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The Making and Unmaking of the Chinese Radical
Right, 1918–1951

Utilising archives in mainland China, Taiwan, Japan, and the USA,

Nagatomi Hirayama examines the pivotal role of the Chinese Youth
Party in China in the transformative years 1918–1951. Tracing the
party’s birth in 1923 during the May Fourth movement, its revolution-
ary path to the late 1930s, and its de-radicalization in the 1940s,
Hirayama discusses the emergence of the Chinese Youth Party as a
robust revolutionary movement on the right, characterized by its cul-
tural conservatism, political intellectualism, and national socialism.
Although its history is relatively unknown, Hirayama argues that the
Chinese Youth Party represented a serious competitor to the Chinese
Communist Party and Guomindang, and proved to be of particular
significance during World War II and China’s Civil War. Shedding
light on the ideas and practices of the Chinese Youth Party provides a
significant lens through which to view the Chinese radical right in the
first half of the twentieth century.

n a g a t o m i h i r a y a m a is Assistant Professor at the University of

Nottingham Ningbo China.
The Making and Unmaking
of the Chinese Radical Right,
1918–1951

Nagatomi Hirayama
University of Nottingham Ningbo China
University Printing House, Cambridge CB2 8BS, United Kingdom
One Liberty Plaza, 20th Floor, New York, NY 10006, USA
477 Williamstown Road, Port Melbourne, VIC 3207, Australia
314–321, 3rd Floor, Plot 3, Splendor Forum, Jasola District Centre,
New Delhi – 110025, India
103 Penang Road, #05–06/07, Visioncrest Commercial, Singapore 238467

Cambridge University Press is part of the University of Cambridge.

It furthers the University’s mission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit of
education, learning, and research at the highest international levels of excellence.

www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9781009098717
DOI: 10.1017/9781009105170
© Nagatomi Hirayama 2022
This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception
and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without the written
permission of Cambridge University Press.
First published 2022
A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Hirayama, Nagatomi, 1977– author.
Title: The making and unmaking of the Chinese radical right, 1918–1951 /
Nagatomi Hirayama.
Description: Cambridge; New York, NY : Cambridge University Press, 2022. |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identiﬁers: LCCN 2022003227 (print) | LCCN 2022003228 (ebook) |
ISBN 9781009098717 (hardback) | ISBN 9781009101967 (paperback) |
ISBN 9781009105170 (epub)
Subjects: LCSH: Zhongguo qing nian dang–History. | Political parties–China–
History–20th century. | Nationalist parties–China–History–20th century. |
Radicalism–China–History–20th century. | Right and left (Political science)–
China–History–20th century. | China–Politics and government–1912-1949. |
BISAC: HISTORY / Asia / General
Classiﬁcation: LCC JQ1519.A55 H57 2022 (print) | LCC JQ1519.A55 (ebook)
| DDC 324.251/075–dc23/eng/20220225
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022003227
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2022003228
ISBN 978-1-009-09871-7 Hardback
Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy
of URLs for external or third-party internet websites referred to in this publication
and does not guarantee that any content on such websites is, or will remain,
accurate or appropriate.
The Making and Unmaking of the Chinese Radical
Right, 1918–1951

Utilising archives in mainland China, Taiwan, Japan, and the USA,

n a g a t o m i h i r a y a m a is Assistant Professor at the University of

Nottingham Ningbo China.
The Making and Unmaking
of the Chinese Radical Right,
1918–1951

Cambridge University Press is part of the University of Cambridge.

It furthers the University’s mission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit of
education, learning, and research at the highest international levels of excellence.

Utilising archives in mainland China, Taiwan, Japan, and the USA,

n a g a t o m i h i r a y a m a is Assistant Professor at the University of

Nottingham Ningbo China.
The Making and Unmaking
of the Chinese Radical Right,
1918–1951

Cambridge University Press is part of the University of Cambridge.

It furthers the University’s mission by disseminating knowledge in the pursuit of
education, learning, and research at the highest international levels of excellence.

List of Figures, Maps, and Tables page vi

Acknowledgments viii
Note on the Text x
Chronology xi
List of Abbreviations xiv

1 Introduction 1
2 Origin of the Chinese Political Right in the May Fourth 20
3 “Young China” in Europe: The Rise of the Chinese
Political Right in the Age of Extremes, 1919–1924 58
4 Ideas and Politics in Warlords’ China: The CYP’s
National Socialist Movement, 1924–1937 97
5 Pen and Gun: The Chinese Youth Party’s Military
Mobilization, Late 1920s–Mid-1930s 145
6 Going Local: The Chinese Youth Party in Sichuan,
1926–1937 177
7 Farewell to Revolution: From National Socialists to
Democratic Socialists 208
8 Conclusion 244

