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TPS (234mm x156mm)
ISBN: 0-7007-1605-X
Royal Octavio (234mm x156mm)(210)
 KOREA -
A RELIGIOUS HISTORY

A reVISIon of the original work of 1989, which established itself as the

authoritative work in the field, this book is an historical survey of all the religious
traditions of Korea in relation to the socio-cultural trends of seven different
periods of Korean history. Beginning in the middle of the first millennium BC,
the work has been revised to bring the story to the end of the twentieth century.
The book includes a discussion of the history of the study of religion in Korea,
and a chronological description of Korean folk religion including shamanism,
Buddhism, Confucianism, Roman Catholicism and Protestantism, Islam, and
Korean New Religions. There are also some final observations about the unique
characteristics of religious beliefs and practices in Korea.

James Huntley Grayson is Reader in Modem Korean Studies in the School of

East Asian Studies at the University of Sheffield, and Dean of the Faculty of
Social Sciences. His research interests are in traditional Korean religion, Korean
Christianity and Korean oral folklore. His most recent work, Myths and Legends
from Korea, was published by Curzon Press in 2001.
Great Buddha of the Sokkur-am Grotto, Kyongju, c. 750. Reproduced by courtesy
of the National Museum of Korea, Kyongju Branch.
 KOREA -
A RELIGIOUS HISTORY
Revised edition

James Huntley Grayson

 First edition published in 1989
This revised edition published 2002
by RoutiedgeCuIZon
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OXI4 4RN
Simultaneously published in the USA and Canada
by RoutiedgeCuIZon
270 Madison Ave, New York NY 10016
RoutledgeCurzon is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group
Transferred to Digital Printing 2005
© 2002 James Huntley Grayson
Typeset in Times by LaserScript Ltd, Mitcham, Surrey
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or
reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic,
mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented,
including photocopying and recording, or in any
information storage or retrieval system, without permission in
writing from the publishers.
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
A catalogue record of this book is available from the British Library
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data
A catalog record for this book has been requested
ISBN o-7007-1605-X
Printed and bound by Antony Rowe Ltd, Eastboume
For Ruth, Andrew and Christopher
with love
 CONTENTS

List of Figures x
List of Illustrations xi
Preface to the Revised Edition xiii
Preface to the First Edition xv

Introduction
1. The Subject and Purpose of this Book 1
2. A Short History of the Study of Our Subject 3

PART I
Early Korea 11
2 Korea Prior to Chinese Civilization: The Palaeolithic
Period to the Fourth Century 13
1. The Culture of the Earliest Period 13
2. Korean Primal Religion 19

3 The Three Kingdoms: The Advent of Chinese Civilization 22

1. The Historical Background 22
2. The Advent of Buddhism 24
3. The Advent of Confucianism 48
4. Taoism: The Lack of a Tradition 51

4 Silla and Parhae: Two Powers in North-east Asia 53

1. The First North-South Division 53
2. The Growth of Doctrinal Buddhism 59
3. The Emergence of the Ch 'an Tradition 68
4. Late Silla Confucianism 74

vii
 CONTENTS

PART II
The Koryo Dynasty 77
5 The Early Koryo Period (935-1200) 79
1. The Historical Background 79
2. Early Koryo Buddhism 83
3. Early Koryo Confucianism 90
6 The Late Koryo Period (1200-1392) 93
1. The Historical Background 93
2. Buddhism in the Late Koryo Period 97
3. Late Koryo Confucianism 100

PART III
The Choson Dynasty 105
7 The Early Choson Period (1392-1600) 107
1. The Cultural and Political Background 107
2. Early Choson Confucianism: The Golden Age 112
3. Early Choson Buddhism: A Tradition Displaced 120
8 The Late Choson Period (1600-1871) 124
1. The Cultural and Historical Background 124
2. Late Choson Confucianism: Practical Confucianism 128
3. Late Choson Buddhism: The Submerging of a Tradition 137
4. The Advent of Roman Catholicism 140

PART IV
Korea in the Modern Era (1872-2000) 147
9 Dynastic Collapse and National Rebirth 149
10 The Advent of Protestantism 155
1. The End of the Choson Dynasty 155
2. The Church under Japanese Colonial Rule 160
3. The Post-Liberation Church 162
11 Roman Catholicism: From Ghetto to Society 171
1. The End of the Choson Dynasty 171
2. The Church under Japanese Colonial Rule 172
3. The Post-Liberation Church 173
12 Confucianism: The Residue of a Great Tradition 177
1. Recent History 177
2. The Confucian Ritual System 181

viii
 CONTENTS

13 Buddhism: Decline, Revival, and Conflict 184

1. Reasons for the Revival of Korean Buddhism 184
2. Four Key Figures in the Revival of Buddhism 185
3. The Organizational History of Modern Buddhism 188
14 Islam in Korea: A New World Religion 195
15 Ch 'ondo-gyo: The First Syncretic Religion 198
1. History of the Sect 198
2. Beliefs and Practices of Ch 'ondo-gyo 200
16 Sinhiing chonggyo: Korean Syncretic Religions 203
1. What are the Syncretic Religions? 203
2. The Chiingsan Tradition 205
3. Chondo-gwan: The Olive Tree Church 207
4. T'ongil-gyo: The Unification Church 209
5. Won pulgyo: Revitalized Buddhism 212
17 Musok-kyo: Folk Religion in Modem Society 216
1. The Historical Background 216
2. The Practitioners of Musok-kyo 218
3. The Spirits 221
4. The Ceremonies 225
18 Concluding Remarks 230
1. Some General Observations about Korean Religions 230
2. The Importance of the Study of Korean Religions 232

APPENDICES 237
A Foundation Myths of the Ancient States 239
Introduction 239
1. The Myth of Tan 'gun 240
2. Foundation Myth of Northern Puyo 242
3. Foundation Myth of Eastern Puyo 242
4. Foundation Myth of Koguryo 243
5. The Myth of Pak Hyokkose, Progenitor of Silla 244
6. The Myth of Sok T'arhae, Sok Clan Progenitor 246
7. The Myth of Kim Alchi, Kyongju Kim Clan Progenitor 248
B Religious Statistics and Commentary 249
Select Bibliography 255
Conversion Table from Wade-Giles to Pinyin 272
Index and Chinese Character Glossary 276

ix
 LIST OF FIGURES

1 Comparative Schematic Diagram of East Asian History 4

2 Tribes in Manchuria and Korea prior to the Fourth Century 15
3 Diffusion of Buddhism into Korea 25
4 Northern Wei and the Three Kingdoms of Korea (c. Fifth Century) 28
5 Korean Study/Pilgrim Routes and Sites in India and China 40
6 Silla and Parhae (c. Eighth Century) 54
7 Location of Doctrinal and Son Sect Head Temples in Unified Silla 60
8 Lineage of Korean Son Sects 69
9 Early Koryo (Tenth Century) 80
10 Late Koryo (Thirteenth Century) 94
11 Early Choson (Fifteenth Century) 108
12 Sites of Important Sowon 117
13 Mid-Choson (Seventeenth Century) 125
14 Lineage of Choson Period Confucian Schools 134
15 Roman Catholic Settlements in the Eighteenth and Nineteenth
Centuries 145
16 Modern Korea (2000) 153
17 Allocation of Protestant Missionary Work After Comity Agreement
of 1908 159
18 Schematic Plan of Mun-myo, Soul 179
19 Plan of Typical Buddhist Temple 193

x
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

Frontispiece. Great Buddha of the Sokkur-am Grotto, Kyongju, c. 750.

The following illustrations appear between pages 48-49.

Wang och 'onch 'uk-guk chon (Record of a Journey to the Five Kingdoms of
India). Manuscript. Written by Hyech'o c. 750.
2 Tae'ung-jon (Main Hall) ofT'ongdo-sa temple, South Kyongsang Province,
1644.
3 Pagoda at T'ongdo-sa containing a relic of the Buddha brought to Silla by
the monk Chajang, c. mid-seventh century.
4 Tae'ung-jon, Pongwon-sa, Soul. Head Temple of the Taego Buddhist Order.
Late eighteenth century.
5 Vairocana Buddha in the Samch'onbul-jon (Three Thousand Buddha Hall)
of Pongwon-sa. Mid-1990s.
6 Taesong-jon, principal shrine of the Mun-myo or central Confucian shrine
for Korea. Soul. Erected 1398; rebuilt 1601.
7 Group of Confucian scholars in traditional scholars' clothing in front of the
Mongnyun-dang, lecture hall of the Songggyun-gwan or Confucian
academy in Soul. Building erected in 1398; rebuilt 1606.
8 Chong-jon (part view), principal shrine of the Chong-myo, the royal
ancestral shrine in Soul. Erected in 1396 and extended on various
occasions.
9 Tong-myo, a shrine in Chinese style dedicated to Kuan Vii, the Chinese God
of War. Erected in 1602 at the command of the Ming emperor Shen-tsung
(r. 1572-1620).
10 Cathedral Church of the Immaculate Conception of St Mary (popularly
Myong-dong Cathedral), Roman Catholic cathedral of Soul. Erected in
1892-8 as a martyrium over the site of the home of the first Korean martyr,
Kim pomu.
11 Ch'oltu-san martyrs' church and museum. Dedicated in 1967, the church
and museum is on a hill overlooking a site on which numerous Korean
Catholics were executed.

