui (1956) and Nirupat nirupai (1963)*
The average reader tended to dismiss James Joyce and Virginia
Woolf as “self-conscious highbrows”, but to try to dismiss Dr.
P. D. Goswami as such would be difficult. His Kechapatar kapani
is an interesting experiment in technique and character study.

The central character Utpal is eccentric not in the way that some of
Homen Bargohain’s or Padma Barkataki’s characters are eccentric,
for, they have a “method” even in their eccentricity, but in a way
that vague and undefined. Utpal’s eccentricity is temperamental;
is

perhaps the author wanted to portray him as a symbol of the

restiveness of the time and the romantic halo in young impres-
sionable minds that the Communist underground movement
generally produced. His women-characters like Nilima and
Minati are typical of the lower middle class urbanised mind, basi-
cally distorted in attitude and outlook. To be brief, there is in
the story an inconsequential search for a suitable equation in life
between discordant forces, personal and socio-political; it shows
how enervating the deadlock of minds could be. With Dr. Goswami,
the main aesthetic problem lies in the fact of union and reconcilia-
tion of the many diverse elements in the eccentric.
In 1958 was published Kailash Sarma’s Vidrohi Nagar Hatat
although the portrayal of situation and character is bold, and at
times exasperatingly vivid, the author’s approach is pragmatic
and he suffers from a strange kind of dualism between prejudice
and sympathy; it is a story about hostile Nagas, including their
underground cells. Technically the novel is not without blemish.
Sarma’s another novel, romantic in theme, on Naga life is Anami
Nagini (1963). Although the author has succeeded in giving
216 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

intimate pictures of Naga socio-ritualistic life and the story is lyrical

all through, the plot is thin and inept. A novel of conscience,
the only major work on Naga life is Biren Bhatta’s Iyaruingam (1960)
which means “people’s raj” in the Naga language.
The life of the simple Naga people, the impact of Christianity
on a section of them and their traditional concepts, political consci-
ousness and a new sense of values under altered conditions generated
by Japanese thrust into the area as also the introduction of Mr*
Phizo’s ideas of an independent Naga State, all this is brought
into a convincing focus in Biren Bhatta’s Iyaruingam And against .

thisbackground of conflict of minds runs like a silver thread the

love story of Richang and Khutingla, dauthter of Nazak. The
situation complex, but the author’s quality of deft narration
is

and inward sympathy for these people gives it the natural sponta-
neity of sunshine in a wintry day; the canvas of the novel is wide,
although the perspective is limited.
Bhatta has to his credit two other novels Rajpathe ringiai

{1957) and Ai (1960). The former is a political novel; the pano-

rama of the ’42 struggle for national freedom with all its agonising
experiences of fulfilment reels off like a series of cinematographic
“slides” in the mind of Mohan, the central character, on August
15, 1947. This re-appraisal is made in a phraseology which is

so much chiselled that at times it takes away much of the intensity

of the idiom. Although the end is depressingly melodramatic,
Ai paints social vignettes of rural life with an intimate brush, the
traditional socio-economic rural compromise being rudely challenged
by distress and difficulty, urbanised passion and prejudice.
Though it is and short story writers trans-
often said that poets
gressing into novel writing do not generally make a success of
the job, the same cannot be said of Abdul Malik. Deeply
sensitive, Malik’s passage from short story to novel is a rewarding
experience. Despite the author’s socially conscious mind, roman-
ticundercurrents are vivid in his first novel Ratharchakari ghure
(1958) as also in the subsequent one, Bonjui (1958). In Chhabighar
(1959), this undercurrent becomes an overtone. Marked by
a sort of structural depravation, this novel is of the type of a film
 NOVEL 217

journal story and whatever appeal it has is merely snob-appeal.

Notwithstanding nobody can question Malik’s felicitous con-
this,

trol of the medium of communication and his sensitive reaction

to experience.
The river is not merely a symbol of romantic association; the
river and the life of man, not in a mystical lyrical vein, are woven
into a common destiny. Kapiliparia sadhu is a novel of “liquid
beauty”; other novels written against the background of rivers,
some pseudo-romantic and some realistic, are K. P. Barthakur’s
Luitar parare dhurtia suwalijani and Luitar epare sipara Kumar Kishore’s ,

Kapili nirave kande Nirupama Bargohain’s Sei nadi niravadhi etc.;

,

but the most powerful impact of river on man is drawn by

Abdul Malik in his Surujmukhir swapna (1960), a story of rural
idealism.
Surujmukhir swapna paints the life of a Muslim village, fortified
and often disturbed by the river Dhansiri; even in devastation, it

builds up hopes and aspirations that generate in the people a relent-

misfortune. The replacement of Tara by her
less will to resist

widowed mother Kapahi in marriage with Gulas,

thirty-year old
a hardworking young peasant, is brought about in a tour de force
manner. This appears to be inept, but the total effect of the story
is so powerfully moving that it ultimately forces one into believing
what is palpably unbelievable. Tara, deep in affection and
agonised in mind, has the elegance of a sunflower; Kapahi, who
has seen and seen it whole, is a wily type, motivated not by any
life

dreams but by designs only. Although slightly pornographic in

fundamental vision, Malik’s Jiajurir ghat (1960) is a story of
intense human interest. His other novels are Kanthahar (1961),
Anya akash anya tara (1962) and Ruptirthar jatri (1963). Though
usually his reactions are not those of an idealist but of a romanticist
with a glazed vision, Malik’s sensitive approach to situation is some-
thing that is inherent and his response to problems that plague
society is something that is instinctive. He depicts social problems
with protests and no Jogesh Das does so with regrets
regrets, while
and no protests. Without suffering from any ideological bias,
Malik’s soul is deeply attuned to the soil whether of rural country-
218 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

side or of urban complexes; in the depiction of both, he wields

an equally facile pen.
Although each has atleast a standard work to his credit, novelists
from Dandi Kalita to Biren Bhatta have drawn so heavily on their
emotional reserve that nothing they have produced subsequently
has succeeded in achieving the norm they themselves have
established. With Rasna Barua who is Bina Barua of Jivanar
Bataty it is different. The socio-economic life of the labour people,
their occasional sex lapses as also those of the European manager
of the tea garden and his wife Mrs. Miller, a perpetually sex-
starved woman, all these details are brought into a psycho-patho-
logical focus in Rasna Barua’s Seujipatar Kahini (1958). Besides
Nareswar, a village lad who finds a job with the garden manager,
Soniya, a girl of the labour community who is both intelligent
and attractive, is psychologically a precise character. Her
extraordinary intelligence, her temperamental idiosyncracies, all
these are a subtle confirmation of her illegitimate birth, European
father and tea garden labour mother. Besides Nareswar’s moral
revulsion at the sex overtures of Mrs. Miller is itself a sad commen-
tary on the British colonial society of our country.
Very often than not, Barua is digressive in the manner of the 1 9th
century English novel, a worn-out technical device that from the
point of reality and relevance produces a dissipating effect. Redun-
dant from the point of the story, the fully limned picture of Ojar
gaon may be taken as an instance. Somehow or rather, the story,
an absorbing one with illuminating flashes of character study
and theme, gets bogged down in departures of this sort and over-
elaboration of certain aspects of social life; the result is that one
reaches the end with an exasperated feeling of relief. Precision
is art, pointless over-elaboration is reverse of it. Seujipatar Kahini
is at best a descriptive novel with a psychological undertone.
C. P. Saikia’s Mandakranta (1960) is a story of romantic idealism
leaning heavily on purple passages; the author’s sympathy for
the suffering Moseses like Dipak is unquestionable. The two
women characters Urmi and Indira with their maudling fashionable
ideals, didactic approach to life and exciting responses are just
 NOVEL 219

the love-and-marry type of girls; even their youthful dreams are

pale and shadowy. This must be said that Saikia seeks to present
life with photographic accuracy, but not without detachment.

Mandakranta has more colour than cohesion. His subsequent

novel Meghamallar (1963) shows by contrast much developed tech-
nical qualities.
There are generally two accepted literary ways of writing about
sex with artistic integrity :
(
)
openly pornographic that stimulates
excitement in both the reader and the writer, and («) Miss Mc-
Carthy’s way in which “excitement is out of the question for reader
and author With Jogesh Das and Rasna Barua, it is the
alike”.
second method. With Padma Barkataki and Homen Bargohain,
it is the first. Whatever that may be, although concerned prima-
rily with sexual aberrations, it would be wrong to describe Padma
Barkataki’s art as essentially pornographic. It is subtly satirical
in a modern context.
Barkataki’s pre-occupation is with urban life, the new class born
of fashionable ideals, the strings of whom are artificially tied to the
world of hybrid western culture, the rejuvenated relic of a colo-
nial past. Manar dapon (1959) is a story of silent love between
Abhoy, a press correspondent and Padumi, a village girl driven to
desperation and death by circumstances. Into this simple
framework are thrown Mr. Barua, a barrister-at-laws turned busi-
nessman, Janu, a butterfly of a college girl, Kangshi, a Khasi woman,
Mrs. Bora and Mahesh. Pari passu with it is drawn an atmosphere
of club-life, sham aristocracy, wine and women. The story may
be described as half-fiction and half-autobiography enriched
with odd types and incidents that can aptly be described as
George Sorrow’s type of “literature of vagabondage”.
Whether in language or plot-construction, delineation of character
or situation, Barkataki maintains a posture of excitement all
through, often morbid, but nevertheless gripping in appeal. His
other novels are Khabar bichari (1960) and Kono khed nai (1963).
The last one is a historical novel woven round queen Phuleswari
of Siva Singha (1714-1736). Historical materials about this
romantic Ahom queen who showed great power and wisdom in
220 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

statecraft are limited; nevertheless Barkataki paints a convincing

picture of the queen in all its tragic anti-climax with sympathy
and concern. Kono khed nai is fictional biography embellised with
subtle characterisation.
If C. P. Saikia is subjective and sentimental, Homen Bargohain
is impersonal and objective with a vengeance. A powerfully told
story of sex, in Subala (1963) Bargohain describes the grimness,
and misery, physical squalor and spiritual emptiness associated
with the world of prostitution with enviable insight and intimacy.
The principal character of the story Subala is rent asunder bet-
ween two conflicting emotions, the horrors of dying, for, she does
not want to commit suicide to escape the ordeal of economic priva-
tions, and the horror of living in the vortex of debasing conditions
she has been beguiled into by men of monstrous perversity like
Naren and Although generally Bargohain’s philosophy is
others.
negative, Subala, without any pseudo-sense of morality or ethical
reserve reaches to the most obscure and hidden levels of conscious-
ness and human sympathy. Subala’s protracted disintegration
is chartered with acid compassion; the author seems to speak

through his characters, adopting for semi-ironic oratio obliqua the

cliches they would themselves use; naturally the dialogue is brisk
without obvious straining after effect. To conclude: Homen
Bargohain is affirmative in two different ways; aesthetically, in
his capacity to produce “harmony and radiance”; psychologically,
in his capacity to produce the effect of understanding by resolution
of tension inherent in characters.
L. N. Bora’s Gangachilanir pakhi (1963) is a story of rural life, of
quaint peasantry and their problems complicated by steady erosion
of traditional values due to the intrusion of urban attitudes of life

into the panorama of rural compromise. Apart from the fact

that certain incidents in their minor details are over-dramatised,
the central character Basanti is psychologically an adroit portrait;
although the end of the story is one of anticlimax, the narration
is and picturesque, suave and expressive all through.
restrained
Sexual attachment portrayed in the story is refined and suggested
almost with a “clinical detachment”. L. N. Bora’s art is suffused
 NOVEL 221

with the “tone of time”, the colours of which are subdued and
outlines softened by the “pathos of distance”. Like Jogesh Das,
Abdul Malik and R. M. Goswami, Bora is stirred by the tragic
pathos of humanity caught between its urge for happiness and
the cruel limitations imposed by circumstances, social and material,
as also those rooted in the contradictions of human nature itself.
Like Johann Bojer’s, the stirrings with L. N. Bora are spiritual,
not in the sense of religious piety, but that of heart-interest. His
other novel is Sei sure uiala (1960).
Lumber Dai, an Adi young man of NEFA, has written two
enervating novels in Assamese : Pakarar ( 1 960)
site and
sile

Prithivir hahi (1963). Other noteworthy novels of recent years

are Sada Moral’s Sonapur ,
P. Bharadwaj’s Urania meghar chha ,
N. Bezbarua’s Natun diganta ,
B. Barua’s Manjctukar pat, Kiranmayee
Devi’s Jivan sangram Suresh Goswami’s Sat rangar natun kareng and
,

Maharanar binani , Tilak Das’s Silpi, Mathura Deka’s Devagiri,

Jamiruddin’s Abhijatri and Chandan , K. Sabhapandit’s Jivanar dabi ,
Nalini Chakravartty’s A lap maram, alap trisna and Surjya hano lukai
ache at aranyat , D. Bhattacharjya’s Adhunika Miss S. Rai-Ghau-
,

dhury’s Bamarali Kanchan Barua’s Asimat jar haral sima , Saumar’s

,

Kamini kanchan , G. S. Das’s Andharar atithi, K. Chaliha’s Sundarar

aghat, Jatin Goswami’s Matir bukut Kumar Kishore’s Sikhar kapani,
,

Chhayapalh and Kabor am kankal, Adya Sarma’s Jivanar lini adhaye ,

S. Patliak’s Bidayar akarshan and Uma Barua’s Luitar pare pare
and Sien noir dhau etc.

Conclusion:

In tone and temper, character and story, Christian novels ini-

tiated by the American Baptist Mission are made of the stuff
of contemporary life, man’s travail and sentiments; it is in
objectives and expression that they are circumscribed. Broadly
speaking, our novel until recent years, during which period it has
tended to become fairly psychological, had alternated between twev
phases, social and historical. Novel in the initial stage, as already
pointed out, was socio-religious under the inspiration of Baptist
Missionaries like A. K. Gurney. Padma Gohain-Barua and Rajani
15
222 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Bardoloi widened the frontiers of the novel by introducing subject-

matter from history. This must however be remembered that
mere transcription of history into creative prose is not literature,
as doggerel is not poetry. They did something more than trans-
cribe history, yet then, they were circumscribed within the limits
of their own idiosyncrasies. Gohain-Barua was feudalistic in tone
and Bardoloi a traditionalist by temperament. Although charac-
ter-study was not altogether neglected, they laid emphasis
more on the narration of events than on the conscious develop-
ment of technique.
It is true that the aim of these novelists was to create memorable
characters and to adorn their stories with moral idioms and ethical
susceptibility, to achieve which they developed the peculiar habit,
particularly Bardoloi, of interrupting the placid flow of their
stories with moral didacticism, an enemy of true aesthetics.
Their characters, if not outright shady, are usually identified with
certain stereotyped aspects in which either the good predominates
over the bad or the vice versa At the end of the story, the
.

reader is presented with a fait accompli of two sets of characters,

one good and the other bad, and the story is also manouevred
to fit into this pre-conccived pattern in a tour de force manner.
To be precise, the Assamese novel in the modern sense of the
term is only a decade and half old. The continued develop-
ment of the science of psychology has come to enrich and deepen
the inner susceptibilities of characters; its full impact on our lite-
rature is only a recent experience. Exploration of the regions
of the subconscious as also of the unconscious, new areas of disco-
very, has made the novelist turn his gaze more and more into
the dark areas of the mind that palpably exist between thought
and feeling. To the influence of Freudian and Jungian psycho-
logy and the slow dissolution of traditional moral compulsions
under the impact of rationalised attitude must be ascribed the
present-day pre-occupation with sex, as in Homen Bargohain’s
Subala . Likewise, apart from what the psychoanalysts have con-
tributed, to Dostoevasky may be ascribed the present-day pre-
occupation with morbid mental states, as in R. M. Goswami’s
 NOVEL 223

Chaknoiya. Thus the frontiers of our novel are extended in the

direction of (i) new conception of character nurtured in the
springs of inner consciousness, and (
it aesthetic consolidation of
pattern and composition
The salient features .of contemporary Assamese fiction may be
summed up as follows :
(i) Its pre-occupation with social problems.
Romantic absorption in lyrical rural vignettes is nothing but a
twilight glimmer of a closing day; it is the socio-economic as also
socio-psychological problems of rural and urban life that are
mostly reflected in these novels. In this limited framework
are depicted misfits in marriage, problems of frustrated love,
domestic clashes, sexual transgressions, inter-family feuds etc.
This must be said that our fiction writers write naturally about
rural life, avoiding stilted phraseology and abstruse symbolism.
(«) It is true that the romantic novel which outlines the hero as a
vapid individual who thinks and thinks and even wilfully indulges
in the luxury of futility continued to inspire our fiction writers in
some cases; but, by and large it is only a passing phase. Pari
passu with it, contemporary literary intentions have come in to
inspire our present-day fiction with a significant rhythm and
meaning, (iii) Our present-day fiction shows a bias towards
realism and sex. Whether this realism is the offspring of French
naturalism, Baudelaire, Flaubert or Maupassant, it is difficult to

say, but judging from the acuteness, the “Bovaric angle” from which
sex is portrayed, the impact of Moravia seems to be pronounced.
(iv) The historical novel, generally speaking, is out of vogue in
the modern context, for, like any other thing, the sources of history
cannot be perennial. Besides, because of the incessant researches
conducted into the dark cells of history, it no longer commands
that distant view lending “enchantment” to the perspective. v
( )

