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Dear Helen
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Dear Helen
Wartime Letters from a Londoner
to Her American Pen Pal
Edited by
Russell M. Jones and John H. Swanson
k
university of missouri press
columbia and london
Copyright © 2009 by
The Curators of the University of Missouri
University of Missouri Press, Columbia, Missouri 65201
Printed and bound in the United States of America
All rights reserved
5 4 3 2 1 13 12 11 10 09
Acknowledgments ix
About the Text xi
Introduction 1
k
I. The Beginning 17
We are also grateful to Britisher John Digby, writer, poet and noted
collagist, who shared his knowledge of London and cricket, helping us
tremendously.
Our deepest gratitude is to Beverly Jarrett, Editor in Chief of the
University of Missouri Press and Jane Lago, Managing Editor. Beverly’s
enthusiasm for this book was an inspiration to us, and her initial ques-
tion: “Tell me more about what went on between these two women,”
became the central theme of the introduction.
The unflagging patience and professionalism of our editor, Jane Lago,
made this book much better than it would have been otherwise. De-
spite the excellent preservation work of archivists at the Winston
Churchill Memorial and Library, the originals of these letters were in
some instances in chronological disarray. Helen Bradley apologized
for this disarray to Virgil Johnston, then Director of the Winston
Churchill Memorial and Library, upon presenting the letters, explain-
ing that she had tried to organize the continuity of the letters. But this
was difficult. Most often Betty did not date her letters — particularly
after the Blitz began — but Helen often saved the envelopes they came
in with their postmarks. We and, years earlier, Helen also tried to use
internal evidence from the letters to establish the logical progression of
this correspondence.
When Jane Lago joined us with the task of producing this book, she
elevated the job of getting the time sequence of the letters right with
her questions and suggestions and in doing so preserved intact Betty’s
“voice from England,” as the editors of Picture Play dubbed her letter
written so long ago. The result is that readers today can hear that voice
more clearly.
About the Text
xi
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Dear Helen
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Introduction
Dear Helen
with Helen. She interwove the serious topics of the war and postwar
austerity with vignettes of her daily life — the office, friends and beaus,
holiday trips, family, hospital stays — which she executed with clarity
and dramatic interest. Even though these vignettes were not always
cheerful, they had the effect of brightening her style.
More than once she mentioned her desire to be a writer. But she
was not in the right place at the right time to realize that ambition.
Her discussions of movies and the theater reveal a dedication to the
dramatic arts. She sought contact with leading actors in the London
theater such as John Gielgud; perhaps, if she had reached adulthood
in the years after the war, with her health intact, the literary community
in London would have provided encouragement for a young woman
with such talent and desire.
During the course of this correspondence, we learn practically every-
thing about Betty. About her pen pal, Helen Bradley, we know less, but
a portrait of her does emerge, that of a patient and caring woman who
had a lot to give a friend, even one met through the somewhat artificial
convention of a “pen palship.”
We know from letters that Helen wrote in 1969 –1971 to Virgil
Johnston, director of the Winston Churchill Memorial and Library
in Fulton, Missouri, as well as from her obituary, that she was trained
as a nurse and physical therapist. She attended the Kirksville College
of Osteopathic Medicine in Kirksville, Missouri; the University of
Southern California in Los Angeles; and Harvard University Medi-
cal School. She was a pioneer in the then relatively new profession
of physical therapy. She lived most of her adult life in Kansas City,
Missouri, and became the chief therapist at the Dickson-Diveley Clin-
ic, at the time one of the leading centers in the country for physical
therapy. She was born in 1890, in Kansas City, before birth certificates
were issued. But we do not know much about her family, other than
that she had a cousin, Mrs. Barbara Runyan, who supplied information
for her obituary printed in the Kansas City Star on September 5, 1979.
Helen carefully saved the letters, cards, and snapshots she received
from Betty, although, as the letters reveal, some of their wartime corre-
spondence seems to have wound up on the bottom of the Atlantic. We
do not have any of the letters Betty received from Helen, however, and
therefore we have to rely on inference to get a sense of Helen’s side of
the dialogue. As the reader will see, there is plenty to go on; Betty re-
Introduction
shelters for me! Its a case of you die if you go below, and you die if you
stay on top so I think I’ll take the top.”