Xl
 LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS

12 Original quadrangle, Yonsei University, Soul. Main building erected c. 1920.

13 Ch'ondo-gyo Central Church, Soul. Building completed in 1923.
14 Chonggyo Methodist Church in central Soul. A typical example of a
contemporary large Korean Protestant Church. Erected 2001.

xii
 PREFACE TO THE REVISED EDITION

When I wrote the first edition of this book in the late 1980s, I remarked that
there was a need for a connected history of the development and condition of
religion in Korea. Since that time the situation has changed little as the only
other English, indeed Western-language, history to be published is a translation
of a Korean-language text. I have taken the opportunity afforded by the
re-publication of this work by the Curzon Press to amend the text, adding in
material where I thought the original text was insufficiently clear or where
further information was required. I have also taken advantage of recent
scholarship to make changes in the text where there was a need to do so, and
I have expanded the bibliography to include more recent scholarly works. I have
also taken the narrative down to the end of the twentieth century. Otherwise, the
text remains essentially as in the first edition.
I am especially pleased that this book is appearing in a paperback edition as it
will now be able to fulfil the original intention of the author, to write a general
history of religion in Korea which could be used as a standard source for
students doing course subjects in East Asian religions and history in general or
specifically in Korean religions, culture or history. It is not intended to be an
exhaustive, monographic study of a particular aspect of Korean religions, but
only to provide the general reader with an overall view of the history of the
subject.
With regard to the Romanisation of Korean words, names and place names,
I have continued to follow the universal scholarly practice of using the so-called
McCune-Reischauer system because it provides the closest approximation in
Roman letters to the sounds of Korean terms, and because it is necessary to
maintain consistency in the representation of terms to avoid confusion for
introductory students and the general reader. Likewise, I have continued to use
the Wade-Giles system for Romanising Chinese terms rather than the pinyin
system as the former system still has greater currency amongst scholars of East
Asian religions. However, I have provided a conversion table from Wade-Giles
into the pinyin system for the most important terms.
Finally, but not least importantly, I want to thank all the many people who
helped me in making the revisions for this work including librarians who have

xiii
 PREFACE TO THE REVISED EDITION

helped me to find difficult-to-obtain materials and friends and colleagues who

have made many useful suggestions and comments. I am solely responsible,
however, for any errors of fact or interpretation. This edition is dedicated to my
family as a reminder of the happy years we spent in Korea and in rediscovering it
on later occasions.

J.H.G.
2001

xiv
 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION

For some years, the need for a connected history of religion in Korea has been
obvious. Good books on the general subject of the history of religion or about
the history of specific religious traditions have been written about China, Japan,
and other Asian nations. However, in the past sixty years, only two books on the
history of religion in Korea have appeared in Western languages, one in English
and more recently one in German. For various reasons, each of these books has
some shortcomings, and it was felt that a fresh attempt was necessary to describe
the religions of Korea. It has been the author's intention that this book should not
only be a history of religions in Korea, but that it should show the development
of each tradition in relation to the others and that this development should be
related to the general flow of Korean history. The author sincerely hopes that the
reader will find this attempt to present the complex and significant history of
religions in Korea to be both successful and interesting.
Any work which attempts to cover such a wide-ranging subject must draw on
material from a variety of sources. Because this book is a cultural history as
much as a religious history, there is technical vocabulary which is drawn from
many different languages. Buddhist words use the standard Sanskrit or Pali
transcription unless transcription according to Chinese, Korean, or Japanese
pronunciation is deemed important. All Chinese vocabulary items, including
many familiar place names, are transcribed according to the Wade-Giles system
of Romanization. The author has decided to do this as many of the common
terms used by historians of religion have been and still are in this transcription.
Japanese words follow the Hepburn system. Korean words are transcribed
according to the McCune-Reischauer system. As there is some variation in the
application of this system of transcription, the author wishes to point out that it is
his practice to use the hyphen to connect class words to titles, thus Porno-sa,
Han-gang, and Sorak-san. I have also used the hyphen to tie bound morphemes
to their principal words, thus Han'gug-ui. I have not, however, as I had often
done previously, placed the hyphen between the two characters of the personal
name of a historic figure, thus Kim Chonghyon, rather than Kim Chong-hyon.
All place names, including Soul (Seoul), and familiar names of people have been
Romanized according to the McCune-Reischauer system. Names of people

xv
 PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION

known by another transcription have that transcription used in parentheses at the

first occurrence of the person's name.
During the years in which this book was being written, the author has
benefited from the advice and suggestions of many friends and colleagues, both
Korean and Western. They are too many to mention here by name, but I wish to
indicate here my indebtedness to them all. No one but myself, however, is
responsible for any errors of fact or interpretation. One person must be singled
out for her unfailing support, my wife Dr Ruth Hildebrandt Grayson. She has
given me support and assistance throughout, and without it, in a very real sense,
this book would not have been written. Therefore it is only fitting that this book
should be dedicated to her.

IH.G.
1989

xvi
 1

INTRODUCTION

1. The Subject and Purpose of this Book

In her justly famous travelogue Korea and Her Neighbours, Mrs Isabella Bird
Bishop wrote that when she set out on her journey to Korea in 1894 some of her
friends ventured guesses as to the location of this exotic nation. Mrs Bishop
commented that 'It was curious that not one of these educated, and, in some
cases, intelligent people came within 2,000 miles of its actual latitude and
longitude!' In the intervening hundred years, the academic world has fared little
better in its understanding of this nation on the tip of North-east Asia. Korea's
important role in the cultural and religious history of East Asia is either ignored
or passed over with comments to the effect that it was a bridge for the
transmission of Chinese civilization to Japan. This latter remark would leave the
untutored reader with the feeling that Korea had little to contribute to the general
process of cultural development and merely acted as some sort of passive
conduit. Statements of this type are wrong historically and in terms of the
importance of Korean religions in the modem world.
Korean Buddhism and Confucianism have played significant parts in the
development of Korean culture and have made unique contributions to the growth
of each of these religious traditions generally. Although much is made of
Japanese Zen Buddhism in courses which deal with the history of world
religions, Korean Son Buddhism not only was established earlier than the
Japanese form of meditative Buddhism, but it has been the predominant form of
Korean monastic Buddhism since the tenth century.
In modem times, it is no exaggeration to say that the most dynamic form of
orthodox or traditional Buddhism in East Asia is to be found in Korea. Monastic
Buddhism in Japan would appear to be nearly dead, while monastic Buddhism in
Korea thrives. One indication of this vitality may be seen in the way in which
Korean Buddhist orders have been actively promoting the propagation of
Buddhism in the West. Although Confucianism is a Chinese philosophico-
religious system, it is only in Korea that an entire society became thoroughly
Confucianised. Christianity, a late-comer on the Korean religious scene, has
made dramatic progress there. The national census conducted in 1995 indicated
 INTRODUCTION

that more than one quarter of the national population self-identified themselves
as a Protestant or Roman Catholic Christian. Thus, Korea is the only nation in
Asia where Christianity has established itself during the past two hundred years
as a significant component of the national culture.
This book has been written with the intention of redressing the neglect of
Korean religions and their history. As any writer would, the author has brought
to this work his own points of view and interpretations of history. Firstly, the
author is a Christian minister. This means that his interpretation at certain
points will be different from that of, for instance, a Buddhist scholar, or an
agnostic.
Secondly, the author does not believe that there is such a 'thing' as Korean
religion, but only Korean religions, or better, Korean religious traditions.
Granted that there are certain cultural influences which give religion in Korea a
different character from religion in China or Japan, none the less, the author does
not think that taken as a whole there is a phenomenon which can be labelled as
Korean religion. In this book, the various religious traditions will be dealt with
separately.
Thirdly, this is a book of history. The author intends to deal with religion in
Korea not as an abstract phenomenon, but as a component of Korean culture
which has grown and developed through time. Therefore Korean history has
been divided into eight large time periods. The condition of the various religious
traditions in each period has been treated separately, and this religious history
has been set against the contemporary political and cultural history. In this way,
the author hopes to show not only how a particular religious tradition was related
to the culture of a particular period, but also how the various traditions related to
each other at a certain time.
Fourthly, in each period of Korean history, the writer has tried to indicate that
one of the traditions was the predominant force, influencing the other traditions
both structurally and doctrinally. In each of the four parts of the book, I have
indicated this priority by arranging the order in which I discussed the various
traditions according to the influence which I perceived them to have exercised.
Because Confucianism was the dominant expressed mode of religion and
philosophy during the Choson Dynasty, the discussion of Confucianism precedes
the discussion of Buddhism or Catholicism. As it is my opinion that currently
Protestant Christianity is the most dynamic, if not yet the dominant, form
of religion in Korea, the discussion of this tradition precedes the discussion of
Catholicism, Confucianism, and Buddhism. Likewise, the other traditions are
ranked in order amongst themselves.
Fifthly, it is the author's strongly held opinion that Korean traditional
religion, commonly and mistakenly called shamanism, has greatly influenced all
forms of religion in all periods of Korean history, including Christianity in
modem times.