Appendix: Selected Romanized Terms 257

References 274
Index 287

v
Figures, Maps, and Tables

Figures
2.1 Group photo of some Young China Association
members, 1919 page 23
3.1 Group photo of some Young China Association
members, 1922 78
4.1 “After Mobs’ Attack,” Huabei ribao, March 14, 1931:
Report on the CYP nationalists’ attack of Huabei
ribao’s headquarters 136
5.1 A part of a poster criticizing the inability of the League
of Nations (on the left) and also calling for support of the
Dongbei Volunteer Army (on the right) in Fuzhou,
Fujian 1932 154
5.2 “Jiumenkou xuezhan shiri [Ten days of bloody battles at
Jiumenkou],” Shishi xinbao, February 14, 1933. The two forces
of Diba tituan and Zheng Guilin fighting at Jiumenkou
outside Shanghaiguan 165
6.1 A flyer of the Vigilant Society, calling for support of the
Five Colored Flag of the five nations of China and fight
against one-party dictatorship of the GMD, 1928 180
7.1 Group photo of the Political Consultative Conference,
1946 225

Maps
2.1 Important cities for the founding and expansion of the
Young China Association page 20
3.1 Important cities for the founding of the Chinese Youth
Party in Europe (1922) 58

vi
List of Figures, Maps, and Tables vii

4.1 Important cities for the Chinese Youth Party’s

development after 1928 97
5.1 Key locations of the Chinese Youth Party’s military drives
in north China, 1932–1933 145

Tables
6.1 The CYP’s organizational structure in the early 1930s page 190
7.1 Political positions of the parties/groups of the Democratic
League in relation to the CCP 226
Acknowledgments

This book project started in 2009, as I finally decided to take the Chinese
Youth Party as my PhD dissertation topic. If I count my earlier research on
the Young China Association and the Chinese Democratic League, I could
date the genesis of this book project back to my years as a master’s and even
an undergraduate student. Without the support of many mentors through-
out this process, of course, I could not have proceeded well in my research
on this topic. My first acknowledgment thus goes to my supervisors at the
University of Pennsylvania: Arthur Waldron, Fred Dickinson, and Siyen
Fei. Without their guidance, trust, and encouragement, I would not have
completed the initial research portion of this book. Furthermore, I would
like to thank Luo Zhitian laoshi. With his suggestions and guidance,
I expanded my research significantly, beginning to explore the political
activities of the Chinese Youth Party in northeast China, north China, and
Sichuan. Additionally, I am grateful to my earlier mentors, Mōri Kazuko
and Sucheta Mazumdar. It was through their teaching that I first under-
stood the rigor of historical research and then was inspired to examine the
histories of the third parties in Republican China.
Certainly, it goes without saying that support from friends also
mattered in publishing this book. Ye Minlei offered me step-by-step
guidance at different stages in this book’s publication. For a first-time
book author struggling to turn a dissertation into a publishable mono-
graph, I found Minlei’s guidance extremely valuable. Calvin Hui’s inputs
were also meaningful. As I had difficulties at different transitional stages,
from MA to PhD, from PhD to job market, and from preparing a book
proposal to finalizing the book manuscript respectively, Calvin has given
me important advice. Furthermore, I appreciate my tongxue, Lu Xu,
Leander Seah, and Mao Sheng for their help at different stages in my
research. Without their intellectual inspirations, I am sure I would have
faced way more hurdles in my research process. Other friends include
Zhao Yanjie, Wang Guo, Chen Huaiyuan, and Jie Dalei, who helped me
acquire materials at different stages of this book. I appreciate their
willingness to help facilitate my research.
viii
Acknowledgments ix

As I worked in China, I have received support from various people. At the

University of Nottingham Ningbo campus, several colleagues read parts of
this book, including Greg Moore, Christian Mueller, Ian Nelson, Grant
Dawson, Matteo Salonia, Ruairidh Brown, and others. Their constructive
critiques were instrumental and monumental. My gratitude also goes to
Guo Shiyou laoshi from Tongji University for his helpful insights on the
historical course of the Chinese Youth Party. Further acknowledgment goes
to Tzu-Hsuan Huang for his support in making the maps, Yelena Dzhanova
for her proofreading of the final manuscript, and my student Li Xinming for
her assistance in finalizing the glossary and references.
For the publication of this book, research funds are indispensable. I thank
the School of International Studies at the University of Nottingham Ningbo
China and the Institute of Chinese Studies at the Chinese University of Hong
Kong, which offered me generous funds for facilitating the research and
writing for this book project. In 2009, I also received financial and research
support from the Center for Chinese Studies, National Central Library in
Taiwan. This support was invaluable to me, as the research opportunities in
Taiwan helped establish the basic framework of this book. At Cambridge
University Press, my thanks go out to Michael Watson, Rachel Blaifeder,
Lucy Rhymer, and Emily Plater, who were cordial and handled the review
and editing process smoothly and efficiently. With their assistance, I am
finally able to publish this book. Furthermore, I thank my two anonymous
readers, whose critiques pushed me to improve the overall quality of the
writing and avoided some important historical errors in this book.
Passages of this book have already appeared in previous publications:
(1) “Staging China’s ‘Age of Extremes’: Divergent Radicalizations
among Chinese Youth in Europe, 1922–1924,” Twentieth-Century
China, 44:1 (January 2019), 33–52; (2) “‘Young China’ in Europe:
The Lives and Politics of the May Fourth Youth in France, 1919–23,
Historical Research, 91:252 (May 2018), 353–374; and (3) “Partifying
Sichuan: The Chinese Youth Party in Sichuan, 1926–1937,” Frontiers
of History in China, 8:2 (June 2013), 223–258. With permission from
Johns Hopkins University Press for the first, Oxford University Press for
the second, and Higher Education Press for the third, I can reproduce
them. I revised the first and second articles to fit into Chapter 3, and
I also included the revised third article to Chapter 6. Because of this,
I owe acknowledgment to these journals and copyright holders.
My final words go out to my family members, including my wife, He
Ying, and my daughters, Jingtong (Seitō) and Wenxuan (Mika).
Historical research is fun by itself, but with you, I have found the
happiness of life. This book is dedicated to you.
Note on the Text