Betty went on to complain about the scarcity of food under the ra-
tioning program and lamented that she and her mother hadn’t suffi-
cient ingredients for really good Christmas puddings. But her pluck
resurfaced: “[U]nless I can use my wiles on the Butcher, Grocer, and
what have you! Still, leave it to little Betty to keep up Ye Olde English
Christmas if possible.”
Then she caught herself almost forgetting to thank Helen for a
Christmas package of candy, nylons, and cosmetics: “Now, I almost
forgot to tell you the most important thing of all — that is, I actually
received the Box. . . . Gosh! was I grateful ?? . . . I am using the Powder,
and it is just the right shade.” In the next sentences, however, comes
this: “Some of the Cosmetics put on the Market here now, are appalling
concoctions, made mostly by Jews in forbidden factories from anything
they can lay their hands on. The Government have just put a Ban on
them. . . . Wherever you find any dirty work afoot, there you find the
Yids, and if that sounds prejudiced, I really can’t help it. I hate the sight
of the Jewish people, and more than 50% of the Shirkers in this country
belong to that Race.” Then she returns blithely to the subject at hand:
“Anyway, enough of that. Many, many thanks for the Box.”
Betty’s criticism of America started in her early letters, when England
was gearing up for war; then, as the bombing of London began and later
when America entered the war, her criticisms of America ceased. They
resumed once the war was over and the British suffered the extreme
hardships of the postwar austerity programs. Her criticisms were often
addressed directly to Helen, and each time they were preceded by a de-
scription of her frustrations. The war and the suffering were real for her
and everyone else.
On November 24, 1939, she wrote: “[A]s you will probably guess,
our lives have been turned upside down and everything seems changed.
I have been so terribly busy in work that I’ve gone home feeling like a
pricked Balloon.” She explained, “I was on holiday the week War broke
out. . . . [W]e packed up . . . and got back to London. . . . On the Sunday
morning we all sat round the Radio and listened to the Premier’s speech
and we all cried — the young ones because they didn’t know what was
coming and were frightened, and the older ones because they did.” She
went on to say, “It seems funny but last week my mother turned out a
Dear Helen
letter from my father dated sometime in 1916, and he says ‘. . . it’s ru-
moured out here that Jerry is angling for an Armistice. But I and most
of the chaps out here feel we’d rather fight on and finish the Germans
for good and all so that our children won’t have the same old battle
all over again. I don’t want Jacky to grow up to anything like this. If it
means peace for our kids we’ll fight till we all drop’. Prophetic, wasn’t
it? And you’ve got it just as it was written.” She was expressing her
dismay at how doomed that idealistic wish was. A few lines later, she
lashed out: “But I wish Americans wouldn’t stand around doing pre-
cisely nothing but criticise and call it a ‘phoney’ War. After all, they are
not risking a single American life, and are only thinking of the whole
thing in terms of Newspaper Headlines and Dollars for Armaments.”
Betty often tried to soften the effect of her emotional censure of
America and its policies. She frequently concluded such letters by apol-
ogizing for getting off the subject, “rambling” as she put it, and in one
of them she tried harder to soften the effect of her criticism: “I don’t
mind you criticizing us Honey! . . . When I think of how much I talk
and how marvellous you are to me, I get thoroughly ashamed of myself.
. . . I hope you know how sincerely I appreciate everything you do.” At
the same time, however, there is that underlying note of helplessness.
Beyond the suffering Betty experienced in the war, these moods may
have had their source in a deeply felt grief over the loss of the father she
never knew. When she spoke of him, she reflected the pain of a father-
less child. She seems to have idealized him as a peace-loving figure,
but she expressed bitterness that he died for such an ideal. In fact, her
complaint, in the early letters when England and France and the other
European allies were trying to avoid war, that Britain had to be “polite,”
as she put it, honoring treaties and standing up for the smaller coun-
tries, may have had its genesis in her disillusionment with idealism such
as her father’s, which she felt caused her to lose him.
In her letter of April 10, 1940, she likened her brother, Jack, who
was impatient to get into the army, to her father: “My father was ex-
actly the same. He tried three Recruiting Offices in 1914 before they
finally accepted him and then the Chief Clerk in his Office got him
out because he was a valuable man, but he got in again, and went to
France in ’15. He died when I was a baby and I don’t remember him
at all, though Jack has some fleeting memories of him. We’ve only got
one photograph of him and that’s in Soldier’s Uniform. He looks pretty
Introduction
nice. I think he and I might have got along very well together.” This last
poignant thought suggests the depth of her yearning for the man she
never knew.