To conclude : In present-day fiction, the characters are much more

naturally and plausibly developed and the technical devices for
giving verisimilitudes and maintaining story interest are also
developed with a similar gusto.
short story

Young in tradition, — even in England it was in the period that

culminated in the first World War that short story first emerged
as a form to —
be reckoned with separately, short story is of the
stuff of life, while tales of romance with their eerie atmosphere are
unconnected with life’s natural landscape. It is strange to know
how some of the folk-tales find a common tradition from the Pamirs
to the Brahmaputra valley. These tales are the creative efforts

of a primitive folkmind at envisioning an atmosphere in which the

cold facts of life do not find a place. Despite this fact, that folk-tales

as such had a contribution to make to the growth and develop-

ment of the modern story, there is no doubt.
The history of modern Assamese short story can be divided into
three distinct periods: (i) the pre -Awahon era, i.e ., before 1929,
(ii) War, and (m) h* post-
the Awahon era that lasted upto the last
war era. Our modern short story that saw its birth under the
auspices of Jonaki is an offshoot of western literary impact. True it
is that certain traces of folk-tradition lingered on atlcast in the work

of pioneers like L. N. Bezbarua, yet then, the perspective of what

a modern story is was becoming steadily clear. Bezbarua’s initial
attempt was to re-create our folk-tales which he did in his own
inimitable homely style. His collections of folk-tales are Buri
air sadhu and Kakadeuta aru natilora (1912). It was in 1912 that his
 SHORT STORY 225

first collection of short stories Suravi was published. Though

traditional in outlook, Bezbarua’s stories are the first serious attempt
at depicting life naturally with its ethos arid elan , joys and despair.
What he depicted in his stories was mainly rural life and vignettes;
the emerging new class under British rule also engaged his serious
attention.
Without being cynical, Bezbarua was satirical in some of his
stories, a tradition that has been followed by some writers like
Mahi Bora and L. N. Phukan of the subsequent generation. Satire
isborn of a sense generally of intellectual superiority, but with
Bezbarua, who could laugh away the cruel follies of life, it was
different. What perplexed him was the sense of folly exhibited
by the so-called new class that basked under alien sunshine and
considered it real; his sense of patriotism was affected by these
blind social drifts which he lampooned with a deftness akin to
Swift. His stories like Bhempuria maujadar Dhowakhowa Dhar-
, ,

madhvaj Phoislanavis, Mangaluchandra Molak guin guin etc. are ins-

,

tances in point. To say in the words of Edith Sitwell, reading

them is like “eating into sour apples’*.
Except Bhadari and a few others, Bezbarua’s stories are mostly
loose verbal structures, very often than not the non-seriou> cutting
into the fundamentals of comprehensive realisation and plot-
structure; thus, because of faulty technique, stories like Putraban
pita , Kasibashi, Moidam etc. lose much of the inherent emotional
edge, not to speak of creating an atmosphere of emotional suspense.
Again, because of the too much projection, of the writer’s incon-
gruous mental reaction, some of the stories lack in natural develop-
ment, and end abruptly. On the other hand, because of the note
of seriousness which distingui hes some of the stories from the writer’s
general approach, the agony as in Raton Munda is all-pervasive;
in Bhadariy it is spiritually ennobling.
By marriage, Bezbarua was connected with the Bengali society;
stories like Pandit mosai , Laokhola y Putraban pita, Doctor babur sadhu ,
Bhuruki ban etc. are written in this social context. By profession,
he was a timber merchant at Shambalpur, a fact that encouraged
day-to-day contact with the local people like Kols and Mundas.
226 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

All these experiences helped him to widen the perspective of literary

understanding and thematic compass. There is a cross-section
of emotions in Bezbarua’s stories; some tragi-comic in appeal and
some like Jene char tene tangun Jagara mandalar premabhinay etc. are
,

openly of the burlesque type. Humour, Bergson says, is the result

of incongruities; Bezbarua is an adept in creating humour through
the portrayal of incongruous situation and character.
Bezbarua depicts Assamese social life generally in two broad
phases (:
i the lower middle class shambling for false values, and
(it) the simple peasants circumscribed by their own pangs and plea-

sures. Though they do not show craftsmanship at its best, some

of his stories are invariably social snapshots of a high order.
Seuli depicts inhuman treatment meted out to an innocent
woman by an irrational society. Nakau Jolkonwari Kanya and
, ,

Bhadari are stories in which the emphasis on character and situa-

tion is pronounced. From the point of human interest and charac-
ter study, Bapiram is a story that deserves high merit; it depicts
life a tea garden, the moral aberrations of a barjnahari (clerk)
in
who conspired to offer his young widowed sister Tilaka to the
European manager for a lift in his job. In contrast to it, the
character of Bhabiram, a domestic servant, whose devotion to the
family is unflinching, shines like pure gold. Another story of
human interest is Mr. Phillipson that depicts tea garden life vis-a-
vis the moral aberrations of an Anglo-Indian manager; even this

story of purple heart interest is marred by Bezbarua’s flippancy

of style. In some of the stories like Erabari Swargarohan> Lqv etc.
,

the dream technique is profitably used. On the other hand,

the natural beauty of stories like Doctor babur sadhu , Malati , Maidam
etc. marred by the introduction of supernatural elements.
is

Besides manoeuvred accidents and coincidences are not fit arti-

fices for modem short story, for, if naturalness is the prerequisite
of any art, then it is invariably of the short story.
Whatever the blemishes, Bezbarua’s descriptions are generally
graphic and vivid, and style picturesque. His characters are
fixed types. Temperamentally Bezbarua was as cheerful as a
lark and this possibly accounts for his inherent bias for exaggera-
 SHORT STORY 227

tion. Though accepted commonly as the father of our modern

short story, Bezbarua gave so much of free reins to facetiousness
that he cannot justly be credited with artistic restraint or with
integrity of imagination and inner congruity of theme. His collec-
tions of stories are Sadhukatliar kuki (1910), Suravi (1912) and
Jonbiri (1913).
Thelast volume of Bezbarua’s stories was published in 1913

and was a year later that the first volume of Sarat Goswami’s
it

stories Galpanjali was published his other volumes are Afoina

;

(1920), Bajikar (1930) and Paridarshan (1956). With none of

the incoherence of his predecessor, Goswami’s stories show a l

certain departure in technique; his emphasis was on character

study and plot-structure. Goswami gave to his theme a broad-based
understanding of human strength and frailties; at a time when
social thinking was unduly harsh on women, widowhood was a
major problem and even girl widows had to face an oppressive
ordeal. Goswami has treated this problem with understanding
as he has treated cases of misfits in marriage and married women’s
transgression in love ( Brahmaputrar bukut) with sympathy. Talri
is man, Gadadhar by name, who is stirred to the
the story of a
depth by the charms of Santi, but forsakes her for fear of social
wrath and goes into oblivion. Goswami x-rays social problems
with passion and precision, but was too timid to suggest any
radical solution.
The story Rakla bij depicts how our villages are torn by internal
strife, Sannyasini sexual attachment of an illegal type and Banaria
prem unsophisticated love between a Mip boy and girl. Judging
from the Goswami’s stories are stories of simple romantic
latter two,
understanding where the heart pines either for extra-marital love
or for love of the nubile stage. From the point of human psycho-
logy, the storyNadoram the hero of which is a Kachari youth, is
,

extremely intricate. Goswami was temperamentally liberal and

comprehensive, and as a writer possessed a kinetic view; at times,
it istrue that the lenses proved defective and the pictures tended
to become lopsided. But that Goswami was not a moral poseur,
there is no doubt. Like those of Bezbarua’s, his stories like Brah-
228 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

maputrar bukut , Devadarshan etc. suffer from certain technical

blemishes brought about by the introduction of supernatural
elements and improbable incidents. To be brief, Bezbarua and
Goswami belonged to the old school of our short story writers and
it is no wonder that their compositions did not involve the requisite
technique of the modern story. But that they laid the foundation
of the modern story in our language is a historical fact.
Other short story writers of the pr c-Awahon era areNakul Bhuyan,
Dr. S K. Bhuyan, Mitradev Mahanta and Dandi Kalita. Nakul
.

Bhuyan’s collections are Chorang chowar chora (1918), Jonowali

(1933) and Galpar sarai (1962). Other collections are Panchami
by Dr. S. K. Bhuyan, Chcmdrahar (1924) by Mitradev Mahanta
and Saisari (1925) by Dandi Kalita. Dr. Bhuyan is known for his
balanced style and sober appraisal of human emotions; except in
the hands of this writer, the technique of the story did not make
much progress in those of the rest beyond what Bezbarua and
Goswami fixed as standards.
While the first volume of his stories Mala (1918) shows L. N.
Phukan fumbling for technique, Ophaidang (1952) and Maramar
Madhuri (1963) show his art and power of comprehension and
expression at its scintillating best. Deeply stirring, Phukan’s
Typistar jivan is a portrait of agony of a life ruined by economic
want and in contrast to it the sham sympathy of the rich who
loosen their purse-strings only on the dead ashes of a man, and
that too on an item that proclaims their moneyed authority rather
than real sympathy; the supreme irony of the situation is skilfully
brought out towards the end. Though the modus operandi is diffe-
rent, Typistar jivan like R. M. Goswami’s State Transport express-
es a social idea; the oil painting, in memory of the dead typist on
the office wall is a sad commentary on the vulgar rich. With one
stroke of the pen, the author brings out the emotional norm of
the story that is “too deep for tears”.
Phukan’s Mahimr'mayi, picture of a grandiose woman whose
husband is the head clerk of a tea estate, excites both pity and laugh-

icr. The writer is an adept at painting this type of character,

egoistic and superficial; thus he creates an incongruous situation
 SHORT STORY 229

which is brought out into focus by contradictory trend*. To sum

up In Phukan’s
: stories there is a conflict of impulse and whatever
irony is evident in the characters is due to this. Emotionally
precise, his stories like Typistar jivan, Adinar chinaki , Bihu sanmilan,
Mahimamayiy Private Secretary etc. represent characters that are social
rather than individual types. Pliukan belongs to the past as
to the present: Adala entitles him to a place with the pioneers of
our story like Bezbarua and Goswami; Ophaidang and Maramar
madhuri connect him with the traditions of the Awahon age.

{ ii ) Awahon Age :

As in the rest of the world, our short story too is mainly fostered
and promoted by magazines and journals; except a few of these
stories with a so-called “snob appeal*’, the rest arc destined to stay
and have stayed. During this period, the scope of the story witnessed
—
a significant expansion, western influence, more of a universal
nature, made itself felt and produced an impact. The stories of
this period were stimulated by the examples of foreign masters of
the conte like Maupassant and Chekov, and besides them by many
notable English writers of the story. These masters made their
contributions in technique and form. Freud, Jung and Adler
made theirs in the portrayal of sex and psychology. Though an
initial beginning was made in these directions during the Awahon
age, it is the post-War period that shows in fact more distinct and
conscious absorption.
Generally speaking, if the stories of the pr c-Awahon period are
objective and descriptive, those of the Awahon era tended to
become more subjective in the accepted sense. Except a few social
studies by writers like H. R. Deka, Trailokya Goswami and Mahi
Bora, the rest invariably tended to be romantic. To be precise,
the Awahon age not only widened the thematic and technical
scope of the story, but also reflected to an extent the placid temper
of the age, an age primarily of compromise and equipoise. Life
in the thirties, despite growing middle class unemployment of the
educated, was accepted with a placid calm. This accounts for
the wide popularity of the romantic theme during this period.
230 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Pari passu with it, even romantic stories tended to become realistic
and the writer’s repressed energy was directed towards that release.
Except in writers Nagendra Chaudhury, the theme became
like
less conventional and psychologically more realistic. That the
modern story is a one-piece thing and that it cannot be omnibus
like a railway compartment, Nagen Chaudhury did not seem to
know. That he lacked in the sense of structure is evident from
stories like Bogitora Parivartan etc., and that at times he was melo-
,

dramatic is evident from stories like Vijoya Tamar tabij etc. , ,

Chaudhury seems to be at the crossroads of two impulses, his tem-

peramental affiliation with the conventional and the natural urge
to identify himself with the new concept; in this conflict, it is the
former that proved overpowering.
Without any prejudice or irony of a vitriolic type, Mahi Bora’s
pictures are pictures of lower middle class society, its banality and
buffoonery, poise and poetry. By
he produces a double effect,
this

an effect on intellect as also on emotion that easily touches the

fringes of man’s consciousness. His characters are typical of certain
human aspects capable of exciting either pity or abhorrence, but
not vulgar prejudice or passion. Even his chastisement is coloured
with certain warmth of feeling : because of it, his absurdities do
not appear as absurdities. Bora’s Abhoy and Keranir kapal are apt
studies of human nature. Despite the fact that because of the ex-
aggerated emphasis laid on certain aspects the story in Abhoy suffers,
it by certain psychodynamic
the pleasurable situation created in
method and uncanny way of presenting oddities makes it appealing.
At the same time, stories like Ukilar apad are frankly farcical.
Jog am biyog Asara khalu samsara Jai parajai Labh lokchan Ukilar
, , , ,

janma rahashya etc. are some of Bora’s well-known stories that

are noted alike for gusto and grim humour, verve and vitality.
Bora’s approach is invariably oblique.
Satirical with certain ironic overtones, in H. R. Deka’s stories
neither the plot leads the characters nor it is vice versa it is a well- ;

knit pattern in which the balance in architectonics is effected

through a neat prose style. Despite the fact that they vibrate
with undertones of irony and cynicism, his stories like Photographer>
 SHORT STORY 231

Parvatar tingar bangala ghar , Sahaj samadhan , Parajai etc. are graphic
in picture. A certain sense of morbidity is often evident in some
of Deka’s stories whi< h however does not affect the basic emotional
fibre of his theme. Told in a simple style, perhaps his best is Re re
bare bhai , a story of rare human integrity seen from a highly emo-
tional plane; it depicts heart interest “raw as human blood”.
Perhaps due to certain mental preoccupations which became
almost an inhibition with him, Deka suffered occasionally,
as evident from his Mora ghora ,
from certain technical blemishes;
nevertheless, that he is a finished story writer, there is no
doubt.
Although some of his stories are romantic in essence, primarily
Trailokya Goswami is a socially conscious writer. His socially
conscious stories reveal two tendencies (i) An ethical view of life
:

in which is sympathy of a fundamental sort for the

reflected his
socially relegated like fallen men and women, widows etc. («)
A radical approach which is evident mostly in his post-War stories,
degradation in man’s morals brought about by the War and the
effects of war, economic individualism etc. The first trend finds
expression in his stories like Daridrar binani , Jaroj , Bidhava etc.,
and the second in stories like Dutakia note Controllar cheni etc. The
,

latter two are devastating appraisal of economic imbalance and

distress resulting from post-War social conditions.
Trailokya Goswami is sober in his attitude and approach;
whatever anger he displays at the sight of gross perjury is the anger
of an honest man. Although romantic in theme, his stories like
Kapahi Marichika
,
etc. are distinguished by balance and equipoise.
He delineates urges for challenge against blind social sanctions in
stories like Patit aru patita y but never encourages implementation of
urges in practice. Whatever evidence of social disdain Ata garam
coat gives marked by a certain spirit of tolerance. A social critic
is

of exceptional vim and vigour, Goswami’s faith in the ultimate

regeneration of society into rational values is not dim. Clear and
precise in idiom, his stories generally do not lose their moorings in
digressive diffusion. What however one misses in Goswami’s
stories is sharpness of edges; it is natural in the case of a man with
232 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

whom the idea of artistic relevance and that of restraint are cor-
related. Goswami’s collections are Aruna , Marichika and Silpir
ianma.
Although only five of them arc so far published in a collection
called Vyarthatar dan (1938) and the rest still lie scattered in the
pages *of journals, Lakshmi Sarma’s stories mark a radical depar-
ture in technique and revolutionary idealism from the trend till
then in vogue. Sarma was a product of the Gandhian renascence,
but the fountain-head of was western social thought
his inspiration
and philosophy, particularly of Hobbes and Locke; unlike Hobbes,
his was not a cynical view of human nature nor did he suffer from
any moral nihilism to relieve him of the pangs of conscience. Sarma
meant to give us the essential truth, however revolting it might
be from the social point of view. From Maupassant he drew his
technical inspiration which was equally graphic and blatant in
expression; but this must be noted that on no occasion the poetry of
his language was allowed to lapse into vulgarity.
Sarma was a socio-intellectual force who employed his power
of narration and the capacity to focus ideas into a purposive context
that naturally imparted vibrant reality to his stories. Impelled
by an inherent revolutionary idealism when he attacks the sham
social order disrupting the basic ethos of life, he does so with the
vehemence of an iconoclast. His Vidrohini story of a young widow
,

reduced into an object of pity by social obduracy, is a rebellious

challenge, a splinter thrown on the painted veil of society. In
this story the influence of Ibsen’s idea of the sovereignty of womanly
impulse expressed in a rational context is pronounced. Sarma
has made a daring experiment of this idea and from the point of the
architectonics of style, the story is without blemish. Social sup-
pression is an evil, its psychological effect is disastrous, that is —
lesson one learns from Vidrohini In a sense, Siraj is a poem of pity
.