For the transliteration of Chinese words, this book follows the pinyin
system, with the exception of some well-known names in English aca-
demia, such as Sun Yat-sen and Chiang Kai-shek. For the abbreviation
of the Chinese Nationalist Party, rather than “KMT,” derived from
Kuomintang, this book uses “GMD,” derived from Guomindang due to
a newer standard in the ﬁeld of modern Chinese history. This book also
derives material from Japanese sources and so unavoidably touches
Japanese names and terms. For the Romanization of Japanese words,
this book uses the Hepburn system in most cases. For special cases, such
as Tokyo and Chuo University, I did not add macrons, for example, due
to their common usage in English. Lastly, following the conventional
sequence of personal names in East Asia, for the Chinese and Japanese
names, this book gives family names ﬁrst, followed by given names,
without placing a comma in between.

x
Chronology

Chinese Youth Party Communist Party

Year (CYP) (CCP) Nationalist Party (GMD)

1918 Founding of the Young China Association (YCA)

1919 May Fourth Movement; Diligent Work-Frugal Study Movement to Europe is
taking off
Many of the future CYP and CCP founders join Resurrection of
the YCA Guomindang
1920 Advocacy of the later CYP Founding of the Sun Yat-sen returning to
leaders for sociocultural Communist cell Guangzhou
reforms in China groups starting in
mid-1920
1921 Collapse of the Diligent Work-Frugal Study
Movement to Europe
Further ideological First congress: Further contacts between
differentiations within founding of the Comintern and Sun Yat-
the YCA CCP sen
1922 The later CYP founders Second congress: Chen Jiongming’s revolt
turning to radical consolidation of
nationalism Communist
ideology
1923 CYP’s founding in Paris Beginning of the GMD-CCP United Front
1924 Provisional Congress; Formalization of the GMD-CCP United Front;
beginning of the CYP reorganization of the GMD; founding of the
activities in China Whampoa Military Academy
1925 Collapse of the YCA; May Thirtieth Movement; death of Sun Yat-sen
CYP’s expansion in The GMD’s power consolidation in south China;
eastern and central expansion of the CCP; formation of the Western
China Hill Faction
1926 First congress GMD’s second congress; the Northern Expedition

099 8 51 57/ : 180. 5 1 . 71 /. 1 .7819 7.88

xii Chronology

(cont.)

Chinese Youth Party Communist Party

Year (CYP) (CCP) Nationalist Party (GMD)

1927 Turning to radical Collapse of the GMD-CCP United Front

revolutionary actions in Nanchang Uprising April 12 incident in
competitions with both on Aug 1; Shanghai
the GMD and CCP; CCP retreating July 15 incident in Wuhan
CYP retreating northward southward
1928 Loose uniﬁcation of China under the Nanjing GMD government
CYP’s expansion in Zhu De and Mao Further consolidation of
Sichuan, north China, Zedong in the Chiang Kai-shek’s power
and Manchuria Jinggangshan
base area
1929 Publicization of the CYP’s Gutian Conference Chiang-Gui War
party name in the fourth and Mao
congress Zedong’s
empowering
1930 Fifth congress Further left-leaning Central Plains War
in the CCP
1931 The Manchurian Incident
Beginning of CYP’s The Jiangxi Soviet Fourth congress
resistance war Republic
1932 Shanghai Incident Ningdu Conference Chiang Kai-shek-Wang
Engaging in the and Mao’s power Jingwei collaboration
resistance war weakened.
1933 Failures of CYP’s Resisting the Fourth extermination
guerilla wars GMD’s campaign against
The Huo Weizhou extermination the CCP
Incident campaigns Tanggu Truce with Japan
CYP’s West Hunan
Uprising
The Fujian Rebellion
1934 Beginning of reconciliation Beginning of the Fifth exterminations against
with the GMD Long March the CCP from 1933
to 1934
New Life Movement
1935 Eighth congress and the Zunyi Conference Fifth congress
formal reconciliation and consolidation
with the GMD under of Mao Zedong’s
Zuo Shunsheng’s leadership
leadership
1936 The Xi’an Incident
1937 Outbreak of the Sino-Japanese War; formation of United Front for the War of
Resistance

099 8 51 57/ : 180. 5 1 . 71 /. 1 .7819 7.88

Chronology xiii

(cont.)