2
 INTRODUCTION

2. A Short History of the Study of Our Subject

(a) The Period of Early Contact

Although Europeans have known about the existence of Korea since the late
medieval period through such accounts as the travelogue of Marco Polo
(1254-1324), knowledge of her manners and customs did not become known
until sometime in the late seventeenth century. Perhaps the earliest description of
Korean religious life occurs in the account given by the shipwrecked Dutch
seaman Hendrik Hamel (1630-92), An Account of the Shipwreck of a Dutch
Vessel on the Coast ofthe Isle ofQuelpaert, Together with the Description ofthe
Kingdom of Corea (1668). Among the matters which Hamel discusses are
religious practices, but unfortunately his description is too brief and the material
which he does include is not clearly described. It is also difficult to compare
what Hamel says with what we know of religion in that period from Korean
sources. It is, none the less, a valuable account in so far as it is a record based on
the author's own direct observations.
A far better description of certain aspects of Korean religious practices is
contained in Pere Jean-Baptiste du Halde's (1674-1743) massive four-volume
work, Description geographique, historique, chronologique et physique de
I 'Empire de la Chine et la Tartarie Chinoise (1735), drawn from the letters of
French Jesuit missionaries in China to society headquarters in France. This
work, also translated and published in English in 1736, greatly influenced the
picture which the European intelligentsia had of China. It contains an entire
chapter devoted to Korea-the first time that an extensive description of that
country was made available to the Western reader. The legend of the founder of
Koguryo, Ko Chumong (see Appendix A. 4), is introduced to the reader of this
work. The structure and content of this legend drew the attention of scholars who
were beginning to take an interest in the religious traditions of the non-European
world, and the story subsequently appeared in collections of world mythology
and folklore.
In 1747, Thomas Astley wrote a compilation of various travel accounts
entitled Voyages and Travels in which there is a chapter called 'A Description of
Korea, Eastern Tartary, and Tibet'. The material in this chapter is drawn entirely
from Pere du Halde's work and Hamel's account. More influential than this work
was a book specifically devoted to religion which included an account of the
legend of Ko Chumong, founder-monarch of Koguryo. The Abbe Antoine
Banier's (1673-1741) La Mythologie et les fables expliquees par l'histoire
(1738) drew on the Jesuit accounts of Korea and in turn became an important
source for later students. It was translated into English in 1739 by A. Millar and
was used by subsequent scholars of religion and mythology in Britain. In 1816,
George Stanley Faber (1773-1854) wrote The Origin of Pagan Idolatry
Ascertained from Historical Testimony and Circumstantial Evidence, in which
he recounted for his readers the legend of Ko Chumong. Even though stories

3
 J
aR
Prehistoric
PO
aK
Three Unified
Tribes
Tribal States Silla ~ &
Kingdoms and Koryo Chason s 0
Korea I Choson Parhae
e P
I
I (713-926) r R
,
I u K
500 AD 500 1500 I
935,1000
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I
I
Ie (Former Chin, 350- i y,, ,I IR
94) I T' , '0
Eastern: h (Northern Wei, 386- I S 0'I
Chou II i ·I Han 585): U
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Figure 1 Comparative Schematic Diagram of East Asian History

 INTRODUCTION

such as this were well known in the early nineteenth century amongst students
of folklore and mythology, by the end of the century virtually all knowledge of
Korea and its religions had disappeared from Western books.
One exception to this trend was the two-volume work by Pere Charles Dallet
(1829-78), Histoire de l'Eglise de Coree (1874) which was based upon letters
and other materials written by French missionaries in Korea and sent to the
headquarters of the Paris Missionary Society. The first volume of this history of
the Roman Catholic Church in Korea is preceded by an introduction of 192
pages which provides the first exhaustive account of the culture, society, mores,
politics, and religion of the Korean people to appear in any Western language.
Chapter 11 of the Introduction is devoted to the religious life of Korea. In
thirteen terse pages it provides the first coherent description of Korean
Confucianism, Buddhism, and folk religion. This book became a major source
of information for decades, and is still a useful source for historical research.
Significantly, it was the first book after Hamel's account to be based upon the
direct observations of people who were working and living in Korea.

(b) The Period of Western Imperial Expansion

With the advent of Western imperial expansion throughout the globe, Europeans
in the late nineteenth century more than at any other time took an interest in the
culture, customs, mores, and religious beliefs of 'exotic' peoples. Often one of
the major sources of information for scholarly research came from the writings
of foreign missionaries, and in many instances missionaries were the first
scholars to study non-European peoples. This was certainly the case for Korea.
During the period from the late nineteenth to the middle of the twentieth century,
the first scholars of the Korean religious scene came from the ranks of the
foreign missionaries.
From the time of their arrival in Korea in the middle of the 1880s, Protestant
missionaries studied the religious practices of the Koreans for several reasons,
including the evangelistic need to know the beliefs and thought of the people
amongst whom they worked, and the theological interest in contrasting
indigenous beliefs and practices with the Christian religion. Important early
missionary scholars included Homer B. Hulbert (1863-1949), George Heber
Jones (1867-1919), James Scarth Gale (1863-1937), Bishop Mark Napier
Trollope (1862-1930), and Charles Allan Clark (1878-1961).
Hulbert, a member of the northern Methodist mission, USA, was one of the
most original thinkers amongst the first generation of missionaries to Korea.
During his editorship of the Korea Review, he published in 1903 a series of
articles entitled 'The Korean Mudang and P'ansu' which was the first thorough
description of the rituals and practices of Korean shamanism. It is still an
important source for research into the primal religion of Korea. In 1906, Hulbert
wrote a book entitled The Passing of Korea which decries the destruction of an
independent Korean state by the Japanese and in which he gives a survey of

5
 INTRODUCTION

Korean history and describes the culture and customs of old Korea. Hulbert
devotes chapters to 'Folklore', 'Religion and Superstition', and geomancy. The
chapter on folklore in particular is a seminal analysis of the subject and is based
upon an earlier article entitled 'Korean Folktales' which had appeared in the
Transactions ofthe Korea Branch ofthe Royal Asiatic Society for 1902. In 1925,
years after his expulsion from Korea by the Japanese, Hulbert compiled a
popular collection of Korean folk-tales called Omjee the Wizard: Korean Folk
Stories.
Like Hulbert, George Heber Jones, who was also a northern Methodist, was
one of the first missionaries to express an interest in Korean indigenous religious
practices. His classic work is 'The Spirit Worship of the Koreans', which also
appeared in the Transactions for 1902. Unlike Hulbert's series of articles which
had appeared in the Korea Review, Jones's article does not attempt to describe in
detail shamanistic practices, but rather attempts to create an analytical
framework to organize the entire pantheon of Korean spirits and the various
religious beliefs of the Koreans. Jones also contributed to knowledge about the
history of Korean Confucianism. In 1903 he wrote an article for the Transactions
on the life and work of the most significant Confucian scholar of the Silla period,
Ch'oe Ch'iwon (857-?). This was probably the first piece of detailed research on
Ch'oe by a Western scholar.
The article by Jones on spirit-worship formed the basis of later work done by
such missionary scholars as C. A. Clark of the northern Presbyterian mission.
The latter published in 1932 a book based on a series of lectures first given at
Princeton Theological Seminary entitled Religions of Old Korea. This was the
first comprehensive treatment of the history of Korean religious beliefs and
practices. Apart from descriptions of Buddhism and Confucianism, Clark also
discusses Roman Catholic and Protestant Christianity, Korean shamanism, and
the syncretic religion, Ch 'ondo-gyo.
Bishop Trollope of the Church of England mission likewise contributed
several articles to the Transactions, including an essay of 1917 entitled
'Introduction to the Study of Buddhism in Corea'. This article considered the
origin of Buddhism in Korea, certain key figures in Buddhist history, and some
doctrinal contributions of Korean Buddhism. The bishop concluded with four
suggestions for future research which are still relevant today - the writing of a
detailed and connected history of Korean Buddhism, the study of the history of
the Buddhist scriptures used in Korea to determine which are the historically
primary works, the detailed historical study of the individual monasteries of
Korea, and the study of the history of the architectural layouts of Korean temples.
James Scarth Gale, as a member of the translation committee for the Bible,
was a particularly gifted linguist and literary figure amongst the members of
the early missionary community. Like Hulbert and Jones, Gale was interested in
the myths and folk-beliefs of the Koreans and wrote about them in various
scholarly journals. Gale also applied his linguistic skills to the translation of
materials relating to Korean religions, perhaps the first Westerner to do so. He