where is shown the cancer of social idiosyncrasy reducing the

poetry of life into vulgarity. In this story he digresses a little;

an emotional focus the intensity

this digression helps to bring into
of the theme rather than smother it into an imprecise idiom.
Whatever the impact of western thought, Sarma’s basic inspiration
 SHORT STORY 233

must have been from the tone and temper of the time, initiated by
Tagore and Gandhiji.
Bina Barua has to his credit two volumes of stories, Pat-pari-
vartan (1948) and Aghonibai (1950) that show two distinct stages
of development of his art and insight. Barua’s forte is depiction
of rural life which he does with an animated instinct in Aghonibai ;
the leading figure of the title story of this volume is an inspiring
character, the poignant misfortune of whose life is brought out in
scintillating prose. Jatin Goswami’s Kanchanmati delineated
through a complicated plot with insight can be described as a
recent counterpart of Barua’s Aghonibai ;
the depiction of life in
both the cases is sensitive and realistic. Bina Barua’s rural idiom
is potentially as rich as Saurov Chaliha’surban idiom; the descrip-
tions that show the author’s acute power of observation have a
pictorial quality about them.
In contrast to Aghonibai ,
the stories of Barua’s Pat parivartan ,
except Lapeli , are adolescent flirtations with romantic themes that
produce in the ultimate analysis only a chocolate-cream effect.
Lapeli in which the simple and unsophisticated nature of a Naga
girl is brought out in the best tradition of L. N. Bezbarua’s Dalimi

breathes of a naturalness which gives the story a balanced romantic

idiom. Barua has a developed sense of technique and his capacity
for character study, under whatever circumstances, is invariably
real and spontaneous.
Roma Das’s stories (collection : Srestha galpa are stories not so
much of moods but of impulses, and whatever complexity the
characters unfold is of the sentimental and romantic type. Even
the idiosyncra ics of his characters, sextfal or otherwise, have a
glazed brilliance in them that invariably compels attention.
Das’s capacity to capture the different facets of life, particularly
of the middle class society, and weave a convincing panorama of
fashion is unquestionable. His stories like Rhododendronar bilas are
marked by a subtle irony, but, broadly speaking, most of his stories
can best be described as romantic rhapsodies woven round charac-
ters that are only sentimentally true. In the matter of longing and
loneliness saturated with the poetry of rains, Barsa jetia namye that
234 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

depicts the romantic ego spinning dreams is aesthetically in-

spiring.
Das possesses the power of enlivening situation with a passion;
in his limpid style the author provides a perspective in Jahnavi
that is lyrical in an epic sense. This must be said in this connec-
tion that Das’s experience is limited to a particular stereotyped
society, the sum-total of which is depressing. The society that
he depicts is prudish, a rhododendron society to be precise, lost
in its own catacombs of make-beliefs. Jivanar arati is a story of
abnormal morbidity, perverse apparently, but suppressed sex,
surely. In the representation of sex, Das’s attitude is bold; in this as
and suave exposition of feelings two of his contem-
also in aesthetics
poraries who approximate him are Munin Barkataki and Krishna
Bhuyan. The thirties are an era of absolute individualism and
this might be one of the reasons that can be advanced in justifica-
tion of romantic and sexual flippancy. Enamelled with a rich
“plush of speech”, what is masqueraded in Roma Das’s stories
under so-called “nice feelings” and “fine shades” is gross folly
of a particular social set-up. He seems to have imbibed
the style and technique of Lakshmi Sarma, what he misses
however is the latter’s spark of radical thinking. Das’s latest
collection of stories is Barsajelia namye ( 1 964) . Mora suti included
in this volume is an illuminating departure in technique.
In his stories Uma Sarma (collection : Ghurania prithivir beka
path) has made a deft use of psycho-pathology. His Manuk janmar
pisat, noted for itsundertone of agony, portrays successfully the
mental conflict of a girl in a language of sober approach. Pakhi
is a story of natural love. Though he appears to be strongly
influenced by Bina Barua’s Pat-parivartan type of stories in the
initial stage, it was not before long that Sarma emerged out of it

and found his own feet; the result is an improved technique and
form and psychoanalytical character study. Dina Sarma’s
(collections : Kalpana aru bastav ,
Dulal , Kuwa bhaturia othar talat,
Pohar) are romantic stories mostly that have both conflict and an
element of drama.
Noted for subtle psychological approach and insight, two other
 SHORT STORY 235

outstanding short story writers of this generation are Munin

Barkataki and Krishna Bhuyan ( Niruddesh> Rupar puja etc.). In
their hands there had been a significant development of technique.
Nalini Barua who died by his own hand while young has to his
credit stories like Amarjahaj that show technical finish at its best;
in point of human interest and psychological insight, Amarjahaj
is one of our best short stories. Jamiruddin, Indibar Gogoi and
Suprava Goswami are some other noted short story writers of this
generation. Though their post-War contributions are by no way
insignificant, by age and temperament, Premnarayan Datta and
R. M. Goswami belong to this age; the latter has made significant
contributions even during the Awahon N. Datta is noted
age. P.
for his sarcasm; in stories like Asirbad Bahbaramve Gangatop etc.
, ,

his sarcasm is directed against the vulgar rich and the so-called
educated jackdaws. He describes sex, but has never vulgarised it,

Datta’s collections are Asirbad ,

He Hari sarva sunya % Adirasar
utpatti etc.

R. M. Goswami’s Niyati and State Transport are illuminating

pictures of lower middle class life. Precise in idiom, in the point
of technique and character analysis plus appraisal of situation,
State Transport is of absorbing interest. Noted for parallel
studies of character and unobtrusive projection of attitudes, the
Story redeemed by the picture of the central character, Datta,
is

a man who strikes one with his quiet characteristics. He is an

object of sympathy but not of pity. Underneath the writer's
social psychology lies his cynical approach to the artificially polished
norms of society on the one hand and sympathy for all those who
are unwittingly victims of economic imbalance on the other.
Structurally the story is a balanced development, a thing that one
misses in Goswami’s other stories like Niyati Devatar samadhi etc.,

To sum up: during the Awahon age, the lower middle class theme,
particularly of a romantic vein, largely replaced the rural theme
or social caricature popularised by L. N. Bez barua; the architect-
onics of style had also shown a more concentrated development.
While Bezbarua and Sarat Goswami intruded their personality
into the canvas of stories, the Awahon writers avoided all such
236 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

cliches and artifices and tried to tell a story as it should be told

without projecting themselves or their personal responses, and
reactions to the situation; into technical development of this kind,
Maupassant’s contribution is great. To be brief, in technique
and form and natural and spontaneous expression of the real stuff
of life, there was a remarkable advance made during this period.
In one sense it broke the fetters of the past and in the other opened
the floodgates of the future.
#

[til) Post-War Era:

The post-War story is and embellished in
further enriched
technique and scope. To Freudadded Marx and to Maupassant,
is

Chekov; besides, inspiration is drawn in style and technique from

story writers like Somerset Maugham, Katherine Mansfield and
others. Jung and Adler have come in to give a further fillip to
psychoanalytical studies which was initially Freudian. True it
is that this “wind of change” is blown in from outside, but the

temper of the time is also in a receptive mood, primarily because

of the forces let loose by (i) War conditions, (it) 1942 movement for
freedom, and finally by ( Hi freedom itself. The War struck at
the root of Assam’s life; the conditions were hysteric that disturbed
and distracted the even tempo of life; the after-effects of the War
were even more disastrous from the socio-economic point of view.
Yet then, the response to creative literature might have occasionally
suffered a low tide, but was never stilled. The 1942 movement
for freedom enflamed the vision of a new India, a socialist sovereign
republic where exploitation is ended and justice and fairplay are
assured. It is in this connection that Marx with his egalitarian
economic thesis came and it is through such visions that the
in
dissipation brought about by alien rule was more or less forgotten.
True it is that freedom has opened the floodgates of oppor-
tunities, but, apart from the socio-economic evils generated by the
War and its after-effects, new problems of economic and social
imbalance, regional and communal strife have cropped up leading
to further complications of the situation. All this, more or less,
constitutes the stuff of contemporary Assamese fiction; in the treat-
 SHORT STORY 237

ment one finds both the psychological and socio-economic aspects;

Abdul Malik, a link between the two generations, reflects in a
nutshell the passions and characteristics of both the Awahon and
the post-War period. Malik’s stories are examples of skilful and
conscious craftsmanship in which every word tells and ^very effect
is brought into a natural focus. He studies a great variety of
characters and then brings them together into nfeatly discriminated
compositions; one of course feels that in plot and character
delineation he might have introduced more of Chekov into the
technical framework that he initially derived from Maupassant.
Malik’s collections are Parasmani , Ajani natun suwali , Rangagara
and Moraha papari .

Broadly speaking, Abdul Malik’s stories can be classified into

two categories: (i) romantic stories that connect him with
the best traditions of Bina Barua and Roma Das, and (ii) socially
conscious stories that fit him into post-War themes and times.
Except vague flirtations, Marxist ideology is not a rigid doctrine
with Malik; whatever sympathy and compassion he has for the
socially dispossessed is instinctive rather than hued with any
stereotyped politico-economic dogma. In a very valid sense,
Malik is an arch-romanticist and even his socially conscious stories
like Siu marily Aghantar diary Rangagara etc. are tinged with a basic
,

romantic attitude; from this it would be wrong to suppose that

his art was divorced from realism. What essentially was the case
is that Malik’s realism is invariably veneered with romantic
prisms. In Siu marily the conflict with social environment is
brought out in an idealistic vein; in Kalhphula one comes across
one of Malik’s best women characters, Mamataj, who is agonis-
ingly sweet. His Jesu Christar chhabi and Maram are stories of
great human appeal; in sensitivity of spirit, they are a captivating
experience.
Malik’s stories are technically rich; he has the double distinction
of being (i) an avid story-teller, and (ii) an inspiring creator of
character. His plots are primarily keyed to the suspense motif and
whether a progress towards the “illusion of reality” is made or
not, the story interest seldom flags. Pran haruar pisat is a successful
16
238 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

technical experiment. Barakharar barasun depicting economic

distress that conflicts with self-respect in the life of Milad is

humanistic in appeal. Socio-economic disharmony as also

communal discord distresses Malik and whenever he writes of such
freaks of life, he does so with unequalled fervour. Bibhatsa bedana ,
because of its overdose of sex, created a stir when it was first

published, but one must not forget that underneath it a socially

conscious idea is made to live with the compulsive force of a sermon.
Although only, apparent, Malik is the first to try to introduce the
“Chekovian atmosphere** type stories in our language.
Whether romantic or realistic, Jogesh Das is convinced that
essential truth is what he has to offer and in doing so he is
determined to delineate truth in the living perspective of reality;
be enriches the pattern of his stories not so much with crosslights of
paradox and irony, but with those of inherent sympathy and
understanding. Das deliberately avoids cliches and has no predi-
lections; he tells a story in the convincing tone of word-of-mouth
tradition rather than in the baroque extravagance of language and
description; this helps the writer to dramatise the penchant for
psychological study as evident from his stories like Kalpatuar mrittu ;
it has that startling human touch, quiet and yet subtle, which one
usually misses in the eerie production of traditionalists. Das’s
collections are Popia tora, Andharar are are and Modarar bedana
( 1963 ).
In a simple unadorned style that does not appear alien to the
context, Jogesh Das conveys his broad sympathies and human
interests. His Kalpatuar mrittu is a psychological study of a lower
middle class family against the background of which the character
of Dhaniram, a domestic servant, emerges in a rare ethical aura;
with one stroke of the brush, he brings out the nobility of this man
against the sexual vandalism of the rich son of the family who
despoils Rupe, a pretty maid, working with the family. There is

an undertone of pathos in it as rich as that depicted in Garakhania ;

the atmosphere is surcharged with quiet emotional reaction and
subdued response. The character of Tularam in Chhinhamul is a
Vibrant psychological study; the suspense in the atmosphere that
 SHORT STORY 239

resolves itself towards the end through an agonising discovery is

sustained all through with a quiet elegance of style. Although,

according to sortie critics, he sounds ‘‘flat” and whatever liveliness
he has is “dead-pan liveliness** resulting in the lack of “double
sight” that is responsible for “mysterious vibrations of the un-
conscious”, Jogesh Das, who has a balanced control over form and
expression, produces a vivid effect.
Although his stories are relatively few, in Biren Bhatta events
do not usually take precedence over character or situation except
in his rather longish story Kalang ajiu boi. Perhaps the most
engaging thing about Bhatta’s stories, however diabolical the
situation might be, is the essential innocence of his people. In
fact, it is not evil, but a perverse system or natural predicament
that makes them complex and abnormal in disposition. Intensely
moving, Ajani Japani suwali written against the background of
,

the last atomic War is universal in appeal. Like Jogesh Das’s

stories, it is a vivid picture with the minimum of details showing
the author’s emotional and intellectual reaction to atomic destruc-
tion. Bhatta has the capacity to delineate even a piquant
situation without much flourish.
One however misses the technical restraint of Ajani Japani
suwali in his Kalang ajiu boi which is profuse like the river that
swells and withdraws, protrudes and devastates. Although set in
a lyrical perspective, it is a socio-political story, told realistically.
The repeated misfortunes caused by the river, diseases and other
natural calamities sharpen the edge of “open revolt” in Thagiram
and other villagers; they pay the price in the hands of alien
rulers, some by death brought about by bullets and some by
imprisonment. Freedom comes, but economic distress continues
to sap life as before. Thagiram is a disillusioned man; the river
flows on and so does life. The crosslights of emotional reaction in
the story are brought into a focus of chiselled intensity. Thagiram
and Sonpahi are finely chiselled characters imbued with a soulful
purpose.
In a different sense, Homen Bargohain like Saurov Ghaliha
has made bold thematic experiment by liberalisation of approach
240 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

and introduction of ideas in the way of Lakshmi Sarma of the

Awahon age. If he writes of sex, sex is sexy; if he writes of flesh,
flesh is fleshy rather than draped in unnecessary frills. This has
prompted in him an instinct for the abnormally bizarre. What
remains to the soul after all concessions are made to the confusions
of the mind iswhich is known as essential truth, and it is this
that
aspect of truth with which Bargohain is primarily concerned.
Wielder of a facile pen, rugged without being rough, lucid without
being effeminate, Bargohain’s approach to life is invariably psycholo-
gical. It is true that his characters are often eccentric and morbid,
but they are never insipid or uninspiring. Octopus , Barusun ,
Sanatorium , Mahaswatar biya etc. are some of Bargohain’s best
stories. His collections are Vivhinna chorus (1957) and Prem aru
mrittur Karane (1958).
Mahim Bora has developed a distinctive technique of emotional
intensity thatis woven round what is generally known as inconse-

quential subjects; Chakravat is an instance in point, an old —

dilapidated bicycle unfolding the character of a man and the history
of a family. Other instances are Top and Rash . Bora’s characters
like Haribal Kaka for instance are faithfully drawn prototypes
from life; they are well-rounded and individualised; to the reader
attuned to our social types, they appear as familiar persons. In
the capacity to sustain suspense as evident from the Kathanibari ghat ,
an emotionally intense story, or Mach aru manuh , an illusion made
palpable, or Tinir tini got , a vivid atmosphere story, Bora has few
rivals; his stories do not stray into innuendos or unwarranted super-
fluities. Bora’s collection is Kathanibari ghat (1961).
Nothing in L. N. Bora is camouflaged or improvised, a tendency
that is both a hindrance and an advantage. On occasions Bora
digresses so much that very often than not it takes away much
from the solid dignity of the structure; even a story as emotionally
intense as Sakha Damodar a story made real by complication of
,

traits and circumstances, suffers from dull digression. At places

it sounds like a veterinary thesis. On the other hand, his Dwitia
is a simple rural portrait that shows technical finish of a high order.