Chinese Youth Party Communist Party

Year (CYP) (CCP) Nationalist Party (GMD)

1938 Ninth congress The CCP’s further First People’s Political

1939 Joining to establish the cultivation and Conference; Wang
United National expansion in Jingwei ﬂees to Hanoi
Construction Alliance north China and then to Shanghai

1941 Beginning of the Paciﬁc War

Joining to establish the Wannan Incident War declaration on Japan
League of the Chinese Beginning of Second People’s Political
Democratic Parties Yan’an Conference
Rectiﬁcation
Campaign
1944 Joining to establish the Mao’s proclamation Resisting the Japanese
Chinese Democratic of coalition Ichigō military operation
League government
(Lianhe zhengfu)
1945 End of the Sino-Japanese War; reconciliation negotiation between the GMD and
CCP
Tenth congress and Seventh congress Chongqing negotiation
conﬁrmation of the and Mao between the GMD and
CYP’s democratic Zedong’s CCP
socialist stance supremacy
1946 Outbreak of the Civil War
Split of the Democratic On defense in the On offense in the Civil War
League Civil War Promoting the coalition
Joining the Constituent Rejection of joining government
National Assembly the coalition
government
1947 Elections for the National The CCP on Promulgation and practice
Congress offense of new constitution;
serious economic issues;
1948 Elections for the The CCP on
Legislative Yuan and offense on defense in the Civil
Control Yuan War

1949 Landslide defeat of the GMD; founding of the People’s Republic of China
1951 End of CYP’s political Consolidation of Consolidation of
power in mainland the People’s governance in Taiwan
China Republic

099 8 51 57/ : 180. 5 1 . 71 /. 1 .7819 7.88

Abbreviations

Organizations
CCP Chinese Communist Party
CYP Chinese Youth Party
DSP Democratic Socialist Party
GMD Chinese Nationalist Party
SFEA Sino-French Educational Association
YCA Young China Association
YCP Young Communist Party

Archives
ABI Archives of the Bureau of Investigation, Ministry of
Legal Affairs
BMA Beijing Municipal Archives
JACAR Japan Center for Asian Historical Records
SMA Shanghai Municipal Archives
SPA Sichuan Provincial Archives
Zeng Qi “Zeng Qi Papers,” No. 2010C27, Hoover Institution
Papers

xiv
1 Introduction

“Raise left hand to overthrow the Communist Party! Raise right hand to
overthrow the Nationalist Party!” Mrs. Zhao Yuzheng, despite being
92 years old at the time of my interview with her in May 2010 in
Chengdu, Sichuan province, still remembered this slogan that energized
her when she joined the Chinese Youth Party (Zhongguo qingniandang,
CYP) in 1944.1 For her at that moment, the CYP members were more
righteous than the corrupt Nationalists (GMD), and more rational than
the cruel Communists (CCP). Mrs. Zhao was just an ordinary middle
school teacher in the 1940s, but her experience reflects an unexplored
political landscape of Republican China. If the CCP represented the left,
and the GMD a militarized ruling force based on opaque ideologies, how
could we understand the ideas and politics on the right in the emergent
mass party struggles in Republican China? As this study demonstrates, it
was the CYP, established in 1923 in Paris, that took on the pivotal role of
forming and transforming the Chinese right.
Mrs. Zhao was born in 1918 and first encountered the Chinese Youth
Party when she studied at the Chinese Women’s Middle School
(Zhonghua nüzi zhongxue). As she recalled, the CYP was very influential
in Sichuan educational circles at that time, and her middle school had
also been established by one of its leaders. Therefore, many of her
teachers were CYP members. Present among her classmates was also
the daughter of a leading CYP intellectual.2 Between the late 1930s and
early 1940s, as Mrs. Zhao further studied at high school and normal

1
Later, Mrs. Zhao became the propaganda commissioner of the Committee of Women
Movement (Funü yundong weiyuanhui) of the CYP’s Sichuan provincial branch.
2
Wei Shizhen, a leading intellectual of the CYP. Wei was born in 1895 and graduated from
Chengdu Middle School in 1912. Wei was a member of the Young China Association
(YCA) and also one of the founding members of the CYP. Wei went to Germany in
1920 and graduated from the Georg-August-Universität Göttingen in 1925 with a
doctoral degree in math and physics. Upon his return, he took several appointments
within higher educational institutions in Sichuan, such as chair of the Department of
Sciences at Sichuan University.