6
 INTRODUCTION

translated into English two traditional collections of Korean folk-tales by the

scholars Yi Yuk (15th cent.) and 1m Pang (1640-1724). These stories were
published in 1913 as Korean Folk Tales: Imps, Ghosts and Fairies. Gale also
translated the seventeenth-century novel Ku 'un-mong by Kim Manjung
(1637-92) as The Cloud Dream of the Nine: A Korean Novel (1922). Although
the translation of this novel was not a piece of academic research as such, ,Gale's
ability to convey the rich Buddhist imagery of the original text provides some
insight into the popular Buddhist thinking of that period.
Finally, mention must be made of the seminal work in Korean studies done by
the French scholar and diplomat Maurice Courant (1865-1935). He not only
compiled the first significant bibliography of Korean materials, he also wrote an
important early introduction to Korean religion, 'Sommaire et historique des
cultes coreens', T'oung Pao (Leiden and Paris, 1900).
At the same time that the early missionaries were examining the religious life
of Korea, other early foreign residents and visitors were taking an interest in
the folk art of the Korean people, which primarily used motifs having religious
themes. Two early collectors are important, Major John Baptiste Bernadou
(1858-1908), United States Naval Attache in Soul in the early 1880s, and the
French traveller Charles Varat (1842?-1893). Major Bernadou's collection of
folk materials and his extensive descriptive notes now form the core of the
collection of Korean folk materials at the Smithsonian Institution in Washington.
This collection is important to any student of Korean religion, as it contains
valuable materials which may be seen nowhere else. Varat visited Korea in 1888
and 1889 and amassed a collection of photographs of Korean folk paintings
which was not only a major resource for scholarly researchers, but also evoked
considerable interest amongst French painters at the turn of the nineteenth
century.
During the first third of the twentieth century, Korean Buddhism aroused
some interest among scholars in the English- and German-speaking worlds.
Heinrich Friedrich Hackmann (1864-1935) translated his own German-language
work into English in 1910, entitling it Buddhism as a Religion: Its Historical
Development and its Present Condition. This work gives a none too flattering
picture of the state of Korean Buddhism at that time. This picture is confirmed
by Frederick Starr (1858-1933), an American anthropologist who had visited
Korea, in his Korean Buddhism (1918), a valuable record of the condition of
Buddhism in the second decade of this century. The philosopher James Bissett
Pratt (1875-1944), after making an extensive study of world Buddhism,
published The Pilgrimage of Buddhism and a Buddhist Pilgrimage (1928) in
which he comments, as had previous observers, on the general ignorance of
many of the Korean clergy. Apart from such general studies as these, there were
also individual studies of various aspects of Korean Buddhism. Examples would
be Bertha Gottsche's examination of the Sokkur-am grotto in an article of
1918-19, or the research of Walter Fuchs (1935) on Hyech'o's record of his
journey to India in the early eighth century.

7
 INTRODUCTION

Concurrent with the development of Western interest in Korean religion, we

may note the development of Western-style Korean scholarship of religion. The
foremost indigenous scholar of Korean religions in the first half of this century
was the Buddhist Yi Niinghwa (1869-1945). His works, largely descriptive
rather than analytical, include Choson pulgyo t'ongsa (A Complete History of
Korean Buddhism, 1918), Choson kidokkyo-gup oegyo-sa (A History of Korean
Foreign Relations and Christianity, 1925), Choson musok-ko (Records of Korean
Shamanism, 1927), and Han 'guk togyo-sa (A History of Korean Taoism, 1959).
These books bring together many different sources for the history of religion in
Korea and are principal resources for anyone researching any aspect of Korean
religions. Modem researchers, such as Yu Tongsik, have used the materials in
them extensively.

(e) The Period of an Independent Korea

Research into Korean religions waned, naturally, during the years of the Second
World War, the Korean War, and throughout the dreadful years following in the
wake of the cessation of hostilities on the peninsula. Since the late 1960s and
throughout the 1970s to the present, however, the scope and quality of research
by both Korean and Western scholars has increased greatly. In the present era,
research is dominated largely by academic interests, rather than as in the past by
the particular religious interests of the writers. There would seem to be three
main lines of interest which are being pursued, namely, anthropological studies,
textual studies, and historical studies.
Anthropological studies attempt to examine religious practices and beliefs
within the context of a particular social setting, such as a village or a sub-
community within an urban society. Social, economic, political, and psychological
influences are examined, and detailed descriptions of particular rituals or
practices are presented to the reader. This development in research is typical of
both Korean and Western researchers. One thinks here of the important
contributions made by Kim T'aegon (1937-1996), Ch'oe Kilsong (1940-),
Laurel Kendall (1947-), Dawnhee and Roger Janelli, and others. With the single
exception of the work of Homer Hulbert, previous Western scholarship on
Korean religions did not describe specific practices, but dealt primarily with
such abstract concepts as types and essences. With the advent of research using
an anthropological methodology, there are for the first time thorough
descriptions of discrete religious practices. These descriptions are set against
and compared with those of other social institutions, to illustrate the
interconnected relationship of religion with all aspects of society. This type of
research has been applied primarily to folk religious practices, but it has
considerable potential for describing the beliefs of Buddhists, Christians, and
believers in the new religions as well.
Concurrent with the interest in anthropological studies, which by their nature
are concerned with contemporary thought, beliefs, and practices, an interest in

8
 INTRODUCTION

an examination of Korean religious texts has developed which has contributed to

an understanding of the historical development of the various religious traditions
of Korea. Lewis Lancaster and his associates are particularly to be singled out
here for their contributions to the description and analysis of manuscripts and
texts relating to Korean Buddhism. Lancaster's The Korean Buddhist Canon:
A Descriptive Catalogue (1979) is a primary source for anyone doing research in
this area. Robert E. Buswell, jun.'s study of Chinul (1983) is especially
significant for its textual analysis, for its biographical description of one of
the seminal figures of Korean Buddhism, and for its presentation of some of the
unique features of Korean Buddhist belief and practice.
Textual studies have not been limited to Buddhism. Important contributions
have been made in the area of Confucian thought. Some of the fruits of this
research may be found in The Rise ofNeo-Confucianism in Korea (1985), edited
by Wm. Theodore de Bary and JaHyun Kim Haboush. Nor has textual research
been limited to the great religions alone; it has also encompassed research in
materials relating to folk religion. To cite only one example, the Dutch scholar
B. C. A. Walraven (1947-) has made a considerable study of ancient and modem
texts relating to shamanistic practices especially in his work Songs ofthe Shaman
(1994). Textual analysis of materials relating to Buddhism, Confucianism, and
the folk traditions has provided us with specific knowledge about the
philosophical and religious concepts of concrete individuals, thus allowing us
to arrive at more certain and specific conclusions about the religious beliefs and
practices of a particular era.
General historical studies have also recently appeared which have outlined
the course of development of a particular religion in a specific period or which
have dealt with the development of a religious tradition or traditions over an
extended period of time. The first book since Clark's Religions of Old Korea
(1932) to survey the entire history of Korean religious experience was Die
Religionen Koreas (1977) by the Dutch scholar Frits Vos (1918-2000). This work
has a comprehensive bibliography which may still be consulted profitably by any
researcher.
Although there has been academic interest in Buddhist and Confucian history
for some decades, it is only in recent years that there has been an attempt to write
a connected history of Christianity in Korea. The early years of Korean
Protestantism have been well documented by George Paik (1895-1984) in his
The History ofProtestant Missions in Korea: 1832-1910 (1929). However, until
very recently, virtually nothing had been written in either English or Korean
about the years following the Japanese annexation of Korea. Donald N. Clark's
Christianity in Modern Korea (1986) and the author's Early Buddhism and
Christianity in Korea (1985) attempt to redress this imbalance.
Korean Protestant scholars such as Min Kyongbae (1934-) and Yi Manyol
(1938-) have written biographies of early Protestant figures, as well as connected
histories of the several Protestant missions and Korean denominations, which
have greatly contributed to our knowledge of recent Christian history. On the

9
 INTRODUCTION

Roman Catholic side there has been even greater progress through the work of
Father Ch'oe Sogu and his associates at the Han 'guk kyohoe-sa yon 'gu-so
'Korean Church History Research Institute'. They have done much as regards
the discovery, preservation, and analysis of early Catholic documents and the
creation of local Catholic histories. Perhaps the major academic achievement of
the institute to date is the Han 'guk kat'ollik taesajon (Dictionary of Korean
Catholicism, 1985).
Continuing anthropological, textual, and historical research will add to our
knowledge and appreciation of the religious experience of the Korean people,
contribute to a better understanding of Korea's place in the progress of world
culture, and facilitate the growth of greater inter-religious understanding. It is
the hope of the author that this general survey of Korean religion and history will
in some measure contribute to these three scholastic goals.