If not by any other standard, Bora is a realist by virtue of his

 SHORT STORY 241

primary concern for character as also his unusual talent for creating
character in whom one comes to take a vivid interest as individuals;
his Jikaphuli is such a “normal” character. Like Jogesh Das,
Bora writes a story because he wants to tell it and that too
without predilections. His collections are Dristirupa (1958),
Sei sure utala (1960), Kachialir kuwali (1961), Mon mati megh and
Gaurirupak (1962).
By age Dr. Hem Barua (1890-1958) is affiliated to the past
generation and by temperament to the present. Dr. Barua has
shown deep understanding and absorption in his stories. Though
filtered through years, his pictures of rural life have a strange
verisimilitude. He had a keen eye for the characteristic in setting
and person; he possessed the power to heighten effect by making
a psychological mystery of each case and by wrapping it up in veils
of psychoanalytical speculation as in Jahara it is a story in which
;

he has made a serious application of Freudian psychopathological

analysis, more pronounced and less subtle of course than Homen
Bargohain’s Mahaswatar biya.
With Saurov Ghaliha and Bhaben Saikia, although in diction
and mental affiliation both are different, begins the epoch in a
sense of “new signatures” in our short story. Psychologically
revealing, Saikia’s Sendur like Prahari is emotion made tangible
under the searchlight of events and characters. Likewise his Satkar ,
a story that is structurally not without blemish, is evocative of an
idiom that is vibrant in its undertone of agony. In it, the imponder-
ables of the situation are made to yield to understanding circum-
stances and realism of fact. Saikia’s stories like Ganga snan and
Laj lage are psychologically subtle and suggestive. The author
knows how to weave emotion into psychology, sensitivity into
intellectual absorption. Saikia’s collection is Prahari (1963).
Saurov Ghaliha has captured the intellectual idiom of the
urbanised landscape as nobody has; he has experimented with
new technical devices as evident from stories like Asanta electron
and Geometry , a pattern that touches the deeper layers of
consciousness. In him the accepted development of plot which
is generally chronological disappears and in its place a complex
242 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

and "elusive” progressivism based on the "inter-weaving of

recurrent motifs ” ( Sihatao pahar bogale, Duparia) is introduced; this
subjectivism in fiction may be said to be akin to modern impression-
istic painting. Chaliha’s collections are Asanta electron (1962)
and Duparia (1963).
Nirod Chaudhury and Imran Shah are affiliated to one another
in more than one sense. Chaudhury’s Komal gandhar (collections
Mor galpa Ange ange sobha) and Shah’s Akal Basanta (Collections
,

Pia mukha chanda , Bandi bihangame kande) are sensitive psychological

portraits. Though very young, both have shown interest in the
abstruse working of the mind which they convey in a language
that is naturalistic in diction. Padma Barkataki is not interested
in imaginative concentration; he derives vicarious satisfaction in
eroticand "escape” impulses as also in depicting intellectual and
ethical chaos which is the result of ill-defined conservative morals.
This social anomaly he brings out boldly with the precision and
passion of journalistic reportage in his collection of stories, Aslil
(1959). C. P. Saikia’s —he writes mostly about urban middle class
and on which account is
society often described as an extension
of Roma Das with a difference — stories like Grahantar show the
author in a different perspective; Grahantar in which characters are
sharply delineated in their subtle psychological setting is a story
on a higher key.
Other noted short story writers of this generation are Rohini
Kakati, Medini Chaudhury, Khirod Saikia, A. N. Goswami, Jadu
Borpujari, Bireswar Barua, Kumar Kishore, Kula Gogoi and Jatin
Goswami. Of the women writers, Sneha Devi and PranitaDevi remind
one ofJogeshDas’s qualities while Nilima Sarma reflects C.P. Saikia’s
attitude in a deeper psychological sense. Nirupama Bargohain and
Mamani Goswami ( Chinakimaram 1962) are noted for their insight
:

into situation. Alimunnisa Piar, Dolly Talukdar and Hiranyamayec

Devi (ftfiyar topal 1958) are searching in their responses. Anima
:

Bharali (Beliphuiar sapon 1963), whose language has the liquid

:

beauty of a flr wing stream, is generally melodramatic. Though few,

Boy etc. show emotional
Priti Barua’s stories like Circusar bhaluk. Hill
awareness and subtle sense of form, qualities that are rarely matched.
prose and essays

Apart from fictional prose, our general prose, the history of

which is on no account less than four hundred years old, marks two*
significant stages in development. Old Assamese prose, as already
pointed out, was ethico-religious. Modern prose, besides adminis-
tering to aesthetic delight, serves and sustains practical purposes
also; this why T. G. Williams describes prose as “literature of
is

use”. Prose is the medium of “precision in thought and language”,

for, one of its cardinal principles is that it is written under the
primary impulse of being understood. This does not mean that
prose has to be ratiocinative all through; it can be imaginative also
and sustained with certain emotional and artistic quality. It is
wrong to describe prose always as “literature in the second degree”.
In the renascence of Assamese literature from eclipse, the
contributions of the Baptist Mission journal, Oronodoi, are of far-
reaching significance; broadly speaking, its prose style was
modelled on the tradition of Ahom chronicle, its terse and crisp
expression, sustained elevation, preference of concrete images over
abstractions and amplitude of verbal materials of home-spun
flavour that was not embellished with Sanskrit or any other alien
touches. The sentences were pithy and occasionally not without
epigrammatic brilliance. The desire to use words of local root
and colour was germane with the missionaries; often they took the
244 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

liberty of coining new words to suit indigenous idiom, a process

that not only enriched the existing idiom but also gave it a direc-
tion for further enrichment.
The compass of this process was wide; the Oronodoi was a journal
devoted to “religion, science and general intelligence ”9 and to
serve this declared objective, the prose style adopted by this journal
had to be more elastic. As we look back through the receding
years, we find that the Oronodoi tried to give our language a sense of
perspective by impressing upon the basic fact that it is a language
of distinctive personality. To the prose style initiated by the
Rev. Cotter, Nathen Brown (1807-1886) and Miles Bronson (1812-
1883), Nidhi Levi Farwell (
b . 1827) added his own style, particu-
larly modelled on the traditional Vaishnava idiom. Thus we
find two distinctive prose styles in the pages of Oronodoi: one,
roughly speaking, Ahom chronicle style and the other Vaishnava
style prose; the former of course constituted the main stream.
Besides poetry, Farwell has to his credit prose writings on subjects
like science, law and history. Besides fictional prose, A. K. Gurney
( b. 1845) has to his credit translations of certain portions of the
New Testament.
It is not correct to say that the Baptist Mission prose style was
modelled on the contemporary English style, for, the English style
contemporaneous with these Missionary writers was different from
what we find in the Assamese Oronodoi neither in syntax nor in
;

sentence construction, do the two styles agree. Oronodoi prose,

although essentially secular, was of the biblical sermon type which
when transmuted into a language, the knowledge of which was
elementary with the Baptist Mission writers, took to manneristic
forms. They lacked the sense of proper use of words which on
occasions unwittingly became malapropistic.
Despite the fact that the Baptist Mission writers lacked basic
was disciplined;
insight into the svntax of our language, their style
this must be said that this discipline was determined by dogma
rather than by any clear understanding, even of the spoken speech
rhythm of the people. The area of disagreement lay between their
mental thought process and a medium of expression that was not
 PROSE AND ESSAYS 245

only alien to them but also without any established modern pattern
whatsoever. Yet, it is the Oronodoi writers to whom must go the
credit of not only initiating a modern literary style, but also that
of stabilising an idiom that did not exist for modern purposes.
Despite apparent discipline in syntax and diction, the prose of
A. R. Dhekial Phukan could not free itself completely from the
Oronodoi style; to say that his style was correct in the choice of
words and it suffered from no malapropistic use is to say the
obvious. To be precise, Dhekial Phukan’s was a style in the
initial stages of development; it tried to be free, and yet it was not
free, and that is why he was far from sure-footed in his style. If our
prose style reached a distinctiveness and an individual literary
idiom, it was in the hands of H. G. Barua (1835-1897). Like
Dryden of English prose, Barua can be described as the father of
our modern prose; he released it from the fetters of artificiality and
made it clear, flexible and urbane to match the social and literary
demands of the day. Without sounding alien or artificial, it is
on him that the influence of contemporary English literary prose
is much more evident. Barua tried to study our language in a
scientific manner; he gave it a grammatical basis and an enriched
vocabulary and syntax.
Whether through his translated work Swastharaksha or social
satires like Bahire rangchang bhitare kowabhaturi> where language is
used as a forceful instrument of social reform and controversy, or
through his text books like Adipath and Pathmala and grammar like
Asamiya byakaran (1859), H. G. Barua gave the much-needed stabi-
lity to our language which was till then at the crossroads. Hemkosh

(1900), a dictionary, is his monumental work. This must be said

that Barua enlivened the literary dialogue of his time through
constructive work: one grammar ( Asamiya byakaran ), two dic-
tionaries ( Hemkosh and Parhasalia abhidan : 1892), two text-books
(Adipath and Pathmala ), besides analytical writings in journals like
Asam Bilasim (1871-72), Assam News (1882-85), Asam Bandhu
(1885-86), Mau (1886), Asam Tara (1880-90) and Lora-bandhu
(1888). It was due to his effort particularly that our language
as a vehicle of modern expression got stabilished during the period
246 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

from 1859 to 1888; a year after, the Jonaki (1889) was born.
H. C. Barua freely borrowed literary idioms from English and
gave them an indistinguishable local colour; in his hands “a
sleeping fox catches no poultry” became “sui thaka siale hah dhariba
nuware ”. This must be said in this connection that, somehow or
rather, English syntax fitted into Assamese speech rhythm admirably
and H. C. Barua exploited this discovery to advantage. Often his
prose acquired an edge when the writer indulged in sarcasm and
social satires; it used to lash and bite. But ordinarily, Barua’s style
is placid and calm.

Gunabhiram Barua (1837-1894) who was inspired ostensibly

by the enlightened socio-ethical thought of Raja Rammohan Roy
of Bengal is our first in many respects he is our first playwright
:

( Ram Navami 1857); and he is our first modern historian ( Asarrt

:

buranji 1884). Written in an objective, analytical style, this history

:

is authentic in information and shows the writer’s capacity to sift

historical materials judiciously. Some of his historical essays are ;

Asom atit aru bartaman , Saumar bhraman , Asomot manor seshchhuwa r

Alikhit buranji etc. He is also our first Anandaram
biography writer
(

Dhrkial Phukanar jivan charil Permeated with a sense of

1880).
reverence, it is in the tradition of Vaishnava carita puthis never- ;

theless the reference is illuminating and conveyed through a lucidly

expressive language.
In G. R. Barua’s hands, prose style reflected the same characteri-
stics, suppleness, dignity and seriousness, that one comes across
in H. C. Barua’s style. What they succeeded in doing was to give,
naturalness to our prose and a personality to our language that
suffered official about half a century. Nilkumud
eclipse for
Barua’s Jivan darshan is a well-knit biography of Maniram Dewan;
written with a passion, the appraisal, although sentimental on
occasions, .Appears to be authentic. During this period, an interest
in history grew steadily. Ratneswar Mahanta (1864-1893), a
poet, wrote his notable research article Joymaii Konwari during this
period. Apart from the development of drama prose, between 1857
and 1885 prose grew and got stabilised as an independent
medium.
 PROSE AND ESSAYS 247

With the Jonaki group of writers, a new epoch started; they were
dedicated to the cause of imparting to our resurrected language
a dynamic local colour as also embellish it with words of Sans*
kritic origin wherever necessary. Under the auspices of the Jonaki the
,

romantic tradition became a fact. L. N. Bezbarua popularised

the personal essay, a form in which nothing suits better than the
subjective style. Thus was opened a new avenue for our prose,
already evolved into a comprehensive medium under the auspices
of H. G. Barua and G. R. Barua of the pr c-Jonaki affiliation.
Through his novels, Rajani Bardoloi popularised a prose style
that was both impersonal and objective. One thing must be noted
about these prose writers their sentences hang in an orderly chain
:

of simple, direct statements with few qualifications and less orna-

ment. Broadly speaking, Wordsworth’s “experiment” involving
a “selection of the real language of men in a state of vivid sensa-
tion” produced its salutary effect on the Jonaki prose style,
thus distinguishing it from the Oronodoi pattern.
Of the avowed objectives of the Jonaki two are very significant
,

(i) evolution of a standard literary language, and (it) introduction

of Vaishnava studies with commentaries, critical notes etc. These

aims, among others, produced far-reaching effects on research
and initiation of a vigorous literary campaign. During 1849 to
1889, an era of struggle for existence of our language and literature,
the main emphasis was not so much on critical evaluation of litera-
ture or initiation of a literary trend, but on creative responses to
the challenge of alien antagonistic forces; besides, literary criticism
is a development of the romantic age even in the west; it was
under the impact of western literature of this type that literary
criticism grew in our language during and after the Jonaki age.
It was in the pages of the Jonaki that articles like Ratneswar
Mahan ta’s Asomot Man Lambodar Bora’s Asamiya bhasarjotani
, ,
Bishnu-
prasad Goswami’s Sankardev were published. Besides, literary and
etc.

personal essays emerged under its auspices and thus was the range
of our prose extended into a larger perspective. Basically the
novel is an insight into the mind as much as into environment.
The language that captures the processes of the inner mind as also
248 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

of the outer environment must automatically be elastic and

graphic; this is Rajani Bardoloi’s contribution to the evolution
of our modern prose. L. N. Bezbarua’s contribution is mainfold,
from personal essays to literary appraisal. To be brief, it was
under the auspices of the Jonaki that an avenue of critical thought
and personal emotion in the best romantic tradition was laid bare.
Stimulated by this renascent spirit, Devcn Bezbarua’s Asamiya
bhasa aru sahityar buranji was published in 1912. D. Bharali’s
Asamiya bhasar maulik bichar aru sahiytar chinaki is another noteworthy
work of this genre .
Rajani Bardoloi’s prose is analytical, descriptive and picturesque;
although localised, it has an unconscious attachment for English
syntax. Always graphic and original in images, L. N. Bezbarua’s
style can be classified into two broad types (i) prose of his satires:

and personal essays, and (it) prose of his critical essays. Hardin
Craig is of the opinion that “satirists are peculiarly subject to the
misfortune of suffering from ill-will among their contemporaries
and misunderstanding among posterity”. This is not so with
Bezbarua, because he could veneer his prejudices or social anger
with a peculiarly plastic style, a pyrotechnic display of wit
and imagination. Bezbarua’s Kripabar ( Barbaruar kakatar tofiola
1904 and Barbaruar obhatani 1909) is essentially Pickwickian; every
:

topic in these sketches is touched with frolic and gentle humour.

Bezbarua chooses his words with skilful care and lodges them at
strategic places so that they might explode like time-bombs; they
do not injure, but scintillate. For suppleness of imageries and
illustrations, one must turn to Bezbarua’s fictional prose and for
critical vision and appraisal to his biographies and literary essays.
At its worst his prose was discursive, diffused like the course of
his own life.

Broadly speaking, to Bezbarua should go the credit of laying the

foundation of our critical studies; his Sankardev (1912) is the first

serious attempt made to reconstruct Sankardeva’s life on the

basis of materials available in the carita puthis ; it is the first authentic
attempt to analyse the saint-poet’s literary works and ideas.
Written in a precise and clear style, it shows his scholarly under*
 PROSE AND ESSAYS 249

standing in a discerning focus. Likewise, Sri Sankardev am Sri

Madhavdev is another penetrating work of scholarship. Besides,
his Krishna katha , and critical study of Rukmini harana
Tattakatha
kavya and on Vaishnavism delivered at Baroda, all these
lectures
show depth of scholarship and understanding. Without deviating
in any significant manner from the basic prose syntax initiated by
H. C. Barua and G. R. Barua, Bczbarua widened its scope to the
utmost imaginable extent.
Kamalakanta Bhattacharjya’s (1853-1936) prose is radical,
ratiocinativeand rugged. This ruggedness of style was tempera-
mental with him, for, he wanted to hit hard and at times with
almost savage outspokenness. Bhattacharjya was known even
in his life time as “rishi Kamalakanta”; this asceticism on his
part was not due to any Puritan creed, but due to his basic distrust
of the human animal in our distorted social context; he loved man
in the abstract only. Indignation, said an ancient poet, made
verses, but in the case of Bhattacharjya, indignation made not
only verses, but also prose of a distinctive quality. His style is
and impassioned even when his feelings reached
scarcely lyrical
the white heat of intensity; it is terse and rugged all through.
Bhattacharjya’s Gutidiyak chintar dhau 9
Astrabakra samhita , Astra-
bakrar atmajivani , Tupir dokan, Mor manat para katha etc.were serialised
in the journal Banhi during 1912 and afterwards. His Kah pantha
(1934) isa noticeable landmark of ratiocinative style.
Hem Goswami (1872-1936), an antiquarian scholar, is noted
for his contributions to historical and literary research; Asamiya
a book in seven volumes published by the Calcutta
sahityar chaneki 9
University and compiled by Goswami, is a monumental work;

besides, he has several articles to his credit. Goswami’s prose

is sensitive to historical facts. P. N. Gohain-Barua’s prose may
be divided primarily into two phases; (i) prose of non-Sanskritic
origin that one comes across in his novels like Bhanumati and
Lahori ; it is precise fictional prose. And (it) prose of conscious
effort towards so-called literary elegance, Sanskritic ornate style that
one comes across mainly in Sri Krishna (1930) and Gitasar (1935)
and casually also in his historical writings like Asomar samkhipta
250 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

iuranju In Sri Krishna , precisely a religious biography in three

volumes, the style is as ecstatic as the approach enthusiastic.
Satyanath Bora (1860-1925) is a conscious stylist. Invariably
rich in thought content, there is a crisp argumentative fervour in
his prose and a certain discipline also, but the total effectis more

often than not manneristic. Whenever he allows his sentences to

take a natural course like Benu Sarma’s, the effect is nothing but
pleasant. This contradictory tendency often got reflected in the
same piece of writing; this can be seen from Jivanar amiya where the
two styles jostle against one another, one natural and the other
sullen in abstraction. Given to the task of self-conscious uplift in
his essays, as in the purposeful writings of Victorian England,
Bora’s style was very often than not sententious. His works are
Sarathi (1915), Kendra sabha (1929) and Chintakali (1935). Barring
some imperceptible influence on
son J. N. Bora, this style
his

had no impact either on his contemporaries or on subsequent writers.