1::79 . 2 80 291/. 5 25/ 82.0/ 52 /892: 8/99

2 Introduction

college, she was awakened politically. During the harsh Resistance War
against imperial Japan in this period, just like many other educated
youths, she was determined to assist in saving her motherland by joining
a political force. It was in this context that she found the CYP, rather
than the other two major armed forces, as the most suitable political
choice for her. When Mrs. Zhao returned to the Chinese Women’s
Middle School as a teacher in 1944, she thus joined the CYP.3
To clarify the CYP’s stance, Mrs. Zhao shared an interesting episode
with me. One day in 1945, a government official hit a middle school
student, and this incident subsequently triggered a general student strike
against the Chengdu city authorities. Although the walkout itself was not
launched by the CYP, according to Mrs. Zhao, her school nevertheless
stopped its classes to support those striking students rather than trying to
pacify them. Moreover, despite the strict censorship of the GMD, the
New China Daily (Xin zhongguo ribao) of the CYP also denounced the
government’s suppression of the students. Mrs. Zhao did not explain in
detail the cause and effect of this movement, so it is not entirely clear why
the official struck the student, nor how exactly this movement was finally
settled. By sharing this story, however, her underlying message is clear –
namely that she wishes to overhaul the CYP’s negative or trivialized
image, long established in the revolutionary narratives of the People’s
Republic of China in both Chinese and English-language scholarship.

History and Historiography

The CYP has been described pejoratively as “backward,” “rightist,”
“reactionary,” or “fascist” in Chinese academia due to the CYP’s con-
servative and anti-Communist stance from the early 1920s to the late
1940s. Although the CYP did stop attacking the CCP for a short period
during the second Sino-Japanese War, the former began to challenge the
latter again soon once the civil war began. Situated in this historical
context, Mao Zedong had declared the CYP members (guojiazhuyizhe)
as one of the CCP’s two leading enemies in 1925,4 and later also

3
She was introduced by Xie Chengping. Xie was Mrs. Zhao’s teacher when she studied at
the Chengdu Normal School and was also a professor at Sichuan University when she
graduated from the Normal College. Xie was also a close subordinate of Li Huang.
4
Mao Zedong, “Zhongguo shehui gejieji de fenxi [A Class Analysis of the Chinese Society],”
in Mao Zedong xuanji, vol. 1 [Selected writings of Mao Zedong, vol. 1] (Beijing: Renmin
chubanshe, 1991), 4. In terms of guojiazhuyi, it could be rendered as statism. Yet, the
CYP founders themselves used “Nationalisme” in French and “Nationalism” in English to
express their nationalist ideology. So, I will use “CYP nationalism” and “nationalism
(guojiazhuyi)” interchangeably as the English translation of guojiazhuyi in this book,

1::79 . 2 80 291/. 5 25/ 82.0/ 52 /892: 8/99

History and Historiography 3

identified Zeng Qi, the most influential leader of the CYP, as one of the
country’s top war criminals in late 1948.5 Due to this political nature, the
CYP was thus categorized as a reactionary party, and its former members
were often targeted for reeducation or class struggle in a series of political
campaigns from the early 1950s to the late 1970s. While the CYP faced
massive stigmatizations from the GMD as well before 1949, it was indeed
not until the CCP established its reign in China that the CYP became
widely known as a symbolic reactionary force, representing the landlord
and capitalist classes.
It is true that Chinese historical research has changed enormously
since the early 1980s, corresponding to the massive political and eco-
nomic transformation of mainland China overall. Nevertheless, the
CYP’s history is still seen as marginal, despite the wide-reaching reex-
aminations of mass party politics that emerged during the early 1920s in
the wake of the May Fourth movement. This is due to two reasons: First,
the existing historical research of the CYP in China trivializes itself from
the outset, as it tends to justify the Communist triumph in 1949, for
example, by focusing on the CYP’s political and ideological flaws from
the beginning in comparison with the political and ideological strengths
of the CCP.6 Second, its narratives often center on intellectual debates,
primarily examining the ideological conflicts between the CYP founders
and others.7 As a result, we cannot discover the CYP’s own historical
agency in shaping mass party struggles in the post-May Fourth years.

depending on whether it is absolutely necessary to distinguish them from the Nationalist