10
 Part I

EARLY KOREA
 2
KOREA PRIOR TO CHINESE
CIVILIZATION
The Palaeolithic Period to the Fourth Century

1. The Culture of the Earliest Period

(a) Prehistoric Times

The question of who the Koreans are is an archaeological and historical puzzle
which cannot yet be fully and properly resolved. Recent archaeological work
indicates that Palaeo-Asiatic peoples inhabited the Korean peninsula more than
two hundred millennia before the present, which is within the period of
Neanderthal man. As with all peoples with a primitive technology, the culture and
economy of these early races was strongly affected by the climate and geography
of the area where they lived. Discoveries of palaeolithic sites indicate that the
early settlers of the Korean peninsula were fishermen residing near the mouths of
the great rivers, or hunters in those areas distant from river valleys. Apart from
such basic information, little is known at present about the culture of the most
distant past, and certainly nothing of what language these people spoke or what
ideas they thought or what gods they worshipped. The archaeological evidence
does tell us, however, that the material culture of these prehistoric groups was
comparable to the culture of similar Palaeo-Asiatic societies in Eastern Siberia
and Manchuria. This is an important point because it reminds us that, whatever
the origins of the Korean people are, the Koreans are not of Chinese stock nor is
their primal culture derived from China. They are North-east Asiatics.
As elsewhere in the world, the archaeological record shows a progressive
development of culture from a palaeolithic culture through an early agricultural
society to a society with a metallurgic technology. This shift in cultural status
seems to have been related to a flow of culture from Manchuria into Korea.
Whether or not the advent of agriculture in the peninsula was accompanied by
the arrival of another racial group displacing the earlier inhabitants, it is plain
that the shift to metallurgy, to a technology of bronze, was accompanied by the
arrival of a new racial group, presumably of Tungusic stock, which merged with
the ancient inhabitants.
Agriculture first appeared around the third millennium Be in the northern part
of the peninsula, and somewhat later in the south. Bronze technology, of the

13
 EARLY KOREA

Scytho-Siberian tradition, appeared in northern Korea some time after 1000 BC.
Bronze Age culture did not emerge in southern Korea until 600 BC. In our
discussions of the development of Korean culture, it is important to remember
this time-lag between the north and the south, especially the south-east, as it will
be typical of all new cultural innovations until the modem period. It also seems
reasonable to date the emergence of the immediate ancestors of the present
Korean people to around 600 BC. The present Korean race is an amalgamation of
the pre-Bronze Age inhabitants of the peninsula who were related to the most
ancient tribes of North-east Asia, and certain Tungusic peoples who brought
Bronze Age civilization with them. The merger of these two racial and cultural
groups was probably completed around 600 BC with the development of bronze
technology in the south.
The emergence of Bronze Age technology also brought with it certain
changes in social structure. Typical archaeological remains of this period are
dolmens, menhirs, and elaborate tombs of stone slabs which indicate that certain
members of the society of that time could utilize the labour of other members to
construct these monuments. The emergence of a stratified society with at least a
ruling and a subservient class is clearly indicated. The occurrence of copper and
bronze ornaments amongst the burial items in the grander tombs is further
evidence of this important change in society.
There is only indirect evidence of the religious beliefs of this time. The burial
of the dead with ceremony and the inclusion of beautiful ornaments with the
corpse probably indicate some concept of an afterlife. The use of horse, tiger,
and bird motifs on bronze objects would seem to reflect shamanistic religious
beliefs similar to beliefs current in modern Siberia. These few facts fit well with
what we know of the origins of the Koreans, but it is not until the Iron Age that
there is specific archaeological and written evidence for the Koreans' religion.

(b) Proto-historic Times

Korean history may be said to begin with the Iron Age, because it was during
this period that distinct tribal groupings began to form which became the direct
ancestors of the first Korean states. The advent of Iron Age technology and
culture brought with it increased social change which took place in direct
relation to the proximity of the tribal area to the centre of Chinese civilization.
Thus Ancient Choson attained true state structure earlier than any other society,
because of its geographic closeness to China.
It is important to remember in this discussion that Koreans have claimed as
their land and their ancestors, territories and peoples well beyond the area of the
Korean peninsula. In addition to the Korean peninsula, a large section of
southern Manchuria, including the Liaotung Peninsula and all the land west to
the Liao River, north to the Sungari River, and east to the Sea of Japan, is said
to have been the primal territory of the Korean people. In this vast territory
grew up the following ethnic groups (see Fig. 2): the people of the state of

14
 KOREA PRIOR TO CHINESE CIVILIZATION

Figure 2 Tribes in Manchuria and Korea prior to the Fourth Century

Ancient Choson, occupying the north-western portion of the Korean peninsula,

the Liaotung Peninsula, and lands to the east of the Liao River; the Puyo tribal
group occupying the vast territories along the fertile plains of the valley of the
Sungari River; the Koguryo tribal group, possibly a break-off from the Puyo,
occupying the mountain valleys to the north of the middle reaches of tJ1e Yalu
River; the Okcho and Tong-ye tribal groups, possibly branches of the Koguryo,
occupying the areas around the modem cities of Ramhling and Wonsan
respectively; and the Mahan, Pyonhan, and Chinhan tribal groups occupying
the area of the west coast of Korea south of the Ran River, the course of the

15
 EARLY KOREA

Naktong River, and the south-eastern part of the peninsula east of the Naktong
River respectively.
The Iron Age reached the area of Ancient Choson first, with the result that a
state emerged in this region during the fourth century before Christ, the same era
as the Period ofWarring States in China (403-221 BC). This ancient state was very
much affected by the political and cultural currents of the time, and undoubtedly
the rise of an independent non-Chinese state in this area must be attributed to the
contemporary state of disunion in China. When union was established there under
the Chin (249-207 BC) and Han (206 BC to AD 220) dynasties, Ancient Choson
suffered. Suppression ofrevolts in the north-eastern region of the Han Empire led
to the flight of numerous refugees into Ancient Choson, some of whom were
employed by the state to defend its vulnerable northern border. One of these
refugees, Wiman, led a revolt in 190 BC, usurping the throne and establishing a
state called Wiman Choson. Wiman and his descendants, however, were only able
to enjoy the fruits of their exploits for eighty years. In 109 BC, the Emperor Wu-ti
(r. 141-87 BC) of the Han Dynasty conquered Ancient Choson in an attempt to
protect his sensitive north-east border. The incorporation of the most ancient
Korean state into the Han Empire led to the creation of the Lolang (Nangnang in
Korean) commanderies, which were to play an important part in the diffusion of
Chinese civilization into the Korean tribal areas.
The introduction of iron technology greatly aided the military strength of
Ancient Choson. Iron swords and arrowheads quickly replaced ones made of
bronze during the Period of Warring States in China, and clearly enabled this
group to maintain and secure its position against the various neighbouring
Chinese states. Iron also led to certain improvements in living conditions. Iron
tools could more easily fashion wood, which led to homes made of wood
replacing the mud homes of the past. The ondol or Korean hypocaust system of
underfloor heating traces its origins to this period, a significant advance in home
heating. During this era the use of the dolmen declined and finally ceased, to be
replaced by interment of the remains in large burial mounds or in large, round
coffin jars. The cultural influence of this state extended beyond the Korean
cultural sphere to Japan, where we may see its effect on the Yayoi (c. 300 BC to
AD 300) culture.
Puyo, the furthest north of the Korean tribal groups, had a mixed pastoral/
agricultural economy, the only one of the tribal groups to practise the herding of
animals. This group emerged onto the historical scene much later than Ancient
Choson, and did not attain prominence until the first century AD. As it was
surrounded by various 'barbarian' tribes such as the Hsienpei on the north, and
by Koguryo and China on the south and west, Puyo sought politically to balance
its relations between these various groups. This policy of alliance worked well
for some time, but after the disastrous defeat by the Hsienpei in 346, Puyo went
into an irreversible decline until the tribal leaders were forced to place
themselves under the authority of Koguryo in 494. Although the supreme tribal
leader referred to himself as wang (king) when corresponding with the Chinese