J.N. Bora’s writings are thought-provoking in a fixed manner.
His style has a measure of cadenced firmness; in this he resembles
A. G. Rai-Ghaudhury more than he resembles his father. With
Rai-Ghaudhury, the junior Bora has greater spiritual affinity,
atleast in his philosophy for Assam (
Asomot bideshi : 1925). Bora’s
other works are Jugatatta (1924), Natun jagat (1946) etc.
Lambodar Bora’s (1860-1892) style is passionate and rhythmic,
although occasionally figurative embellishments are indelible.
Some of his writings like Sadanandar kalaghumati do not fit into this
description; this suppleness of style is evident in his Lorabodh and
Jnanodoy also. His essays like Gan Alankar
,
aru darkar, Anandaram
Barua , Kalidas am Sakuntala etc. reveal the author’s power of
comprehension matched with felicitous expression as nothing else.
The rhythmic cadence of his prose was often sought to be created
by recourse to too many Sanskrit words; such rhetorical embellish-
ments generally divert attention from meaning to form. We
must not forget that good prose is for delight as for use. Whatever
that may be, that Bora gave balance and equipoise to contemporary
prose and tried to model it on the “bejewelled nineties” English
fashion, there is no doubt.
 PROSE AND ESSAYS 251

Like K. K. Bhattacharjya’s verse missing natural “poetical

sinews” due mainly to over-exuberance of feeling and thought,
A. G. Rai-Choudhury’s ( b 1885) prose misses structural balance
.

at times due to similar temperamental disposition; it might be

compared to a soldier with a broken knee whose striking power
nobody questions. Such striking force acquired by an imaginative
choice of words and synonyms noted for vigorous tonal quality is
an inherent characteristic of his style. In fact, his writings are
a calculated medium to let loose controversial but inspired barques
of socio-political thoughts and ideas on the seas of public opinion.
Rai-Chaudhury’s books are Ahuti (1953), Deka dekarir Veda (1942),
Jagatar sesh adarsha (1916) etc.

Nilmani Phukan’s (
b . 1885) is a synthetic style that flows in natural
and unaffected eloquence; the appeal lies in its inherent manly
qualities.His works are Sahitya kala (1940) and Chintamani (1940).
Himself an experienced shikari, T. R. Phukan (1877-1939) has
written fascinatingly about shikar life in his own inimitable style.'

He has to his credit a popular book on sexology Jaunatatta (1934).

:

{i) Literary Criticism :

From the Rev. N. Brown and Haribilash Agarwalla’s (1842-1931)

time to this day, the publication of ancient books and manuscripts has
not only helped historical and literary studies, but has also succeeded
in building up a tradition of critical appraisal. In our literary
criticism, one particular trend is evident, i.*., literature is primarily
viewed in its aesthetic, moral and social aspects. The study of
literature in the context of social implications, under the impact
of Marxian dialectics, is a development of recent times. Dr.
B. Kakati was the first to try his hand at critical studies according
to scientific principles of literary criticism. Dr. Kakati’s (1894-
1952) articles like Sahityat karun rasa , written when he was a student,
reveal an opulence of quotations and references, an unmistakable
sign of adolescence and immaturity. Likewise, some of the prefaces
attached to poetical collections of some of our well-known poets
and writers are but essays in literary exuberance.
nothing
Nevertheless, his later works show development of critical under-
252 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

standing and scholarship that is yet to be matched. Dr. I^akati

was a profound scholar both in western and Oriental learning;
his crystallised prose bears the indelible impress of a man of grfeat
profundity. What he popularised is aesthetic criticism, often not
without a scientific basis, and thus opened a new vista of scholarship
and critical study. Dr. B. Kakati’s works are Purani Asamiya
sahitya (1940), PuraniKamrupar dharmar dhara (1955) etc.
It won’t be an exaggeration to say that Dr. Kakati was like
Arnold’s ‘‘men of culture” who “laboured to divest knowledge of
all that was harsh, uncouth, difficult, abstract, professional,
exclusive”. The only difference is that Dr. Kakati had not to
“labour”; it came spontaneously in his case. The discoveries of his
intellect were seasoned with graceful deftness of phrase and idiom.
Briefly speaking, in a lucid careful way his style reflects versatility
and positiveness of thought.
K. K. Handique ( b 1895), a well-known Sanskrit
. scholar, has
to his credit some intellectually illuminating articles inAssamese
like Anubadar katha , Spanish sahityat Romeo Juliet , German sahityat
sapon natak, Greek natakar gan , Socralesar mate kavir prakriti etc. Each
of these shows the writer’s depth of learning and literary
articles
understanding. From these essays it seems Handique’s inspira-
tion is the familiar style of Greek architectonic discipline to which
the writer adds his own natural glow and insight. Whenever the
subject admits, as in Spanish sahityat Romeo Juliet it is not that his
y

language always avoided certain romantic attitudes; to be brief,

the cardinal feature of Handique’s prose style is controlled rhythm
wedded to masculine vigour.

J. P. Agarwalla’s fictional prose is chiselled and chaste with well-

chosen phrases. This is not the impression that one gets from his
prose works like Silpir prithivi (1949). Agarwalla followed in prose
the same direction that Gonesh Gogoi followed in verse i.e. to
escape from the harsh and painful realities of life into imaginative
thought; he suffered from a sort of defence
precisely speaking,
reaction, —a muted eloquencethat soared whenever he wrote
upon aesthetics or cultural subjects; one comes across this type
of style particularly in his essay on Bezbarua’s Dalimi. J. P.
 PROSE AND ESSAYS 253

Agarwalla, a fastidious stylist^ loved words specifically for their

colour and savour, which he used to array together not because they
were suggestive or relevant, but because they were capable of
producing curious rhythmic effects; it is needless to say that the
effect of such calculated effort is strained picturesqueness. From the
point of refinement natural to imaginative prose criticism, Ratna
Barkakati’s essay on Dalimi and Jinu is the best on the subject.
Barkakati was concerned with beauty in style, but his primary
judging from the Sahitya Sabha presidential address
insistence,
(1963),was on that indispensable beauty, i.*., truth in art.
Dimbeswar Neog is our most prolific literary historian; his
literary works are Adhunik Asamiya sahityar buranji (1937),
Asamiya sahityar buranjit bhumuki (1945), Asamiya sahityar buranji
(1957) etc. D. Neog has certain fixed ideas about the history of
our literature and whether one agrees with him or not, he advances
them with meticulous scholarship. His other books are Vaishnav
dharmar atiguri (1940) Vaishnav dharmar kramabikash (1943) and
Prag-eitihashik Asom (1949). D. Neog’s prose is matter-of-fact and
flexible.
Without apparent exploitation of erudition. Dr. B. K. Barua
(1910-1964) is capable of marshalling information into neat
and laboured scholarship. Dr. Barua
idioms, despite his strained
to whom goes the credit of writing two of our half-a-dozen best
novels under feminine pseudonyms, Bina and Rashna, is better
known a creative writer than a critic. Barua’s Kavya aru abhi-
as
byanjana (1941), an analytical though disjointed appraisal of the
art of poetry, is primarily based on the well-known Hindi book
Kavya mm abhivyanjanavad by L. N. Sinha and Benedetto Croce’s
Aesthetics , padded with materials borrowed from different sources,
both English and Bengali. Dr. Barua’s study of poetics is tradi-
tional* His other books are Asamiya katha sahitya (1950), Asamiya
bhasa aru samskriti (1957) and Loka samskriti (1961). His style is lucid
and is not marred by any unnecessary flourish; although he is a
painstaking collector of information, there is a strong current,
it must be said, of critical impressionism in Dr. Barua.

While Manoranjan Sastri writes (Sahitya Darshan : 1961) for a

17
254 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

few, literally for those capable of initiation into an aesthetic cult of

scholarly understanding, Trailokya Goswami’s syntax {Sahitya
alochana : 1950) is easy and readily comprehensible. Though they
might suffer from an overtone of learning, both
occasionally
Sastri’s and Goswami’s sentences without being heavily weighted
are well-conducted to considered conclusions; of the two, Goswami
is more lucid despite the fact that both are equally precise and
concentrated in critical approach. Though apparently both give
the impression of being conservative in taste, they are in fact
subtly radical in literary judgment and critical attitude.
While Dr. P. D. Goswami writes a terse, moderately intellectual
prose ( Sahitya aru jivan 1955 and Asamiyajana sahitya
: 1943), Dr. M. :

Neog ( Asamiya premgatha: 1958, Asamiya giti-sahitya 1958, Asamiya

sahityar ruprekha : 1962) and Dr. S. Sarma ( Asamiya sahityar itibritta :

1959, Asamiya sahityar abash : 1963, Asamiya natya-sahitya 1962)

write a prose that is expository or polemical without being strongly
marked or iterative. Both Dr. Neog and Dr. Sarma speak with
a note of authority, but without however giving the impression of
any professional pedantry; they make their point clear by discrimi-
native judgment and distribution of emphasis. Dr. P. D. Goswami’s
style, bereft of emotionality, is impressive in the fusion of knowledge
and controlled crispness of exposition.
Bhabananda Datta, who died young, was a brilliant intellect;
despite the fact that he suffered from a certain sense of intellectual
separatism due to fierce political party affiliation, his writings on
literature (
Rabindra prativa: 1961 etc.) and on social problems
particularly were inspired by an impulse for cultural-rum-intellec-
tual regeneration and just human relation in society. Datta’s
prose style was firm and precise.
Mahendra Bora’s Asamiya kavitar chhanda (1962) is the first serious
attempt in our literature to probe into the field of prosody.
Besides intensive study, the work shows the author’s capacity for
original interpretation and insight; the style is expressive and
expository. S. P. Barua’s Natak aru abhinay prasang (1962), a book
on histrionic arts, is undoubtedly one of the most significant
contributions of recent times; the author has tried to study our
 PROSE AND ESSAYS 255

drama and theatre not in an isolated context, but against a wide

canvas of development of these arts elsewhere. The style is well-
modulated to the theme, and not a single word is wasted.
Others who have made significant contributions in literary
studies are: Uma Sarma (Kavya bkumi 1948), Upen Lekharu
(Asamiya Ramayan sakitya : 1948) Upen Goswami Bhasa am
(.

sakitya 1956), Atul Barua (

Sahityar ruprekha 1958), Hemanta
Sarma (Asamiya sahityat dristipat 1961), Tarini Bhatta (
Sahityar
Gatipatk : 1962) and Tirtha Sarma (Asamiya sahityar gatipath: 1962).
Besides these writers, others who have already made a mark in
literary criticism are: Rajani Sarma, Biren Barkataki, Promod
Bhatta, J. Sarma-Pathak and Hiren Gohain. Apart from work
by individuals, two significant compilations of literary studies
prepared by A. S. L. Club, and
Calcutta, are Chintakosh (1936)
Sakitya aru samalochona K. R. Medhi, Upen Lekharu,
(1941).
Dr. B. K. Barua, Dr. M. Neog, Dr. S. Sarma, Dr. P. D. Goswami
and H. N. Datta-Barooa in particular have edited and compiled old
books and manuscripts, a fact that has not only helped to sustain
the tradition originally initiated by the Rev. Brown and Haribilash
Agarwalla, but has also helped to maintain a significant sequence
of literary development. Chitra Bhagavata (1949), published by
H. N. Datta-Barooa, is a monumental work.

{it) Historical Writings :

History was a means by which not only our glorious past was
resurrected, but was also emphasised through it our faith parti-
cularly in liberty and distinctiveness of cultural antiquity. Like-
wise, the Vaishnava literary past, rich and pan- Indian in character,
had to be resurrected to provide a spark to man’s intellectual
activities under altered socio-political conditions. Historians
found great pride and delight in ancient institutions architectural, :

spiritual or physical, and thus helped to nourish and maintain

national consciousness in the throes of being submerged by alien rule.
Gooch says “The main duty of the historian is neither eulogy
:

nor invective, but interpretation of the complex processes and

conflicting ideals which have built up the chequered life of
256 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

humanity.” Besides this, the historian should have “critical

shrewdness in judging evidence and justness of emphasis redeemed
with illuminating insight and learning”. When these qualities
are combined with literary elegance and imaginative power, history
imbibes the spirit of literature. Compared to some of the
“amateurs”, whose brilliance is not doubted, Dr. S, K. Bhuyan
(1894-1964) is found to be much better equipped with the technique
and apparatus of research. That quite a few of the amateurs
do suffer from a sort of non-scientific credulous psychosis, to whom
Arimatta is as much a historical figure as Chakradhvaj Singha,
is a fact. As a historian K. L. Barua {Early History of Kamarupa)
is in the tradition of Sir E. A. Gait (
History of Assam), Dr. Bhuyan
is not. A professor of English literature, he has instilled into his
and compilations of history a mellowed freshness; he wields
editions
a pen that has the objective terseness of Ahom chronicles and the
spontaneity of English syntax. Dr. Bhuyan’s notable books are
Ahomor din (1918), Konwar vidroh (1948), Romani gabharu (1951),
Buranjir bani (1951), Mirjumlar Asom akraman (1956) etc.
Benudhar Sarma is a serious scholar; he has made significant
contributions to historical research by making unknown
facts of
history known. Except in Deshadrohi kon Purnananda ne Badan ,

where he tries to give some sort of an interpretation of the forces

making this particular epoch significant, Sarma is, strictly speaking,
not an interpreter of history. Even in Maniram Dewan (1950),
except making the book informative and melodramatic, there is
no attempt to interpret the historically complex personality of
Maniram Dewan whose ambitions in the larger context were
feudalislic rather than radically revolutionary. His other works
are Satawan chhal (1946), Durbin (1951), Congressar kachiwali rodat
(1959) etc. Sarma’s style throbs with naturalness and becomes
transparent only when he is less sclf-conscious. Otherwise it tends
to become uneven,puerile and manneristic only a casual glance :

at the paragraph of Maniram Dewan will convince one of it;

first

mysteriously enough, these two styles, one natural and the other
stilted, jostle against one another throughout the book. In this
connection, we should remember that a style cannot be said to
 PROSE AND ESSAYS .
257

gain in strength or beauty simply because itwords or

uses obsolete
gives the impression of eccentricity. The and
qualities of strength
beauty can be assured to prose only by the “finer use of words still
in use”. Barring such evident mannerisms, Sarma’s prose style is
homespun and it is on this basic quality that the captivating grace
of his style rests rather than on his unsound linguistic theories. To
quote Dr. Johnson “He that has studiously formed a style, rarely
:

writes afterwards with complete ease.” This constitutes the core

of Sarma’s style.
With Dr. S. K. Bhuyan and Benu Sarma, mention may be made
of Sarbananda Rajkumar, Dr. P. C. Chaudhury and also Lila
Gogoi. Rajkumar’s sense of history is as mature as his style is
meticulous; he writes a cool and calculated prose, presenting
historical facts in a neat idiom, without giving any unrelated
evidence of exuberance of feeling or sentimental melodrama.
Apart from his massive research work in English, The History of
Civilization of the People of Assam (1959), Dr. Ghaudhury’s presidential
address at the history section of the Assam Sahitya Sabha ( Nazira
session) shows considerable and understanding of
critical insight
the forces of history; his prose is unobtrusive and marked by a
certain dignity of expression. Though young in years, Lila Gogoi
has made worthwhile contributions to historical research already;
his style is neither manneristic nor staccato. The syntax is not
obtrusive; it is firmly present beneath the lucidly agitated
surface of his style. Gogoi’s books are Buranjiye parasa nagar ,
Harowa dinar katha (1958) and Ahomjati aru Asamiya samskriti (1961).
Nakul Bhuyan, better known as a historical playwright, has given in
Bara Bhuyan (1961) an illuminating study of a less known chapter
of our history. Others of the older generation who have written
historical prose are Ananda Agarwalla ( Kamampar purahritta ),
Rajani Padmapati ( Purani Asomat bhumuki 1910), Hem Goswami
:

{Purani Asomar buranji edited in 1922) and Sonaram Chaudhury.