Party’s ideology. Also, to differentiate the CYP members from the Nationalists of the
GMD (Guomindangren), I would use “CYP members,” “CYP nationalists,” “CYP
leaders,” or “CYP founders” depending on the context of the narrative for the
CYP members.
5
“Shānbei mouquanwei renshi tan zhanfan wenti [War Criminals Raised by an Important
Figure in North Shānxi],” Remin ribao, December 27, 1948.
6
For instance, in her monograph on the CYP, published in 1993, Zhou Shuzhen calls the
party a “disgraceful actor” (buguangcai de juese) and an enemy of the “People” (renmin),
while conﬁrming its patriotism and support for democracy. See Zhou Shuzhen, Zhongguo
qingniandang zai dalu yu taiwan [The Chinese Youth Party in Mainland and Taiwan]
(Beijing: Zhongguo renmin daxue chubanshe, 1993), II and 76. Also, see Zeng Hui’s
attempt to understand the causes of the CYP’s political failures: Zhongguo qingniandang
yanjiu, 1923–1945 [A Study of the Chinese Youth Party, 1923–1945] (PhD diss.,
Huadong shifan daxue, 2014).
7
See Wu Xiaolong, Shaonian zhongguo xuehui yanjiu [A Study of the Young China
Association] (Shanghai: Shanlian chunbanshe 2006); Li Yongchun, “Shaonian
zhongguo” yu wusi shiqi shehui sichao [“Young China” and May Fourth Thought]
(Changsha: Hunan renmin chubanshe, 2005); Sun Chengxi, Xingshipai de guojiazhuyi
sixiang zhi yanbian [The Awakening Lion Faction and the Nationalist Thoughts] (PhD
diss., Fudan University, 2002); and Zhang Shaopeng, Minchu de guojiazhuyipai yanjiu
[The CYP Nationalist Faction in the Early Republican era] (PhD diss., Huazhong shifan
daxue, 2005).

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4 Introduction

Although more nuanced approaches have appeared in recent years,8 the

CYP’s historical status remains unfortunately more or less the same in
established narratives with their limited explorations of the political
quests of the CYP in Republican China.
From the perspective of English-language scholarship, not much can
be seen by way of modified views, also due to the overwhelming historio-
graphical emphasis on the GMD-CCP paradigm, though there has been
some diversified but limited research on the CYP.9 As Joseph Esherick
points out, the “triumph of the CCP was the product of a series of
contingent events,” and the “history of modern China is not a theology
of revolution.”10 More plainly, the Communist Party was not predes-
tined to conquer mainland China in the 1920s and the 1930s, and in the
same vein, the Nationalist Party in the mid-1920s was only one of the
significant political forces. Even if the Nationalist and Communist
Parties dominated China’s political realm in the 1940s, it does not mean
both had maintained the same centrality consistently from the early
1920s to the late 1940s. Without inviting the CYP back into the picture,
we cannot account well for the emergence of Chinese mass party politics
in the Republican era. The CYP certainly lost, but the ideological trends
and sociopolitical features of Republican China had been formed and
transformed by continuous competitions between different ideas and
varied modes of political actions, essentially built upon the passions,
ambitions, and practices of both the winners and the losers.
As this study will demonstrate, the CYP and CCP were indeed two
sides of the same coin in the emergent mass party struggles in the wake of
the May Fourth movement, paralleling the developments of mass

8
See Wang Qisheng, “‘Geming’ yu ‘fangeming’: Sanda zhengdang de dangji hudong
[“Revolution” and “Anti-Revolution”:” Inter-Party Relations of the Three Biggest
Political Parties],” in “Geming” yu “fangeming”: shehui wenhua shiyexia de minguo
zhengzhi [“Revolution” and “Anti-Revolution”:” Politics of Republican China under
the Social and Cultural Perspectives] (Beijing: Shehui kexue wenxian chubanshe, 2010).
Wang discusses the plebiscitarian revolution of the CYP as one of the three powerful
revolutionary ideologies, but his examination was limited to a short period.
9
Chan Lau Kit-Ching brieﬂy introduced the CYP in The Chinese Youth Party, 1923–1945
(Hong Kong: Center of Asian Studies, University of Hong Kong, 1972), though no
monograph has yet been published in English academia. Besides this research, Marilyn
Levine and Edmund Fung also examined the CYP’s history to a limited degree, but
mostly in the extension of their research on the CCP and other important intellectuals,
respectively. See Marilyn A. Levine, The Found Generation: Chinese Communists in Europe
during the Twenties (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1993), and Edmund S. K.
Fung, In Search of Chinese Democracy: Civil Opposition in Nationalist China, 1929–1949
(New York: University of Cambridge Press, 2000).
10
Joseph Esherick, “Ten Theses on the Chinese Revolution,” in Twentieth- Century China:
New Approaches, ed. Jeffrey N. Wasserstrom (New York: Routledge, 2003). To make it
clear, “revolution” expressed here primarily means the Communist Revolution.