16
 KOREA PRIOR TO CHINESE CIVILIZATION

emperor as a sign of subservience, Puyo never attained the status of a kingdom

but only of a tribal league. Its social structure was composed of the basic clan
units which merged to form the various tribes of the league. The patriarchs of
the various clans and the chieftains of the several tribes had authority over
matters of local or immediate concern. Graver matters of concern to the whole
league, such as war, were debated at a general council of the tribal league. A
pastoral and agricultural, clan-based society, the Puyo practised the enslavement
of non-clan members, such as prisoners of war or criminals. They also possessed
a primitive legal code which would appear to be a formalization of traditional
practices. The culture of the Puyo, by the time of their extinction as an
independent entity, had attained the level of a sophisticated tribal society
relatively uninfluenced by the development of Chinese civilization.
Koguryo, on the other hand, lying astride the main route of cultural and
technological diffusion into the peninsula and being in close proximity to the
territory of Lolang, was more sinified than Puyo. The legendary founder of
Koguryo, Ko Chumong, was said to have been one of the chieftains of a Puyo
tribe who was forced to flee south. Kogury0, like Puyo, found itself in a geo-
politically delicate situation and responded by developing a warrior tradition.
Clashes with the Chinese colonies in Korea are recorded as early as 128 BC.
Significantly, Koguryo conquered the Chinese colony of Hsiian-t'u (Hyont'o in
Korean) in 75 BC, the first of many future conquests. By the beginning of the
second century after Christ, Koguryo had begun to transform itself into a true
kingdom and had begun the series of spectacular conquests which were to lead to
its supremacy in North-east Asia. Throughout the second and third centuries,
Koguryo pursued a policy of southward expansion threatening both the Liaotung
Peninsula and the colonies in north-western Korea. Finally, taking advantage of
the weakness of the Chinese state, Koguryo conquered the Chinese
commanderies in 313, ending four centuries of Chinese dominance in the area,
and firmly establishing itself as the power in North-east Asia.
Like Puyo, Koguryo was a tribal league; it was composed of five tribes, the
head of one of which would be selected as the supreme leader of the league.
Before the emergence of Kogury0 as a kingdom, the great chiefwas chosen most
often from the Sono tribe. However, by the period in which Koguryo began
to transform itself into a kingdom, the Kyeru tribal chieftains had begun to
predominate. Beneath the great chief were various ranked chiefs and petty
chieftains. The regularity and order of the terms for these various positions is
one indication that by the second century a government bureaucracy had begun
to take shape. As the kingship became hereditary, the premiership tended to
remain elective amongst the various tribal chiefs and chieftains. This highly
stratified society was a warrior society. As in Puyo, slavery was practised
utilizing prisoners of war and criminals to perform tasks beneath the dignity of
the ordinary man. Rank was indicated by the apparel worn, and at death the
status of the deceased was indicated by the type of tomb and burial items.
Although similar to the Puyo in many ways, the Koguryo made more rapid

17
 EARLY KOREA

progress in the transition to a true kingdom, began earlier to adapt sinitic culture,
and more thoroughly developed the traditions of a warrior class.
The Tong-ye and Okcho tribal groups in north-eastern Korea were more
primitive than the tribes discussed previously. They had many customs in
common with Koguryo, yet never rose above the level of a tribal society. The
several clans remained comparatively independent, and the overall tribal
structure was weak. A tribal league as in Puyo and Koguryo never developed.
Clan land was jealously guarded and most decisions regarding justice were made
by the clan patriarchs. Because of their proximity to the sea, the Okcho and
Tong-ye had a mixed economy of fishing and agriculture. A certain amount of
trading of a primitive nature did exist, mostly in fish, salt, seaweed, and
sealskins, but a rudimentary system of money exchange did not develop.
Although it is unclear when the Tong-ye and Okcho disappeared as independent
entities, they seem to have been absorbed by Koguryo by the middle of the first
century.
South of the Han River, we find the Sam-Han or three Han tribes. The entire
southern area of the peninsula was late in receiving metallurgic culture, so late in
fact that there are not distinct bronze and iron ages. Metallurgy appeared by the
third century BC. One early tribal state was Chin-guk, which apparently was
founded by the last king of Ancient Choson, who fled to an area south of modem
Soul after the usurpation of the kingship by Wiman in 190 BC. The Sam-Han
tribal groups of Mahan, Pyonhan, and Chinhan came into existence around the
time of the advent of metallurgic culture and persisted until the third century AD,
or possibly later. The first of the tribal leagues to develop into a kingdom was
Mahan, which became the nucleus around which the Kingdom of Paekche began
to form. This development seems to have taken place under the aegis of
chieftains from tribes from the north, for Paekche preserved the tradition that
Onjo, a Puyo tribal chieftain, had fled from Koguryo and established himself as
head of a new tribal league. The Pyonhan formed themselves into tribes no later
than the second century AD, and by the third century had created a tribal league
called the Kaya Federation. Excavations in the area of the federation
demonstrate that Kaya enjoyed considerable trade, as is confirmed by ancient
records which show that the Kaya states exported iron ore to China, the Tong-ye,
and Japan. The Chinhan tribes began to form a tribal league based on the tribe of
Saro near modem Kyongju. However, remoteness from the centre of cultural
activity and the impediment to communication by the great Sobaek Mountains
meant that this league emerged later than, and did not achieve the status of a
kingdom until some time after, its neighbours. The Kingdom of Silla did not
emerge until the fifth century, well after similar developments elsewhere. As
with the northern tribal groups, society was stratified, but it was seemingly less
structured and more primitive than elsewhere. Clothing type was used to indicate
social status. Slavery was practised, the slaves often being Chinese who had been
apprehended while cutting trees in the tribal forests. Mineral ores were mined
and smelted, and metal objects were made locally. Housing was very primitive,

18
 KOREA PRIOR TO CHINESE CIVILIZATION

with only one room being used by all members of commoners' families, which
shocked visiting Chinese.

2. Korean Primal Religion

By the opening of the fourth century AD, the peoples within the Korean cultural
sphere, comprising the areas of eastern and southern Manchuria plus the Korean
peninsula, had attained the height of their development as a comparatively
independent cultural entity. The culture which was characteristic of the various
tribal groups and incipient states of that time, we term Korean Primal Culture.
This culture, regardless of superficial embellishments which were derived from
Chinese civilization, was entirely Korean and owed its origins to developments
in Siberia and Central Asia. The religious traditions of the several tribes were
more uniquely Korean than were the governmental and political systems. We
term this religious tradition Korean Primal Religion. From the fourth through to
the end of the fifth century, and in the case of Silla to the end of the sixth century,
the Korean people experienced more cultural and social change than at any time
before the end of the nineteenth century. From this period onwards, the Korean
people became a part of the Chinese cultural sphere and came to accept the
sinified form of Buddhism as their own. In order to understand later religious
developments, it is important to identify the primal religion of Korea. The nature
of this religion will explain in part why and how Confucianism, Buddhism, and
Christianity have been accepted in Korea, and why Taoism and Shinto have
experienced little success there.
The primal religion of Korea in the fourth century reflects both its descent
from ancient Siberian shamanism and the adjustment which this precursor
religion made to the settled conditions of an agricultural society. The
shamanistic influence may be seen in the indigenous belief in a supreme,
heavenly spirit called Haniillim in Korean or Ch 'onsin in Sino-Korean, and in
the body of heavenly spirits which carry out his will. Shamanistic also is the
belief in the ability of certain unusual persons to communicate with the realm of
spirits, in particular with Haniillim, the Lord of Heaven. The antiquity of the
belief in a supreme being is indicated by the mention of this great god in
the foundation myths of the Korean tribal states, and the occurrence of the name
of the Mountain God, a modem guise of the Ruler of Heaven, on a stele dated to
AD 85 in the area of the state of Ancient Choson. The stele, containing a petition
for a bountiful harvest, tells us that by the first century agriculture played an
important part in the principal rituals of the state and people. All of the major
rituals of the various groups were addressed in the first instance to the Lord of
Heaven and were concerned with aspects of the agricultural cycle.
The Puyo, largely a pastoral people, had a great festival called Yonggo-je
which was celebrated in the first month of the lunar calendar. This was not a
harvest festival, but a great rite conducted at the end of the grazing season. The
Yonggo-je is comparable to similar rites of other pastoral peoples which took

19
 EARLY KOREA

place when the animals for breeding were separated from those selected for
slaughter. Such rites have a function which is analogous to harvest rites amongst
agricultural peoples. The Puyo also had a service of divination in which cracks
in the hoof of a sacrificed ox were scrutinized to prognosticate the future. The
Koguryo had a harvest rite called the Tongmaeng-je, celebrated during the tenth
month. They also honoured a spirit called Susin, symbolic of male reproductive
power, an obvious corollary to agricultural fertility rites. The more primitive
Tong-ye also had a harvest festival in the tenth lunar month, which they called
Much 'on-je. Further south, we note that the Han tribes had two principal
festivals, one for the planting of grain in the spring (fifth lunar month) and one
for the harvest in the autumn (tenth lunar month). These were called Suritnal and
Sangdal respectively. These rites were held at altars erected on the tops of
mountains or, in the case of the more southern tribes, in sacred groves called
sodo. The officiants at these rites were men called Ch 'on-gun or Prince of
Heaven who were either the sovereigns of their tribe or members of the ruling
family. They were the great shamans who interceded with Heaven on behalf of
their people and who were seen by their people as being sinin or divine men.
The great festivals were times of much festivity, with dancing and drinking.
These sacred festivals, however, could be used for other purposes. The Puyo
brought criminals to justice at this time and freed prisoners as an act of
benevolence. The sodo, typical of southern Korea, was a sacred grove, marked
offby a bell and a drum suspended on a pole to symbolize the presence of divine
beings. Apart from the function which these groves played as the location of the
great rites, they also offered protection to the refugee. A criminal or other person
fleeing an enemy could claim asylum within the holy precincts of the sodo, as
was the case with churches in medieval Europe. Often myths of the founding
ancestors of a state or clan are associated with a particular clan sodo.
It is interesting to observe that the names of these various tribal rites betray
their shamanistic ancestry. The drum is an important instrument used by
the shaman to create the ecstatic state necessary for the journey to Heaven. The
name of the Puyo festival the Yonggo-je contains the term ko for drum, indicative
of its importance to that rite. Likewise, the name of the Tong-ye festival the
Much 'on-je means 'dancing before Heaven', a reference to the state of ecstasy
prior to the shaman's journey. The title of the Sam-Han festival Suritnal contains
the word suri or eagle. Ornithological motifs are common symbols in the legends
of Siberian shamanism, as they represent the flight of the soul of the shaman to
the realm of the spirits.
Besides these great rites, each of the clans and tribes held ceremonies in
honour of their ancestors and maintained separate shrines to perpetuate their
memory. When the tribal league emerged, with a single family in which the
rulership became hereditary, the rites concerning the founding ancestor of
the royal line took on increased importance and became national rites. Legends
developed around these figures and these stories took on the character of
national foundation myths. All of the stories reflect a belief in a Supreme Being,