:

Those of the subsequent generation are: R. M. Nath ( Gaurabmoy

Asom: 1949, Vir Chilarai 1949), D. Neog ( Prageitihashik Asom
:

1949), Dr. B. K. Barua, P. D. Chaudhury, P. Gogoi, K. N. Dutt,

B. Handique, D. K. Deva-Sarma ( Kamakhya Tirtha: 1949) and
258 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

Dr. Lakshmi Devi. many more without any

Besides these writers,
form or thought have written on similar
capital distinction of
subjects and brought the perspective of history into an under-
standing focus.

(iii) Philosophical and Scientific Writings:

Among on philosophical subjects, undoubtedly the most

writers
outstanding Radha Phukan (1875-1964). Originally a
is

student of physics, A. S. Eddington, James Jeans and others,

Phukan’s metaphysical writings establish the fact that knowledge
at the highest level is indivisible and cannot ordinarily be
compartmentalised. Modern thinkers are of the opinion that
our knowledge of the physical world in terms of mathematical
abstractions is only a “conceptual model” of reality. In his
attempt to understand physical reality and frame a vision based on
it, Phukan has combined metaphysics with mathematically precise
reasoning; in metaphysics, he is an idealist. Phukan’s books are
Samkhya darshan (1949), Vedanta darshan (1951), Kathare Upanishad
(1954) Janmantar rahashya (1957) etc. Despite copious writings on
Vaishnava ethics and philosophy, the philosophical idiom as also
the idiom of science are yet to be postulated in our language.
And this is why, despite the sweep and amplitude of his discerning
intelligence, Phukan’s style is generally devoid of literacy grace;
it is antique prose, polemical at its best. Nevertheless, Phukan’s
books “soothe the care and lift the thoughts of man”.
In the depth of appraisal and understanding, one Sanskirt scholar
who approximates Radha Phukan is Manoranjan Sastri. His
Asom Vaishnav darshanar ruprekha (1954) is a scholarly study of an
ethical system so far subjected to critical analysis according to
certain established mental norms; this study is an intellectual
departure. Ke writes a prose that combines naturalness with
flexibility, grace with force and alacrity with precision. Intellec-
tually abstract, Sastri’s approach is interpretative like Radha
Phukan’s rather than reproductive according to a botanical
collector’s tenets. Sarat Goswami’s (Jr.) Socrates , Plato aru
Aristotle (1952), Confucius (1956) and Manobijnan (1958) are new
 PROSE AND ESSAYS 259

titlesby a professor of ethics and moral philosophy in our language.

Goswami’s style is neither heavy nor abstruse; it is direct and
unobtrusive. Maulana Tayebulla’s Unmul Koran (1959) is another
noteworthy book of religio-ethical interpretation. In this
connection, Alimunnisa Piar’s Poharar Poth (1963), a religio-philo-
sophical dissertation done in a style that is quiet like an autumn
brook, might also be mentioned.
Under the influence of Freud, Jung and Adler, the study of
psychology with emphasis particularly on the unconscious and
irrational motivations of the mind has grown. Dr. H. N. Sarma-
Bardoloi’s various articles on the subject of psychoanalysis publish-
ed in different journals are, in depth of understanding and study,
the best so far written in our language. Dr. Bardoloi writes a
coolly controlled critical prose. Devidas Ncog’s articles on the
subject are similarly deep and illuminating. Nilima Datta ( Sisu
vikash :1955), Anandi Konwar (Sishu Monovijnan : 1949) and
Lakshyahira Das have to their credit some illuminating writings
on child psychology. Despite expansive science teaching, our
scientific literature is poor; except what appears as “science news"

in journals, it is almost non-existent. Prof. Saroj Datta writes on

science in our journals today as Dr. R. K. Barua used to write
in the Awahon. Except Dr. R. K. Barua’s Vijnanar sadhu (1943),
5
Md. Kudrat-i-Khuda s Vijnanar vichitra kahini (1951), Dipen Sarma’s
Vijnanar vishmoy batari (1956), M. N. Mahanta’s Albert Einstein aru
apekshikatavad (1956) and Prof. B. K. Tamuli’s Visharahashya (1960),
although some of these are elementary in knowledge, there has
been no noteworthy publication on science so far.

(iv) Biographical and other Writings

Likewise, except Swararekhat Bargita (1959), a notable research

work published by the Assam Sangit Natak Akademi and Bargita -
swaralipi (1944) by G. C. Khaund, no serious study in the fine
arts has so far been made. Wirtten in a smooth expressive style,
Suresh Goswami’s Bharatiya nirtyakala (1963) is an illuminating work
on the Indian dances, including the Kamarupi type. Journal-
articles as also the presidential address at the cultural symposium
.260 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

of the Assam Sahitya Sabha (1963) of Dr. Bhupen Hazarika, who

has helped to resuscitate our music into a varied idiom, are scintillat-
ing in analysis and insight. Dr. Hazarika writes a simple, rhythmic
prose.
Our modern biographical literature has registered a significant
departure from the carita puthi style; it has come to become less
formalistic and more comprehensive in outlook and appraisal; with
the personality under study are also depicted the forces that have
helped him to grow into dimension. It is said that biography means
re-appraisal of life with reverence. It is true that the needed
reverence is there in an impressive manner, but, on no account
whatsoever it has been allowed to vitiate the vision of reality
and relevance in our modem biographical writings. Some
notable biographies are Dr. S. K. Bhuyan’s Gopalkrishna Gokhale
(1916) and Anandaram Barua (1920), P. N. Gohain-Barua’s Jivani
samgrahd( 1915), Mahadev Sarnia’s Buddhadev (1914) and Mohammad
charit (1928), S. Sarnia -Kataki’s Satyanath Borar jivan charit (1917),

Harcn Sarma’s Joan d'Arc (1918) and Kamal Pasha (1931), Atul
Barua’ s Saratchandra Goswamir chamujivani ((1929), K. Chaliha’s
Vishwarashik Bezbarua (1939), G. N. Bardcloi’s Tarunram Phukan
(1940), Nalini Devi’s Smriti tirtha (1948) and Vishwadipa (1961),
Benu Sarma’s Gangagovinda Phukan ( 1 950) Dr. P. D. Goswami’s
,

Europar manisi pachgaraki and Biren Barkataki’s Khojate milau khoj

(1956).
Dr. M. Neog’s Sri Sri Sankardeva (1948) is a facile scholarly study
of Sankardeva and his ethico-literary ideas. Writing about this
saint-poet of Assam, all writers, including Dr. Neog, do so generally
“on this side and Coleridge about
of idolatry” as did Hazlitt
Shakespeare; nonetheless would be unfair to suggest that Dr.
it

Neog has tried to judge Sankardeva in the neo-classic manner of

pre-fixed rules. Whether serialised in journals or published in
book-form, cliere are some interesting autobiographies written
by people like L. N. Bezbarua, P. N. Gohain-Barua, Benudhar
Rajkhowa, J. Barooah, Nalini Devi and Padma Chaliha. Auto-
biography, it must be remembered is not primarily an ego-centric
art; too much of “I”-ism spoils its tenor and unfortunately Chaliha’s
 PROSE AND ESSAYS 261

Jivan binar sur (1963) has not succeeded in overcoming it. Apart
from giving a sensitive portrait of contemporary prison aiid politi-
cal life, Maulana Tayebulla’s Karagarar chithi (1962) gives also
the image of the man behind the scenes.
Critical appraisal of different phases of civilisation is being
carried on in recent times with enthusiastic interest. B. N. Sastri’s
Bharatiya sahitya aru samskriti , where the author brings a wide cultural
range into a sharp focus, is a milestone in this field. Dr. M. Neog’s
Purani Asomiya samaj aru samskriti (1957) is a significant sidelight
on our cultural history. Likewise, Dr. B. Kakati’s Kalitajatir
itibritta (1943) is an erudite sociological study of the Kalitas. P. K.
Barua’s Buddha Goya kiman durat (1961) discusses the problem
of world peace in an exhilarating context; the style is convincing
and informative. Bijoy Bhagavati’s Gandhivad (1948) discusses
Gandhiji’s philosophy in a comprehensive way; his Samikha (1961)
is an illuminating book on an international subject-matter.
Bhagavati’s prose is suave and sweeping within the outline of re-
strained limits. Dr. Bhuban Das’s Manavar adikatha and Vivartanar
pathat manav (1960) are studies of primitive stages of civilisation
written with expert knowledge. Nakul Bhuyan’s Chah bagichar
banuwa (1960), an intimate study of tea-garden life, is fascinating
reading; it is a book rewarding for all. Lila Gogoi’s Simantar mati
aru manuh (1963) is a study of our tribal people on the north-eastern
mountains written with sympathy and understanding. Here
Raghu Chaudhury’s Navamallika (1958) that does not come within
any of these categories might also be mentioned; it is a pleasant
collection of personal essays that shows the ranging mind of a
solitary poet as does H. R. Deka’s Alakalai chithi (1950). Dr. Lalit
Barua’s Ela bhanitilai mukali chithi (1955), a book on sexology, is
written like T. R. Phukan’s Jaunatatta (1934) with an eye to popular
needs.
Except novels, perhaps memoirs of travels are read more than
any other book and it is more so if the romance of travel is tinged
with certain literary colour and picturesqueness. Our most
noteworthy travel memoirs are J. Barooah’s Bilatar chithi (1948),
Dr. B. K. Barua’s Switzerland bhraman (1948), Dr. A. Guha’s Soviet-
262 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

deshat abhumuki (1958), Dr. P.D. Goswami’s Vilatat satmah (1958)*

Badjan’s Dui September (1958), Abdus Sattar’s Bideshat dudinmait
(1958), Dr. Lalit Barua’s Europar batat (1957), Dr. P. C. Goswami’s*
Baideshika, Kanak Mahanta’s Bagatara ranga akash (1962), Mrs.
J* B. Barua’s Akashpathedi bideshaloi , H. N. Dutta-Barooa’s Bharat
Hemanta Sarma’s Kavarir pare pare (1963).
bhraman (1945) and
Naba Barua and Abdul Malik who visited the Soviet Union
on a cultural programme have written fascinating memoirs of
their experiences in journals. All these writers have shown the
capacity to enliven the savoury picturesqueness of unfamiliar lands*
and people as also underline significant experiences with natural-
ness and ease.
In belles lettres y the appeal lies principally in verbal skill and inti-
mate personal touch calculated to make even relatively insignificant
details interesting reading. This informal and discursive essay
has proved itself to be a flexible medium; with entertainment
rather than instruction as its accepted aim, it comes very near to*

Dr. Johnson’s definition of the essay as “loose sally of the mind”.

It is loose, for, it is not closely fettered by any ostensible theme;
noted for its by its very nature
idiosyncratic style, this type of essay
is Through the personal essays of A. A. Milne, Hillaire
self-revealing.
Belloc’s On Anything and G. K. Chesterton’s Tremendous Trifles y
this informal, intimate style for the first time came into literary
vogue; the first to write an essay of this type in our language under
A. A. Milne’s inspiration was Munin Barkataki; his Confessions was
published in the Awahon during the late thirties. The style of
belles lettres is conversational like after-dinner dialogues stretching
far beyond midnight. Some of the noteworthy belles lettres of
this period are Kumar Madhusudan’s Kimacharjyam (1950),
Tilak Hazarika’s Adda (1958) and Kata Katha (1960), Bhadra Bora’s
Ardhang tyajati (1957) and Madhurena (1961), Hem Sarma’s Batar
dubariban (1957) and Swagata (1963), Premnarayan’s Rasamadhuri
(1959) and Dr. Hern Barua’s (1890-1958) Chapania and Morghar-
khan Although Dr. Barua’s Navagraha (1954) is often classified as
.

belles lettres in fact, it is not so.

, It is, strictly speaking, a collection
of popular essays on science told in the belle lettres style. Though.
 PROSE AND ESSAYS 263

told in the belles lettres style, Lila Gogoi’s Coupling singa rail (1961)
has a reformative purpose behind it. Like Bezbarua, Madhu-
sudan and Bhadra Bora are colloquial, but unlike their predecessor,
they are colloquial within the bounds of good taste that is legitimate-
ly allowed by the abstractness of the subject-matter. In conclusion,
this must be said that even in his informal essays, Dr. Barua is

a penetrating psychoanalyst.

(p) Conclusion :

The immediate pre-War and succeeding post-War years cons-

tituteour “miscellaneous and uneasy” period: the War had not,
however, heralded any meaningful departure in our literary history,
except producing superficial influences here and there; the
symphony has no doubt harmony, but no new tune is as
lost its

yet set to restore timbre to what is a discordant note. There has

been little or no criticism of marked originality during this period;
whatever criticism is there is informed and discriminatory literary
comment. This is not how a great epoch in literature is born.
In this respect, certain basic facts about our language are to be
taken note of: ( a ) Under the auspices of the American Baptist
Mission who restored our language from stagnant and moribund
conditions, Sibsagar in eastern Assam was accepted as the centre of
standard literary language, for, it was the home of the new rena-
scence that the missionaries initiated. Now things have changed
today it is Gauhati and not Sibsagar that has steadily emerged as a
centre of our new standard literary idiom. For, (i) Gauhati is the
most expansive centre of learning for the younger generation, and
(it) it is the meeting ground of different dialectical variations of the

Assamese language, not to speak of other Indian languages, out

of which the new literary language that generally finds expression
in prose is steadily evolving. (
b Compared to pre-War prose,
present-day prose is getting more and more divorced from home-
spun diction and its place is steadily being usurped by a consciously
stimulated literary elegance. Besides, there is a tendency today

to synthesise style, stimulate it with greater elasticity, liberate it

from tradition and make it capable of embracing a wider range of
264 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

subject-matter, from social, economic and political to other human

complexes. Naturally, our present-day prose style has tended
to become more synthetic, (c) It is not sufficiently correct to say

that our present-day prose reflects the contemporary English style;

whatever between the two is discernible is superficial at
affinity
the best. Contemporary English style is remarkable for its lucid
expressiveness even on highly intellectual subjects; it is not the
“load” we are familiar with in our
style, mis-calied intellectual style,
present-day prose. Expansion of ideas from religion to art, from
philosophy to science has made greater demands on our language;
because of this increased responsibility, it is sought to be made
more dynamic, partly by multiplication of derivate forms from
existing roots, but mainly by fresh borrowings from Sanskrit and
other sources. Yet, it must not be forgotten that even in our pre-
sent-day writings, both the styles, one abstruse and intellectual
and the other spontaneous and homely, run parallel without any
tangible clash of interests.
present-day poetry

Most of the present-day Assamese poets are university-bred; this

fact of higher English education has naturally urbanised their men-
tal makeup to a large extent. This is a phenomenon of deeper signi-
ficance; this has resulted in the divorce of the real life of the people
and the soil them from the ambit of literary creation.
that sustains
Literature like art can flourish better and in a more fruitful way
in the piping times of peace. Not to speak of the 1962 Chinese
aggression, this frontier State of Assam had had the tragic experience
of the last World War. It was through this land that the evacuees
from wartorn Burma in their thousands, maimed and battered,
streamed back to their respective homes or relief centres in India.
It was in this State where the Allied troops were massed for action

against the Japanese invaders. In the wake of all this, there came
untold sufferings for the people, want, starvation and uncertainty
all around.
Naturally under these conditions of disorder literature could not
progress. The realisation of the fact that war is a “bestial affair”,
to use Anatole France’s words, together with the realisation of the
disastrous effects of war on civilisation made poets and literary
artists conscious of a social function. The dynamic character of
literature lies in its capacity to adjust itself to the spirit of the time;
it was during these War-years that poetry of the progressive school
266 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

emerged in our literature. Thus, literature was harnessed to the

task of effecting national consciousness by diverting attention to
problems on the popular level; in this the progressive school drew
its from the socio-economic system in Soviet
inspiration primarily
Russia and the technique employed by some of the English poets
of the thirties of this century.
The argument was : If T. S. Eliot could describe, without violat-
ing the cardinal principles of art, modern civilisation and its en-
vironment with its sordid lust, its flat commercial cosmopolitanism
that is as shoddy as it is “unreal”, why cannot we? We learn from
the Introduction to Poems from Spain that poets and poetry have played
a significant part in the Spanish War, because to them, the struggle
•of the Republicans was a struggle for conditions without which the
reading and writing of poetry was impossible. Thus, a vigorous plea
for the dissolution of hidebound social and national illusions became
for a time being the subject-matter of poetry under the auspices
of our progressive school; according to the poets of this school,
it was time for the new poets to rouse humanity from its long and

indolent torpor, its profitless dreaming. This naturally led to the

desire for exactness and truth in poetry without however sacrificing
aesthetic effects. For, the poets, despite their progressive ideas,
knew that art cannot be all propaganda : it is neither algebra nor
arithmetic.
As evident Assamese poetry of the
in Indian poetry elsewhere,
forties registered a new has been a marked
departure; there
difference in technique and subject-matter of our contemporary
poetry. To be precise, the study of Marxian dialectics and Freudian
psychopathology has led to re-thinking and to newer attitudes and
•expressions in the light ofit. The old jin-de-siecle spirit was fast
losing its had been an initial departure from the delight
grip; there
in colour, beauty and “the love of the moth for the star” type of the
preceding era of romantic poetry. The individual ego was no
longer “singled out, built in and sung to”. The rudimentary
appeal of Marxism for the lower middle class poets was irresisti-
ble, and that too against the background of chaos and disorder of
modern society. In the world of despiritualised values, it atleast
 PRESENT-DAY POETRY 267

provided “something” to repose one’s Although as

faith in.