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History and Historiography 5

political trends in interwar Europe. As the Great War heralded the arrival
of the “age of extremes” in the twentieth century in the late 1910s,11 the
founding of the CYP and CCP, in 1923 and 1921 respectively, symbol-
ized the Chinese appropriation of the global right and left in the early
1920s, with the former adhering to national socialism (guojia shehuizhuyi)
and the latter to communism. Alongside the CCP, the CYP thus shaped
Chinese revolutionary politics on the radical right throughout the 1920s
and 1930s and then staged the democratic convergence in Chinese
political discourse by its deradicalized turn to a civil opposition force in
the 1940s.
In looking at the CYP in the making and unmaking of the Chinese
radical right, we can rediscover the different political landscapes of
Republican China. First, it is a signiﬁcant misunderstanding that the rise
of the CCP is the only relevant result of the radical politicization of the
May Fourth generation in the early 1920s. In the wake of the May
Fourth, if the CCP arose on the radical left by taking a totally hostile
attitude toward the Chinese tradition for its class revolution based on
materialism, the CYP appeared out of the same groups of May Fourth
students and intellectuals by embracing the Chinese historical and cul-
tural legacies for the CYP’s nationalist plebiscitarian revolution (quanmin
geming) based on idealism.12 As Communists became the second largest
mass political force in the following two decades, CYP members also
increased in inﬂuence to become the third, as they worked with leading
regional warlords and engaged in military actions and violent street
struggles in northern China, as well as local constructions in Sichuan,
up until the late 1930s. Therefore, the orthodox revolutionary narratives
focusing on the CCP and GMD did not really encompass the vast and
disintegrated sociopolitical realm of Republican China. Finally, it is
undeniable that the CYP lost much of its military power and political

11
Eric Hobsbawm, Age of Extremes: The Short Twentieth-Century 1914–1991 (London:
Abacus, 1994).
12
In terms of “quanmin geming,” its literal meaning is “revolution of all nationals.” As a
disciplined political party, the CYP opposed class struggle and emphasized Chinese
national unity while demanding the political involvement of all groupings for China’s
independence and strength. For the translation of “quanmin,” I take “plebiscitarian”
from Max Weber’s observation on “plebiscitarian democracy” and other relevant
scholarship. With “plebiscitarian revolution,” I could convey the indispensable
meanings of “strong leadership,” “strong nationalism,” “party politics,” “anti-
communism,” and “anti-class struggles” of quanmin geming. References include Max
Weber, Economy and Society, trans. Keith Tribe (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press, 2019), chap. 3; Andreas Kalyvas, Democracy and the Politics of the Extraordinary:
Max Weber, Carl Schmitt, and Hannah Arendt (New York: Cambridge University Press,
2008); Wolfgang J. Mommsen, The Political and Social Theory of Max Weber (Chicago:
The University of Chicago Press, 1989).

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6 Introduction

leverage to the GMD in the Second Sino-Japanese War, but this party
still contributed to forging democratic convergence in the Chinese polit-
ical discourse in the 1940s by transforming itself from a revolutionary
party into a civil opposition party.
By tracing the CYP’s history as such, we can discover that the Chinese
age of extremes in the ﬁrst half of the twentieth century was not solely
dictated by the histories of the GMD and CCP. We also learn that
modern Chinese intellectual and political history is not the theology of
the Chinese Communist revolution. For many Chinese educated youth
from the early 1920s until the late 1940s, the CYP was not simply an
ideological option in people’s mind, but also a solid political choice in the
real world. Mrs. Zhao’s political experiences exemplify just that.

“Radical Right”
This study discusses the making and unmaking of the Chinese radical right
in the ﬁrst half of the twentieth century. With this thesis, it is inevitable that
I will refer extensively to the Euro-American ideological and political
experiences and might thus incur some criticism of being “Eurocentric.”
However, modern political and economic institutionalization has been a
global rather than a European phenomenon since the French Revolution
and the Industrial Revolution in the late eighteenth century, and China was
not alienated from the process. Therefore, as we see, the Chinese intellec-
tuals and politicians have attempted to conﬁgure the Chinese political
liberation, economic marketization, and development of science and tech-
nology one generation after another from the late nineteenth century,
resulting in a series of reform and revolutionary movements based on
different ideologies. In that way, the modern mass political spectrum from
right to left gives us a suitable lens through which to look at the differenti-
ated perceptions, determinations, and actions of the Chinese in each
period taking up those agendas. There is no doubt, of course, that the
Chinese sociopolitical and cultural realities were always different, but the
right and left politics help us catch the meandering path of modern Chinese
mass party politics as one indispensable part of the long-term political and
economic globalization process of the past two centuries. China was not
external to this process. Rather, the process was developed inside China in
its own way.
That said, this study traces the history of the CYP on the radical right
in the Chinese emergent mass party struggles from the early 1920s to the
late 1940s. But what exactly does “radical right” mean? First, by “rad-
ical,” I certainly do not simply mean the mindless hatred and unprin-
cipled violence often seen in blind populist mass movements. Rather,