20
 KOREA PRIOR TO CHINESE CIVILIZATION

who was the creator of the universe, of culture and society, and to whom the
royal family was related. The earliest of these stories is the Myth of Tan'gun of
Ancient Choson, but Puyo, Koguryo, Kaya, and Silla all had their own versions.
For the interest of the reader, translations of these myths have been included in
Appendix A. The purpose of these stories was two-fold, to demonstrate that the
kings ruled by divine right, and that they could intercede with Hanullim for their
people because they were his royal descendants.
The shamanistic role of the Korean sovereigns is well illustrated by the royal
regalia excavated from the great tumuli in the capital of Silla, Kyongju.
Although the regalia date from the sixth century and later, they preserve the
religious sentiment of an earlier era. The royal regalia consist of three items of
ceremonial dress, the crown, the belt, and shoes, all three of which are important
elements of the dress of modem Siberian shamans. The crowns of pure gold
sheets consist of a gold circlet surmounted by golden uprights in the form of
trees and deer antlers. From these dangle comma-shaped pieces of jade called
kogok. Some crowns have an inner crown with wings of beaten gold, and one
crown is surmounted by a double arch of gold topped by a golden phoenix. From
the circlet of the crown dangle golden chains with various golden objects and
kogok suspended from them. The gold belts similarly have many objects,
including kogok, suspended from them. Tree, deer, and bird motifs are typical
designs which modem Siberian shamans use to adorn their clothing. They also
place bear or tiger claws on their clothing in the belief that they may obtain the
power of those beasts. The kogok may reasonably be interpreted as an animal
claw.
A belief in the afterlife amongst the non-royal members of society may be
deduced from the ceremony with which persons were buried, and especially the
types of items buried with them. In particular, the Pyonhan buried bird-wings
with the deceased. Birds are symbolic of the belief in the upward ascent of the
soul, especially the soul of the shaman.
An examination of the myths and legends from the tribal states reveals that
there were three principal religious concerns in the tribal period. These were the
offering of prayers for the prosperity of the land, the curing of disease, and
the propitiation of and the sending-off of the soul of the deceased to the next
world. These functions were performed then as now by the shaman and have
remained as diagnostic characteristics of Korean religious experience throughout
the ages.

21
 3
THE THREE KINGDOMS
The Advent of Chinese Civilization

1. The Historical Background

The next four hundred years of Korean history, from the opening of the fourth
century to the latter quarter of the seventh century, were dominated by the
contest between the various Korean powers for supremacy on the peninsula. This
contest culminated in the great wars of the 660s which firmly established Silla's
suzerainty over most of the Korean peninsula. Throughout this long period,
China was divided into various petty states fighting over the remains of the Han
Empire, which had collapsed in the first part of the third century. Political
disunion in China, and particularly the dominance of the states of northern China
by 'barbarian' tribes, contributed substantially to the development of the Korean
states and to the spread of Chinese culture into the peninsula.
Two Korean powers emerged, Paekche and Koguryo, which for more than 200
years engaged in constant warfare. As Puyo in the far north had entered into a
state of decline, and the tribal states in the south-east did not develop into true
kingdoms until much later, the field of battle was divided initially between these
two states. Although Koguryo entered the fourth century as the dominant power,
she was defeated in several wars with Paekche, the last of which in 371 resulted
in the sacking of P'yongyang and the death of her king. At this point Koguryo
entered into an alliance with the barbarian empire of Former Chin (351-94)
in northern China, whilst Paekche allied itself with Eastern Chin (317-420) in
southern China and developed trading relations with Japan.
The reverses of the fourth century were overcome in the fifth century when
Koguryo re-established its power and expanded its territory under the aegis of
King Changsu (r. 413-91). Realizing the danger which a revitalized Koguryo
posed to his kingdom, the King of Paekche established diplomatic relations with
the Empire of Northern Wei (386-534) in north China and with the emergent
state of Silla in the south-eastern part of the peninsula. In spite of these
precautions, Koguryo's power continued to grow and in 475, a hundred years
after Koguryo's humiliating defeat at the hands of Paekche, troops sacked the
capital of Paekche south of the Han River and killed her king. Paekche lost her
importance as a power on the peninsula and never recovered her former strength.

22
 THE THREE KINGDOMS

Her territory was diminished and her capital moved to a more secure place in the
southern part of the peninsula.
At the opening of the sixth century, it seemed virtually certain that Koguryo
would soon dominate the entire peninsula as well as eastern and southern
Manchuria. Paekche, Kaya, and the incipient state of Silla were all stuffed into
the southernmost part of the peninsula, seemingly ripe for absorption into the
Kingdom of Koguryo. This did not happen. Paekche secured her position by
entering into an alliance with the Liang Empire (502-57) in southern China and
by strengthening her ties with Silla and Japan. Although politically weakened,
Paekche attained the height of her cultural development at this time; a
sophistication she used in the diplomatic manoeuvres of this century. For a short
period Paekche and Silla were allied in an attempt to drive Koguryo out of the
Han River Valley in central Korea. This alliance was abruptly broken when in
mid-century Silla seized the valley for herself. A counter-attack by Paekche was
disastrously defeated, resulting in the death of King Song (r. 523-54), who had
been responsible for the brilliance of Paekche's culture. This defeat sealed the
fate of Paekche as an important contender in the peninsular power-struggle and
established Silla as the opponent of the expansion of Koguryo. At the same time
that Silla seized the Han River Valley, she also absorbed the Kaya Federation and
the tribal state of Talgubol on the east bank of the Naktong River.
By the opening of the seventh century, Koguryo still remained the dominant
power, but Silla possessed large portions of the north-eastern part of the
peninsula in addition to the Han River Valley and the whole south-eastern part of
the peninsula. Paekche was left with only a small portion of the south-western
part of the peninsula. Until the final third of the sixth century, China remained in
a state of disunion. Full union was restored only with the emergence of the Sui
Empire (581-618), which attempted to eliminate the threat of Koguryo on its
north-eastern frontier. Several unsuccessful attempts were made to conquer
Koguryo, the last one in 612 being so disastrous that it contributed directly to the
fall of the state in 618 and the establishment of the T'ang Empire (618-907). To
counterbalance the power of Koguryo, Silla allied itself with the new T'ang
Dynasty, and Koguryo and Paekche entered into an alliance with each other. The
struggle for a unified government on the peninsula thus entered the realm of
international politics. Until mid-century, Koguryo was able to fend off all attacks
on itself. At that time, T'ang and Silla agreed to a joint pincer attack, first on
Paekche and then on Koguryo. This plan was successfully implemented.
Paekche collapsed in 660 and Koguryo by the end of the decade. Originally
T'ang had intended to absorb these conquered states into the empire, but Silla
was ultimately successful in driving out the Chinese from the former area of
Paekche and southern Koguryo. Her northernmost boundary was established in
the vicinity of p'yongyang. Subsequently, former Koguryo military leaders
re-established a separate kingdom in the northern part of the former realm of
Koguryo, an event which began the era of northern and southern states, Unified
Silla (660-936) and Parhae (699-926).