an empirical theory Marxism has a sound a source of

basis, as
poetic inspiration it has not been able to achieve any tangible
aesthetic success anywhere in the world.
Poets, says Herbert Read, bear the same relation to society as the
antennae of an insect to its body; this is socially conscious poetry.
The struggle for freedom and the dream of a sovereign socialist
society gave an impetus to this poetry in our country. The poets
.saw the vision of a new India in the sunshine of freedom, an India
free from the “infections of incalculable despair” due to social in-
justice and economic imbalance. This tendency was ushered into
Indian literature of different regional languages during the thirties
of the century, and in some cases it lasted till the closing years of
the forties. If these “new vistas” opened for Malayalam poetry
in 1936, it was 1939 for Kannada poetry, and the rest of the
Indian poetry followed almost an indentical time schedule.
This progressive poetry tried to vindicate the rights of the toiling
masses in field and factory from capitalist exploitation. Thus, the
leftists and surrealists registered protests against what they des-
cribed as escapism and soft sentiments of the romantic school.
The type of inspiration that the progressive school of Indian poets
-drew from contemporary English poetry can best be illustrated by
reference to the following passage from MacNeice’s poetry

They cannot live, once their idols are turned out,

None of them can endure, for how could they, possibly, without
The flotsam of private property, pekingese and polyanthus.
The good things which in the end turn to poison and pus,
Without the bandy chairs and sugar in their silver tongs,
And the inter-ripple and resonance of years of dinner gongs?
Not only English poets, but poets Mayakovsky of Soviet
like

Russia and Antonio Machado of Spain had their impact.

also
This political-rnm-social absorption that one comes across in
world literature was made popular through a series of articles
published in the Awahon during the late thirties of this century; thus
was a new resurgence in our literature initiated that drew poets and
268 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

away from the world of romantic dreams into the world

artists alike
of cold facts.The central idea projected through these articles can
be illustrated in the words of Mayakovsky thus

Why must I write about the love of Jack and Jill and not con-
sider myself part of the social organism which is building life?

This new trend in our literature first made its appearance during
the forties of this century under the auspices of a monthly journal
called Jayanti (1943) under the distinguished editorship of Kamal-
narayan Dev.
The Jayanti era in our literature is historically significant; it

marked a protest and registered a departure from the traditional

romantic ideals of the preceding era. This poetry was critical,

socially conscious and, as traditionalists would say, anarchic in

technique and subject-matter; but to be fair, it was the poetry of
human values realised and expressed with a conscience. The
pioneer poem of this type was Puja. This poem that presents
a contrast between two social norms, one, a world of wealth,
luxury and pomp represented by the privileged few and the other,
one of miseries and misfortunes of the unprivileged many, is histori-
cally significant in the sense that it created an atmosphere for “new
signatures” in our poetry. Amulya Barua (1922-1946) who fell
a victim in the Great Calcutta Killing took up this inspiration
subsequently and produced some notable poems like Kukur Vashya ,

etc. Though not the pioneer of the progressive school of poetry

nor the innovator of its technique, Amulya Barua was the most
outstanding of this generation of poets. This progressive poetry
can generally be called revolutionary in the sense that a tradition
had collapsed and in its place it made the discovery of new frontiers
of poetry possible and achievable. Poetry was no longer a “mad
nymph locked in a prism”.
This poetry that was invariably addressed to a specific purpose
and termed progressive poetry had a brief existence only it failed :

to emerge into a comprehensive literary attitude and neither

Puja nor Kukur or Vashya succeeded in striking deeper psychologi-
cal roots. Somehow or other, poetry of the progressive school
 PRESENT-DAY POETRY 269

declined into the backyard of history as abruptly asit emerged into

vogue. happened so either because conditions in an industrial-

It
ly backward economy as ours did not warrant it or because it
could not acquire an edge of beauty, that “sincerity in art”, spoken
of by Aldous Huxley which constitutes the life-spirit of all creations
of “talents”. Besides, although it is a fact that the greatest art
creates its own age, there is the problem of poet-audience relation-
ship also, a fact, if ignored, affects all aesthetic creations.

True it is that there are people who are starved, people who
have been cheated of the fair value of their work, but, when these
problems, the cry of the dispossessed are projected without any
aesthetic appeal or reason, it is bound to fail as literary creation.
Art cannot subserve the dictates of a political platform. In an
industrially backward State like Assam where conditions emerging
out of industrial complexes do not exist, how is it possible to create
poetry of “the chisel and the roller”? Art in its purest manifesta-
tion is always timeless.
Although progressive poetry as such declined into non-existence,
the interest it created in social-rnm-political problems caught on;
during the post-War period one comes across some ennobling speci-
mens of socially conscious poetry under the auspices of the Pachuwa
( 1 948-49) and the Ramdhenu (1951). Biren Bhatta, Ram Gogoi and
Abdul Malik have produced a few fine specimens of socially consci-
ous poetry during this period. Malik’s and Bhatta’s focus of in-
terest is primarily on the problems of lower middle class society.
Ram Gogoi’s poetry has a Marxist touch, not of the book-learnt
type, but one that springs from self-realisation due to the natural
contact that the poet has with the vital springs of our life. In
Biren Bhatta’s ( b 1927) Bishnu Rava atia kiman
. Malik’s ( b . 1919)
rati ,

Phulsarjyar rati and Mahendra Bora’s (b. 1929) Kerani Shelleyir chithi,
thistendency had attained a success that the poets of the preceding
progressive group could not dream of. This is of course inevitable
in all pioneering work. One must not forget that their major
contribution was in the field of technique; they popularised vers
libre and sprung verse techniques which were further developed

by the subsequent generation of poets.

270 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

In this new technique, ideas generally found a compressed ex-

pression; with were also compressed the sound- values of the poem,
it

the “rhythm often coming in the middle of the line, instead of be-
ing set like a milestone at the end of every five stress”. This is seen
that these poets give the impression of being deficient in sensual and
emotional exuberance when compared to the romantic poets;
nevertheless, the poems produced by them are inevitably works
of art. The calculated opposition to romantic superfluity in
language is one of the reasons for the popularity of sprung verse.
For, in a nutshell, sprung rhythm is “nearest to the rhythm of
prose, that is and natural rhythm of speech”.
the native
The attitude to life and problems of the Pachuwa-Ramdhenu group
of poets is more positive and comprehensive than that of the Jayanti
group. This is why the poetry of the Jayanti group did not have
more than a superficial contemporary appeal. It was a modern
equivalent of “occasional verse”, to be precise, and in the case of
Jayanti poetry its appeal was too brief to be of any significance.
It is said that “any poetry which implies a passionate faith in any-
thing can be called propaganda”. What the Jayanti poets lacked
was “passionate faith” even in the cause they were supposed to
espouse. Their poetry was as much propaganda as the “work of
the Georgian poets was propaganda for the breweries and for walk-
ing tours”.
It is true that poets like Biren Bhatta, Ram Gogoi and Abdul
Malik are dissatisfied with the existing conditions of life and society;
this dissatisfaction has led them towards pre-occupation with social
problems, for, to say in the words of Day Lewis, “this world they
inherited seemed to possess neither a moral tradition nor a satis-
factory economic system”. A poet’s faith like a woman’s love is
his whole existence; political or other faiths are no hindrances pro-
vided they inspire poets to write good poetry. Under modern
circumstances a poet cannot be an “autist”, to borrow a word from
psychology. To say in other words, a modern poet is truly a
“vocal son of man” in the sense that he is not selfish and confined to
.his own world of self-imposed limitations.
Dissatisfaction at times leads to “attraction of surrealism”.
 PRESENT-DAY POETRY 271

Apart from it, the new poetry has become poetry of ideas; it is the
second phase of development in our poetry, fostered by the Ramdhenu .

To say in the words of Ii. V. Routh ( English Literature and Ideas in

the Twentieth Century) “The study of twentieth century literature
is inseparable from ideas.” We find in our poetry of this
generation, particularly under the influence of T. S. Eliot,
ideas from different sources of thought and knowledge cross-fertilis-
ing each other. As evident from the writings of the younger group
of English poets, surrealism carried the “modified anarchism of the
earlier Audcn-MacNeice work to its technical extreme”. Naba
Barua’s ( b . 1926) reply to partisan attitude and to too much involve-
ment in political polemics of the nature of the Jayanli poets was
surrealism; he explored the subconscious and created poetry of a
varied plumage. His poetry is communication and unlike what
Walter de la Mare has said about poetry, it is not a “record”, except
that which is expressed as the quintessence of the subconscious.
The last World War is responsible for producing a sort of morbid
psychology in European poetry of the time. Although the War
had had a physical impact to some extent in Assam, Assamese
poetry of the post-War period is free from such a psychological
fact.
Art is neither for the sake of art as the aesthete imagines nor for
the sake of ethics as the moralist opines; it is for the sake of life.

This interest in life is not merely physical;

concerned with the it is

psychological and subconscious aspect also. Dr. Groddeck ( The

World of Men) says “While the outside view of things was chang-
:

ing under the impact of new ideas and discoveries in physics, the
ego was also being explored, and it is in this context that we come
across the name of Freud.” Jung who is described as the “Plato of
psychoanalysis” opened the frontiers of ideas further. Thus the
recent tendency in Assamese poetry is to make more
the objective
subjective and the subjective more objective in the sense that it is
made more vivid, thus weaving the conscious and the subconscious
into a distinct pattern of passion and precision. This interest in
the subconscious in our literature is largely stimulated by studies
of Freud, Jung and Adler particularly.
272 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

There are two worlds: i

( ) phenomenal and (it) noumenal.
Marxism and physics deal with the first whereas psychoanalysts
deal with the second. In the context of today, the frontiers
between the two are dissolving and a synthesised pattern of the two
extremes is emerging. It is said in Cambridge English Literature
thus: “Philosophers now explain psychological phenomena in
physical terms; physicists give metaphysical of interpretations
natural phenomena.” This fact has produced a powerful impact
on present-day literature and nothing reflects this marriage
of science and philosophy better than present-day poetry of the
intellectual type. Science and metaphysics have given birth
to new ideas and attitudes about time and continuity. Thus,
the ego of the sectarian group of Jayanti poets is broken and
disintegrated.
Symbolism, a French technique, is employed to explore the
noumenal world and discover meaning for the world of conscious-
ness that is not apparent as such. The interest was concentrated
on what Bergson says “the indivisible flux of consciousness”. For
the symbolists, poetry was an art that “should not inform, but
suggest and evoke, not name things, but create their atmosphere”.
(C. M. Brown The History of Symbolism ). Mallarme is of the same
:

opinion when he says that “to name an object is to do away with

three-quarters of the enjoyment of the poem”. The influence of
T. S. Eliot through whom French symbolist technique was primarily
communicated to the English poets of the generation is pro-
nounced on the Pachuwa-Ramdhenu genre of Assamese poets. It is
the reading of T. S. Eliot by our poets of this generation, most of
whom are university-bred, that made the French symbolist
technique popular in our literature. Homen Bargohain (6. 1931),
Mahendra Bora, Dinesh Goswami and Nilmani Phukan (Jr.) are
interested in the “innermost flickering of the human heart”, and yet,
the phenomenal world is not lost sight of. Mahendra Bora appears
to be on the periphery of this cycle; the technique employed by all

the three, except Bora, is symbolist. It is the thick veneer of in-

tellectualism that makes Bora’s poetry an exception. Whatever
that may be, this is the first authentic attempt to give to our poetry
 PRESENT-DAY POETRY 273

a new direction on the line of French symbolist poetry initiated by

Mallarme and Valery.
Further, it must be noted that of late -there has been an obvious
swing in the pendulum; this is towards romantic poetry again in a
more comprehensive sense. This must be said in this connection
that the only poet of this generation who has held on to romantic
poetry is Hari Barkakati ( b 1927); his poetry is of course romantic
.

with a difference. Perhaps this tendency was inherent in a sense

in the poetry of Homen Bargohain, Mahendra Bora, Dinesh Go-
swami and Nilmani Phukan (Jr.), for, to say in the words of Issac,
symbolist poetry was just a “second wave of the romantic poetry”.
This is true of recent English poetry also. Lawrence Durrcl says
“To us, living in the fifties, it seems that the pendulum has swung
out very far in the direction of the romantic or the mystical.” The
technique employed in this romantic poetry from what
is different
obtains in the romantic poetry of the previous era. There is no
unnecessary “metrical verbiage” in it. It is marked by a precision
of imagery and economy of words rather than by vague romantic
profusion. Our notable poets of this generation are Keshav
Mahanta, Nirmalprava Bardoloi, Bireswar Barua, Biren Barkataki,
Sushil Sarma, Harekrishna Deka, Hiren Gohain, Nalini Bhatta,
Bhagagiri Rai-Chaudhury, Gunabhi Chaudhury, Radhikamohan
Bhagavati, Biren Bargohain, Hiren Bhatta, Ratna Oja, Amalendu
Guha, Ravindra Bora, Saiduddin Ahmed, Anandeswar Sarma,
Prafulla Bhuyan, Bhaben Barua and Bcnu Chiring. Except about a
dozen of these poets, the rest have not succeeded so far in capturing
the modern idiom.
To be brief and at same time panoramic is the poets’ problem
the
today. Our is marked by “passion, music and
present-day poetry
precision”, the qualities of good poetry as adumbrated by Day
Lewis. To sum up: present-day Assamese poetry is vibrant with
a spirit of moral independence and social criticism; the free search
of new values is on the ascendant and the apostles of traditionalism
who usually charge present-day poetry as “obscure” are neither the
more numerous nor the more eminent. Our literature has
produced really more good poets from the forties of this century
274 ASSAMESE LITERATURE

to the present-day than duringany period of an identical span after

the early 16th century, from the time of Sankardeva and
i.e.,

Madhavdeva. This might sound hyperbolic, but then, how to deny

a statement that can be established by facts?
 BIBLIOGRAPHY

Barua, B. K. Assamese Literature. Published by the International

Book House, Bombay, 1941. Pages: text 1-57, Anthology
61-102.
Modern Assamese Literature. Published by Lawyer’s Book
Stall, Gauhati, 1957. Pages: 1-101.

Barua, K. L. Early History of Assam. Published by the author,

Shillong, 1933. Pages: preface i-xvi, text 1-329.

Bhuyan, S. K. Studies in the Literature of Assam. Published by

Lawyer’s Book Stall, Gauhati, 1956. Pages: 1-155.

Chatterji, S. K. The Place of Assam in the History and Civilisa-

tion of India. Published by Gauhati University, 1955. Pages:
1-84.

The Origin and Development of the Bengali Language.

Published by Calcutta University.

Gait, E. A. A History of Assam, First Edition, 1905; Second

Edition, 1926. Published by Thacker Spink and Co.,
Calcutta. Pages: text 1-374; Index 375-388.

Kakati, B. Assamese, Its Formation and Development. Published

by the Government of Assam, 1941. Pages: preface i-xiv,
text 1-360.