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“Radical Right” 7

I mean a dedication to violent politics as a fundamental solution to

political disagreements based on extreme principled antagonism, derived
from a particular mode of political thinking and behaviors rooted in
different political ideologies and revolutionary acts, such as the radical-
ized confrontations described by Edward Shils and Alasdair MacIntyre,
which exclude the possibility of civil politics or tolerant conversation. For
Shils, it is a state of ideological confrontation originating in the French
Revolution, where “moral separatism arises from the sharp, stable, and
unbridgeable dualism of ideological politics which makes the most rad-
ical and uncompromising distinction between good and evil, left and
right, national and unnational … ”13 Due to such ideological politics, if
we follow MacIntyre’s discussions on rational politics of local commu-
nity, where tolerance and intolerance are both exercises of virtue for
human good, we may find a state of mutual exclusion between different
opinions whereby embracing disruptions and suppressions of the other
resulted in insoluble conflicts in people’s sociopolitical life.14 As a result
of such unmanageable principled antagonism often associated with revo-
lutionary violence, we see the “radicalness” commonly shared by both
right and left in the “age of extremes” in the early twentieth century, to
use Eric Hobsbawm’s words.
Furthermore, by “right,” I mean a specific ideological stance or polit-
ical position in modern mass party politics. Although it is always difficult
to come up with a perfect definition as to the contents of the “right,”
there are some essential denominators. National socialism, once pro-
pounded by the Chinese Youth Party, is certainly one on the right, as
compared to communism or anarchism on the left, in its attempts to
offset the “negative” influence of political and economic liberalism in the
Chinese sociopolitical context for the sake of a strong national commu-
nity. In their adherence to national socialism, particularly from the late
1920s to the mid-1930s, the CYP founders took on a radical nationalism
framed by cultural conservative terms and a socialist interventionism
based on class collaboration, similar to some of their counterparts in
Europe, but with their own variations. For example, (1) in cultural
conservatism, the CYP founders emphasized the Chinese historical

13
Edward Shils, on ideology politics and civil politics in the twentieth century; see his
“Review: Ideology and Civility: On the Politics of the Intellectual,” The Sewanee Review,
66:3(1958), 452.
14
Alasdair MacIntyre, “The Politics of Ethics,” in his Ethics and Politics: Selected Essays,
Volume 2 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2006). I cite Shils and MacIntyre for
an analytical distinction. I do not intend to discuss or imply whether the radical political
measure is good or bad.

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8 Introduction

legacies and cultural coherence in their conﬁguration of the Chinese

nation, without addressing at all the lineage-based norms of “race” or
“ethnicity”; (2) in political elitism, they inherited the civilizational mis-
sion of the Chinese traditional literati in the new era, and addressed the
leadership of the political intellectuals of the “educated class” (zhishi jieji)
in their mass political movements; and (3) in integral nationalism, the
CYP founders strove, above all, for the freedom of the Chinese nation
against both external imperialists and internal oppressors using a com-
bination of federalism and corporatism in the struggle for Chinese unity.
Through these particular ideological traits, the CYP took a culturally
conservative disposition in substantiating the Chinese national commu-
nity on the one hand and raised politically and economically progressive
state-building projects on the other – for example, establishing its own
vision of economic control against laissez-faire capitalism, speciﬁcally
expressed by its trade protectionism externally and socialist intervention-
ism internally. Therefore, if we say Werner Sombart and Carl Schmitt
provided ideological ingredients for nurturing the antiliberalist and
authoritarian trends among the integral nationalists in Europe,15 the
CYP founders embraced similar nationalist ideologies for the speciﬁc
Chinese sociopolitical and economic settings in the CYP’s most radical
stage on the Chinese political right.
Because this study explores the CYP’s national socialism, some may
wonder whether it is more appropriate to treat it as Chinese fascism, just
as Frederic Wakeman and Maggie Clinton tackle the right factions within
the GMD.16 In effect, there were some overlapping features between the
CYP and the European fascist parties, so it is possible for some scholars
to consider the CYP leaders in their most radical stage in the early 1930s
as Chinese fascist.17 That is the case if we apply the minimum character-
istics of fascism conceptualized by some leading thinkers; for example,
(1) anti-Marxism, radical nationalism, and “resistance to transcendence”

15
David Cooperman and E. V. Walter, Power and Civilization: Political Thought in the
Twentieth Century (New York: Thomas Y. Crowell Company, 1964), 117–119.
16
Frederic Wakeman, Jr., “A Revisionist View of the Nanjing Decade: Confucian
Fascism,” The China Quarterly, no. 150 (June 1997); Maggie Clinton, Revolutionary
Nativism: Fascism and Culture in China, 1925–1937 (Durham, NC: Duke University
Press, 2017).
17
For example, there are different opinions as to the CYP’s fascist nature between Marilyn
A. Levine and Edmund S. K. Fung. Levine emphasizes its early admiration of fascism in
the 1920s; Fung identiﬁes the CYP’s quest for democracy mainly from the late 1930s.
Levine, The Found Generation, 182–183, and also “Zeng Qi and the Frozen Revolution,”
in Roads Not Taken: The Struggle of Opposition Parties in Twentieth-Century China, ed.
Roger Jeans (Boulder, CO: Westview, 1992), 232; Fung, In Search of Chinese Democracy,
146–148.

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