23
 EARLY KOREA

During these centuries, culture and society were affected by influences from
China, and the Korean states began more and more to take on the appearance of
miniature Chinese realms. The Korean states, though fiercely independent, were
now securely within the Chinese sphere of culture. Titles for the rulers of the
states and their subordinates assumed Chinese styles, and the form of
government was made to conform in appearance with what was known of the
Chinese government. Often, however, these forms were merely means to mask
the actual aristocratic nature of society. It is in this period that knowledge of the
Chinese written language and the Confucian Classics became an important
element in the education of the upper classes of all three societies. Buddhism
was also transmitted to the peninsula at this time, and introduced not only new
philosophical concepts but also more sophisticated forms of art. The influence of
the Empire of Northern Wei was particularly important in the growth of a
sophisticated art tradition.
One of the peculiar characteristics of the society of Silla was the Bone Rank
System, or kolp 'um-je. The aristocracy was divided into three broad classes:
songgol, or holy bone class, from which the sacred kings of Silla derived; the
chin 'gol, true bone class or the upper aristocracy; and the tup 'um, or head
classes, which included all other members of the aristocracy. The tup 'um
consisted of six further subdivisions, the upper two classes (the fifth and sixth
head classes) being members of the regional aristocracy.
Koguryo still retained many qualities of the clan-based society of a previous
age. Positions in government seem to have been reserved for members of the
aristocracy according to their rank. For example, the taedaero or prime minister
was elected once every three years from the senior tribal leaders and could not
succeed himself. Limitation of the prime minister to a single term of office was a
new feature of the constitution of the government of Koguryo. Paekche's system
was somewhat different. As tribal union had been imposed from without by a
branch of the royal house of Puyo, leadership tended to be hereditary in that
group of people. More quickly than either Koguryo or Silla, Paekche adopted
the Chinese system of bureaucracy and the use of colours in the official costume
to distinguish the various bureaucratic levels. Koguryo and Paekche,
significantly, adopted very early on the use of the Chinese word wang for king,
whilst Silla used the pure Korean term maripkan or great khan until well into
the sixth century. This development is some measure of the rapidity of the spread
of Chinese political concepts in the former two states.

2. The Advent of Buddhism

(aj The Period of Contact and Accommodation

Although it is said that Buddhism formally entered Korea in the latter part of the
fourth century, there is good reason, at least in the case of Koguryo, to think that
there was some Buddhist presence before the middle of the century (see Fig. 3).

24
 THE THREE KINGDOMS

£0 @ $ t
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Figure 3 Diffusion of Buddhism into Korea

Murals from tombs of that period show clear Buddhist influence, such as the
inclusion of the lotus motif in the decoration of the walls. The Liang Kao-seng
ch 'uan (Lives of Eminent Monks, written in the Liang Dynasty, c. 519) mentions
the fact that the fourth-century Chinese monk Chih Tun (314-66) carried on a
correspondence with a monk from Koguryo. This would imply the presence of
some sort of monastic community prior to 372, the date of the formal
recognition of Buddhism in Koguryo. The dates for the official acceptance of
Buddhism, 372 in the case of Koguryo and 384 in the case of Paekche, are
significant indicators of the political and cultural relations which existed

25
 EARLY KOREA

between the states of North-east Asia. In 372, the Emperor Fu-ch'ien (r. 357-85)
of Former Chin sent the monk Sundo (4th cent.) and his entourage to King
Sosurim (r. 371-83) with the suggestion that Buddhism would protect the state
against its enemies. After the collapse of the state of Former Yen (349-70),
Former Chin and Koguryo became allied against the various northern tribes
threatening their borders. In this era, political ties were often cemented through
the establishment of cultural links, such as the sending of the Buddhist monk
Sundo. Buddhism became acceptable to the elite of Koguryo because it came
with the prestige of a Chinese state supporting it.
MaHinanda, an Indian monk sojourning in the state of Eastern Chin
(317--420) in southern China, met an official from Paekche and returned home
with the latter in the year 384. Upon his arrival in the capital of Paekche, the
Haedong kosung-jon (Lives of Eminent Korean Monks, c. 1215) tells us that
Malananda was met at the outskirts of the city by the king, who personally
escorted the monk to his palace where he listened respectfully to the monk's
sermon. As in the case of Koguryo, the ready acceptance of the Buddhist monk
by the King of Paekche was due to the associations which Buddhism appeared to
have with Chinese culture. The political and cultural prestige of China enabled
Buddhism to gain a ready hearing in the elite circles of the early Korean states.
Buddhism entered the area of Silla, however, much later than Koguryo and
Paekche. As its development in Silla was dependent on events taking place in
those latter two states, the advent of Buddhism in Silla will be discussed in a
later section.
There were two other Buddhist monks who arrived in Koguryo before the
beginning of the fifth century, Ado and T'an-shih. Ado, who arrived in 383, was
said to have been the offspring of a Koguryo woman and an official from
Northern Wei, called Agulma. Ado's mother must have been a practising
Buddhist, for it is related by the Samguk yusa (Memorabilia of the Three
Kingdoms, c. 1285) that she sent Ado to a monastery at the age of 5 to become a
monk. At the age of 16, Ado went to Northern Wei in search of his father. After
meeting him, he then settled down to study for three years under a monk called
Hsiian-chang. When Ado returned to his native country in 383, King Sosurim
ordered a temple to be constructed for his use, as had been done for the monk
Sundo.
The Chinese monk T'an-shih was a native ofKuanchung, now modem Shensi
Province. He came to Koguryo in 395, during the reign of King Kwanggaet'o
(r. 391--413), and stayed for ten years. Although the Samguk yusa and other
ancient records make few references to this monk, he was apparently held in
high esteem. There were also several rather mysterious events associated with
him. He was called the 'White Footed Master' because his feet were supposed to
be whiter than his face and would not be sullied even by a muddy stream.
Not only did the government of Koguryo willingly accept foreign
missionaries, but even at this early date it promoted the growth of Buddhist
institutions throughout the country. King Sosurim's successor, King Kogugyang

26
 THE THREE KINGDOMS

(r. 384-91), made strenuous efforts to spread Buddhism beyond the court circle
to the general mass of the people. His successor, King Kwanggaet' 0, attempted
to tum Koguryo into a thoroughly Buddhist state. Around the area of
P'yongyang, the southern capital, he ordered the construction of nine temples
to aid in the dissemination of Buddhist knowledge. Many monks began to make
the journey from Koguryo to China to study Buddhism more thoroughly, the
most notable of whom was Siingnang (Seng-Iang in Chinese, 5th cent.). A
student of an otherwise unknown Koguryo monk called Popto, Siingnang is said
to have studied for a while with the great KumarajIva (344-413). Known as a
proponent of the Hua-yen and San-Iun doctrines, Siingnang was instrumental in
the formation of the San-Iun School in Northern Wei.
The Haedong kosung-jon mentions that in the year following Malananda's
arrival in Paekche, the king built a temple for his use, and that ten monks were
ordained upon its completion. Following these brief mentions, the historical
records are silent as to further developments in either Koguryo or Paekche. None
the less, it is plain that Buddhism was readily accepted by the elite in both
societies, that in both cases royal patronage was extended, and that efforts were
made by the king and the court within the first few decades after contact to
spread the new doctrine amongst the general populace. Further, efforts were
made to ensure that the standards of Buddhist knowledge were maintained, as
exemplified by the sending of Siingnang to China to study.

(b) The Fifth Century

The fifth century is a surprising blank in the historical record of the two states of
Paekche and Koguryo. None of the standard historical sources make any direct
reference to the development of Buddhism, which had made such a dramatic
start in the fourth century. There are some clues, however, to the continued
development of Buddhism in Koguryo and Paekche. As a result of the jockeying
for power between these two states, Paekche developed diplomatic ties with the
state of Northern Wei (see Fig. 4). This state was ruled by the 'barbarian' T'o-pa
people who had been greatly influenced by Buddhist missionaries from Central
Asia, such as Fo-t'u-teng (?-349), who had brought with them a syncretic
Buddhism rich in magic and shamanism. They had also brought with them the
superb traditions of Buddhist art which had evolved in Central Asia. The unique
form of Buddhist art which grew up in the T'o-pa empire came to be known as
the Northern Wei style and was transmitted to Paekche during this period. Some
of the greatest artistic treasures of Korea are the result of the diffusion of this
style of art. Paekche in her tum transmitted the Northern Wei style to Japan,
where it had a great influence on the formative period of Japanese Buddhist art.
Another clue to the continued growth of Buddhism in Koguryo and Paekche
is the transmission of Buddhism to the area of the state of Silla. The Haedong
kosung-jon gives us several clues concerning the first appearance of Buddhism
in the region which was to become Silla. This ancient book refers to two

27
 EARLY KOREA

krn

Sou th
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Figure 4 Northern Wei and the Three Kingdoms of Korea (c. Fifth Century)

Buddhist missionaries, Hiikhoja (Black Barbarian) and Ado who arrived from
Koguryo, but they apparently were not the first propagators of Buddhism to
appear in the Silla area, for the account of the monk Hiikhoja tells us that while
he was residing in the home of a secret believer Morye, he learned of the
martyrdom of two earlier missionaries, Chongbang and Myolgubi. These two
martyrs must have arrived in the Silla region no later than the first part of the
reign of King Nulchi, the first quarter of the fifth century. The story of Hiikhoja
indicates that the reception of Buddhism in Silla was radically different from its
reception in Koguryo or Paekche. In the Silla area the initial reaction would

28
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