Kakati, B. (Ed.) Aspects ofEarly Assamese Literature. Published

by Gauhati University, 1953. Pages: 1-315.
 INDEX

Acharjya, Ananta, 84 Barkakati, Ratnakanta (R. K.), 183

Agarwalla, Anandachandra (Ananda), Barkataki, Biren, 255, 260, 273

162, 257 Barkataki,Munin, 234, 235, 262

Agarwalla, Chandrakumar (G. K.)» Barkataki,Padma, 219-220, 242
149, 153, 156, 158, 159-160, 161 Barkath, Sukumar, 127
Agarwalla, Haribilash, 137, 138, 251, Barker, C., 134
255 Barooah, J., 260, 261
Agarwalla, Jyotiprasad (J. P.) 176, Parpujari, Dulal, 178
189-190, 195, 197, 252-253 Barpujari, Jadu, 242
Agarwalla, Krishnaprasad, 149 Barthakur, Durgeswar, 185, 199
Ahmed, Pajiruddin, 193 Barthakur, Indreswar (I. S.), 177, 184,
Ahmed, Saiduddin, 273 188
Ajan Pir, 30 Barthakur, Krishnaprasad (K. P.), 217
Ali, Tafazul, 199 Barthakur, Promod, 143
A. S. L. Club, 255 Barua, Amulya, 268
Assam Sangit Natak Akademi, 259 Barua, Ananda, 175, 190 199
Ata, Gopala, 110-111 Barua, Atul, 255, 260
Barua, Bhaben. 273
Barua, Bina, 199, 210-211, 233, 234,
Badjan, 262 235
Barbarua, Hiteswar, 145 Barua, Binanda, 173

Bardoloi, Devanath (D. N.), 187 Barua, Bircswar, 221, 242, 273

Bardoloi, Gopinath (G. N.), 260 Barua, (Dr.) B. K., 253, 255, 257, 261

Bardoloi, Kirti, 199 Barua, Chandradhar, (Chandra, C. D..

Bardoloi, Madhav, 137, 138

C.), 157, 162-163, 174, 184, 186
Bardoloi, Mukti, 199 187-188

Bardoloi, Nabinchandra (N. C.) 176- Barua, Devakanta, 178-179

184, 196 Barua, Ghanakanta, (G. K.), 196

177,
Bardoloi, Nirmalprava, 273 Barua, Ghanashyam (G. S.), 183

Bardoloi, Rajanikanta (Rajani). 146, Barua, Gunabhiram (G. R.), 139,

204, 205-209, 221, 222, 247, 248-249 181, 182-183, 246, 247, 249
Bardoloi, Rudraram, 181, 183 Barua, Gunjanan (G.), 183

Bardoloi. Sarada, 198 Barua, (Dr.) Hem, 241, 262

Bargohain, Biren, 273 Barua, Hem Chandra (H. C.), 137,

Bargohain, Homen, 199, 219, 220, 139, 181, 183, 204, 245-246, 247,
222, 239-240, 241, 272, 273 249
Bargohain, Nirupama, 217, 242 Barua, Jaduram, 137
Barkakati, Hari, 273 Barua, (Mrs.) J. B., 262
Barkakati, Ratna, 167, 175, 176, 253 Barua, Kaliram, 138
278 INDEX

Barua, Kanaklal (K. L.), 146, 256 Bhattacharjya, Sneha, 210

Barua, Kanchan, 221 Bhattadeva, 116-119, 120, 123
Barua, Karuna, 186 Bhuyan, Govindaram, 140
Barua, Kumud, 184, 186 Bhuyan, Krishna, 234, 235
Barua, (Dr.) Lalit, 261, 262 Bhuyan, Nakul, 192,228, 257, 261
Barua, Naba, 213, 214, 262, 271 Bhuyan, Prafulla, 273
Barua, Nalini, 235 Bhuyan, (Dr.) Surjya, (S. K.), 151
Barua, Nilkumud, 246 167-168, 228, 256, 257, 260
Barua, Parvati, 199 Bora, Balinarayan, 142
Barua, Prafulla (P. K.), 199, 261 Bora, Bhadra, 262, 263
Barua, Priti, 242 Bora, J. N., 250
Barua, Rasna, 218, 219 Bora, Lakshminandan, (L. N.),.
Barua, Ratnadhar, (R. D.), 183 220-221, 240-241
Barua, (Dr.) R. K., 259 Bora, Lambodar, 247, 250
Barua, Satyaprasad, (S. P.), 195, 198, Bora, Mahendra, 199, 254, 269, 272,.
199, 254-255 273
Barua, Uma, 221 Bora, Mahi, 225, 229, 230
Bezbarua, Deven, 248 Bora, Mahim, 240
Bezbarua, Lakshminath, (L. N.), 150, Bora, Ravindra, 273
151, 153, 157, 158, 159, 160-161, Bora, Satyanath, 146, 250
162, 168, 183, 184-185, 186, 191-192, Bronson, Miles, (M.), 134, 137, 244-
199, 209, 224-227, 228, 229, 235, Brown, Rev. (Dr.) N., 134, 136,1137,
247, 248-249, 260, 263 244, 251, 255
Bezbarua, Narayan, (N.), 221 Brown, (Mrs.) Eliza, 136
Bhagavati, Bijoy, 261 Buragoliain, Dharmakanta, (D. K.),.
Bhagavati, Radhikamohan, 273 142
Bhanunandan, 168
Bharadwaj, Pasupati, (P), 221
Bharali,Anima, 242 Chakra vartty, Gopinath, 140
Bharali, Devananda, (D.), 184, 248 Chakravartty, Kaviraj, 84, 127, 128*
Bhatta, Biren, 216, 218, 239, 269, 270 Chakravartty, Nalini, 221
Bhatta, Hiren, 273 Chakravartty, Sarbcswar, (S.), 198
Bhatta, Nalini, 273 Chaliha, Kamaleswar, (K.), 175-176,
Bhatta, Promod, 255 199, 221, 260
Bhatta, Tarini, 255 Chaliha, Padmadhar, (Padma), 176,
Bhatlacharjya, Devendranath, (D.), 186, 260-261
221 Chaliha, Parag, 193
Bhattacharjya, Harishchandra,(H. C.), Chaliha, Sourov, 239, 241-242
199 Chaudhury, Anil, 198
Bhattacharjya, Kamalakanta, (K. K.), Chaudhury, Girish, 198
146-147, 157, 159, 249,251 Chaudhury, Gunabhi, 273
Bhattacharjya, Kamalananda, (K. N.), Chaudhury, Lakshya, (L. D., L.), 185,
190, 192 186, 190
 INDEX 279

Chaudhury, Medini, 242 Deka, Hitesh, 212-213

Chaudhury, Nagen, 230 Deka, Mathura, 211, 221
Chaudhury, Nirod, 242 Deka-Phukan, M. N., 178
Chaudhury, (Dr.) P. C., 257 Dcva-Adhikari, Singhadatta, 177
Chaudhury, P. D., 257 Deva-Sarma, D. K., 257
Chaudhury, Prasannalal,(P.), 176, 192 Deva-Sarma, Purnakanta, (P. K.),

Chaudhury, Raghunath, (Raghu), 187

144, 162, 163-164,261 Devi, Dharmeswari, 168-169

Chaudhury, Ramakanta, 143-145, Devi, Hiranyamayee, 242
187 Devi, Kiranmayee, 221

Chaudhury, Sonaram, 257 Devi, (Dr.) Lakshmi, 258

Chetia, Jogcn, 199 Devi, Nalinibala, (Nalini), 155, 164,

Chctia, Dayaram, 154 165, 166-167, 169, 172, 176, 260

Chiring, Bcnu, 273 Devi, Pranita, 242
Cotter, (Mrs.), 136-137 Devi, Sneha, 242

Cotter, O.T., 134, 244 Dewan, Maniram, 34

Dhekial-Phukan, Anandaram, (A. R.) r

136, 137, 245,

Dai, Lumber, 221 Dilbar, 128

Daivajna, Sujyakhari, 126, 139, 140 Dosai, 128

Dak, Mahapurusa, 20, 36-39, 41 Duara, Jatindranath, (Jatin), 153>

Danforth, A. H., 134, 135 162, 164-166, 176, 177

Das, Bholanath, 143-145 Durgabara, 49, 77-79, 80, 81, 82

Das, (Dr.) Bhuban, 261 Dutt, K. N., 257

Das, G. S., 221 Dutta-Barooa, H. N., 210, 255, 262

Das, Jogcsh, 213, 214-215, 217, 219, Dev, K. N., 211, 268
221, 238-239, 241, 242 Dwija, Bhusana, 112, 123
Das, Lakshyahira, 259 Dvvija, Pitambara, 81-84

Das, Roma, 233-234, 237, 242 Dwija, Rama, 85

Das, Santiram, 210
Das, Satish, 199
Das, Tilak, 221 Farwell, Nidhi Levi, 138, 244

Dasa, Madhav, 76
Datta, Bhabananda, 254
Dalta, Dhaniram, 188 Gogoi, Ganesh, 153, 176, 177, 190
Datta, Nilima, 259 Gogoi, Ghana, 213
Datta Premnarayan, (P. N.), 199,213, Gogoi, Indibar, 235
235, 262 Gogoi, Kula, 242
Datta, (Prof.) Saroj, 259 Gogoi, Lila, 257, 261, 263
Deka, Abhoy, 199 Gogoi, P., 257
Deka, Haliram, (H.R.),229, 230-231, Gogoi, Ram, 269, 270

261 Gogoi, Sashi, 178

Deka, Harekrishna, 273 Gohain, Hiren, 255, 273
280 INDEX

Gohain-Barua, Padmanath, (P. N.), Hazarika, Tilak, 262

145-146, 184, 185, 186, 188, 191, Hesselmeyar, 134
192, 204-205, 208, 209, 221, 222,
249-250, 260
Gopala, 112 Jamiruddin, 211, 221, 235
Gopaladeva, 76
Goswami, Ambikaprasad, (A. P.), 184
Goswami, Atulananda, (A. N.), 242 Kakati, (Dr.) B., 251-252, 261
Goswami, BLshnuprasad, 247 Kakati, 242
Rohini,
Goswami, Dincsh, 272, 273 Kalita, Dandinath, (Dandi), 142, 157,
Goswami, Dwija, 85 163, 170, 174, 188, 192, 209-210,
Goswami, Hem, 153, 158, 159, 218, 228
161-162, 249, 257, 259 Kandali, Ananta, 51, 60, 62-63, 64,
Goswami, Jatin, 221, 233, 242 70, 81
Goswami, Lalit, 139 Kandali, Madhav, 43, 45, 46-47,
Goswami, Mamoni, 242 62, 78, 79
Goswami, (Dr.) P. C., 262 Kandali, Rudra, 45
Goswami, (Dr.) Prafulla Datta, (P. D.), Kandali, Sridhar, 28-29, 51, 64
215, 254, 255, 260, 262 Kashinath, 127
Goswami, Radhikamohan, (R. M.), Kavi, Subhankar, 127
213-214, 221, 222-223, 228, 235 Kayastha, Bakul, 61, 137
Goswami, Raghudcv, 139, 140 Khan, Suleiman, 143
Goswami, Sarat (Jr.), 258-259 Khataniar, Bhairav, 154
Goswami, Sarat Chandra (Sarat), Khataniar, Jamuncswari, 177
150, 210, 227-228, 229, 235 Khaund, G. C., 259
Goswami, Suprabha, 235 Konwar, Anandi, 259
Goswami, Suresh, 221 Kudrat-i-khuda, Md., 259
Goswami, Trailokya, 229, 231-232, 254 Kumar, Madhusudan, 262, 263
Goswami, Upcn, 255 Kumar, KLshore, 217, 221, 242
Guha, (Dr.) Amalendu, (A.), 261, 273
Gurney, A. K., 134, 202-203,221,244
Gurney, (Mrs.), 203-204 Lekharu, Upen, 255

Handique, B., 257 Madhavdeva, 29, 43, 50, 57-60, 73,

Handique, K. K., 252 75-76, 82, 86, 94,97, 107-109, 110,
Hazarika, Atul, 174, 184, 189, 192, 111, 112, 113, 116, 120, 122-123,
193, 195, 19/ 155, 156, 274
Hazarika, Bhabanath, 178 Mahanta, Baladev, 142
Hazarika, (Dr.) Bhupei., 260 Mahan ta, Kanak, 262
Hazarika, Dutiram, 140 Mahanta, Keshav, 273
Hazarika, Mafizuddin Ahmed, 142-143 Mahanta, Mitradev, 142, 174, 186,
Hazarika, Thaneswar, 178 188, 228
 INDEX 281

Mahanta, M. N., 259 Piar, Alimunnisa, 242, 259

Mahanta, Raghunath, 119, 120 Piar, Md., 211, 212
Mahanta, Ratneswar, 141-142, 246, Purnakanta, 112
247
Majumdar-Barua, Durgaprasad,
(D. P.), H2, 185, 187 Rai-chaudhury, Ambikagiri, (A. G.),
Malik, Abdul, 195, 216-218, 221, 155, 157, 164, 166, 169, 176, 189,
237-238, 262, 269, 270 250, 251
Mankara, 49, 80-81, 82 Rai-chaudhury, Bhagagiri, 273
Medhi, K. R., 255 Rai-chaudhury, Suchibrata, 221
Minanath, 40 Rajkhowa, Benudhar, 143, 184, 186,
Misra, Kaviraj, 84, 85 187, 260
Misra, Rama, 85 Rajkhowa, Bhabananda, 178
Moral, Sada, 221 Rajkhowa, Bhabaprasad, 178
Rajkhowa, Prcmadhar, 213
Rajkhowa, Sailadhar, 171-172, 192
Narayandcva, 79-80 Rajkumar, Sarbananda, 257
Nath, R. M., 257 Ramadcva, 112
Neog, Dcvidas, 259 Robinson, N., 136
Ncog, Dimbcswar, (D.), 171, 253, 257 Rucidcva, 112
Ncog, (Dr.) M., 254, 255, 260, 261
Nowgong Dramatic Club, 194, 195
Sabhapandit, Kamakhya, (K.), 221
Saikia, Bhabcn, 199, 241
Oja, Ratna, 273 Saikia, Chandraprasad, (C. P.), 218,

219, 220, 242

Saikia, Devakumar, (D. K.), 199
Padmapati, Rajani, 257 Saikia, Khirod, 242
Parasurama, 119-120 Saikia, Suren, 190, 195
Pathak, Amarendra, 199 Sankardeva, 43, 45, 49-57, 59, 60,
Pathak, S., 221 64, 67, 70, 71, 72, 73, 74, 75, 76,
Phukan, Bala ram, 140, 188 79, 81, 82, 83, 86, 87, 89, 90, 91,
Phukan, Lakshminath, (L. N.), 173, 93, 94s 95, 96, 107, 109, 110, 111,
225, 228-229 112, 113, 115-116, 120, 122, 123,
Phukan, Nilmani, 172-173, 251 137, 155, 156,274
Phukan, Nilmani, (Jr.), 272, 273 Saraswati, lit ma, 42-43, 45, 46, 66
Phukan, Pravin, 184, 185, 186, 194, Saraswati, Kabiratna, 43, 45
195, 197-198, 199-200 Saraswati, Rama, 60, 61-62, 64, 66,
Phukan, Radhanath, (Radha), 146, 68-69, 70-71
258 Sarma, Adya, 221
Phukan, Tarunram, (T. R.) 176, 251, Sarma, Ananandeswar, 273
261 Sarma, Atmaram, 134
Phukanani, Padmapati, 204 Sarma, Badan, 199
 282 INDEX

Sarma, Benudliar, (Bcnu), 151, 250, Sastri, B. N., 261

256-257, 260 Sastri, Manoranjan, 253-254, 258
Sarma, Dina, 210, 211, 212, 213, 234 Satria, Kinaram, 140
Sarma, Dipen, 259 Sattar, Abdus, 262
Sarma, Dimbeswar, (D.), 197 Saumar, 211, 221
Sarma, Durgeswar, 166, 169-170, Shah, Imran, 242
184, 188
Sarma, Haren, 260
Sarma, Hem, 262 Talukdar, Daiba, 192-193, 210
Sarma, Hemanta, 255, 262 Talukdar, Dolly, 242
Sarma, Kailash, 215-216 Talukdar, Phani, 200
Sarma, Kiron, 199 Tamuli, (Prof.)B. K., 259
Sarma, Lakslimidhar, (Lakshmi), 186. Tayebulla, Maulana, 259, 261
197, 199, 232-233, 234, 240 Thakura, Daityari, 8, 111, 123
Sarma, Mahadev, 260 Thakura, Ramacharana, 77, 88, 111,
Sarma, Nagen, 198 123
Sarma, Nilima, 242 Thakuria, Bhaben, 190
Sarma, Phani, 196, 199
Sarma, Purnakanta, 140
Sarma, Rajani, 255 Vaidadhip, Visheswar, 139-140
Sarma, (Dr.) S., 254, 255 Vidyavagish, Purusottam, 61
Sarma, Sushil, 273 Vipra, Harivar, 43-45, 66
Sarma, Tirtha, 255

|
Sarma, Uma, 234, 255
Sarma-Bardoloi, (Dr.) H. N., 259 Ward, W. M., 134
J
Sarma-Barua, Hareswar, (H.), 187
Sarma-Kataki, S., 260
Sarma-Pathak, J., 255 Yadumanideva, 112
 INDIA —THE LAND AND PEOPLE SERIES

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Agriculture

1 . Forest and Forestry Shri K. P. Sagreiya, Senior Specialist

(Forest Resources),
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2. Food Crops Dr. M. S. Swaminathan, Head of the
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3. Fruits Prof. Ranjit Singh, Horticulture
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