If a profound sense of helplessness characterizes her discussion of the
loss of her father, and her life during the war, one of the starkest and most
disturbing self-images that recurs in Betty’s letters appears for the first
time in one postmarked October 16, 1940, during the Blitz: “I no longer
suffer from Housemaids Knee but have developed instead ‘Shelter back’
due to lying flat on my back on the cold stone Platform of an Under-
ground Railway.” A similar image of helpless passivity is repeated in her
letter of August 17, 1941, written from East Anglian Sanatorium, where
she was trying to recuperate from tuberculosis: “Doctors say I have not
been strong enough to stand up to all the hardships of War conditions
last Winter. Lying about on wet and cold stone floors of Deep Shelters,
breathing bad air, getting no sleep, and not the proper food have all com-
bined to break my resistance down. Still, I am getting better now.”
Describing one of her most serious, near fatal illnesses in a letter
written on September 28, 1946, “in bed, propped up with umpteen pil-
lows,” Betty expressed her aversion to lying about passively awaiting
death with characteristic pluck and dark humor: “I was transferred to
Hospital in the middle of it, & sent home because I was lying awake
all night what with women dying next to me & another Woman going
mad & rushing round the Ward as though she was on a Horse!”
Helplessness and anger and fear are not the only emotions Betty
showed to Helen. Despite being overwhelmed by illness and the ad-
versities of the war, she invariably projected a tempering mood of
hopefulness, and it is important to recognize that despite lashing out
at Helen she always reaffirmed her affection for her American friend.
A vignette in the later letters shows how deep that affection could be
for both women. The Austerity Program had settled over England,
and over Betty, like a lead blanket. She longed for white shoes, with
stylish open toes, which she could not find at home. This produced a
burst of correspondence about white shoes in which Betty asked Helen
to send her some. In late May 1946 Betty wrote, “The main thing is,
Helen, that the package arrived quite safely yesterday . . . and oh! I am
so grateful to you. The shoes were simply marvelous.”
This package contained canned goods and clothing, for which Betty
thanked Helen joyfully, although there is one sobering note: “the vest is
10 Dear Helen
going to be put away for Medical Exams and X-Rays, of which I have
plenty of as you can imagine.” Betty’s mother was caught up in the joy
and was persuaded to add a note of her own, which was sent along with
Betty’s letter: “I am quite sure you would feel quite satisfied without
expressed thanks if you could only have seen both of us. . . . As for the
white shoes, well, ecstasy is the right word. . . . Betty is really one of the
war casualties. She was a lovely healthy girl before the war, but life in
shelters and lack of variety and quality of food caused a breakdown that
we have never been able to pull up.”
Although there is no direct evidence in the letters of an irreparable
difference of opinion or of a threatened break in Helen and Betty’s
relationship, an episode in the last letters may shed indirect if some-
what surprising light on why Helen stopped writing. In August 1945,
Betty wrote that she had broken up with her boyfriend, Chris, who
was a Coldstream Guard and a decorated veteran of the North African
campaign. He was also, as Betty put it, “a very good looking man. . . .
Women chase him around like Moths round a Candle.” Apparently,
when he came back to England he deserted the army for a time. How-
ever, because of his good military record he was allowed to return with-
out penalty. But he jilted Betty. As she said, “He seems to be a different
man — went completely mad — you know, wine, women and song — the
old story.” In these letters, Betty told Helen of her disappointment, but
she also took pains to convey a stoic attitude in her acceptance of the
end of the relationship.
What complicates our understanding of Betty’s discussion of this
failed romance is the fact that at some point (when is unclear) Helen
started writing to Chris herself. Apparently he was stationed at the
time in North Africa, where Betty had been sending him the movie
magazines Helen had sent her from America. He shared them with the
other men, who used the pictures of the movie stars for pinups above
their bunks.
In a letter written in August 1945 Betty said, “I should have loved
to have seen Chris’s letter to you (his name’s ‘Chris’, not Ted, honey —
you’ve got them mixed up) If you still have it, I wish you’d send it over
to me. I’ll return it without fail.” And then she went on to tell of the
failed relationship. In the next letter, written sometime afterward, Betty
said, “Thanks so much for sending Chris’ letters. He and I are washed
up now, finally — and I think it’s the best and most sensible thing to do.
Introduction 11
. . . . I have tried with him, but I’ve lost heart now. I am giving you his
address, because I know he’d be happy to hear from you — he was very
grateful to you for sending him books . . . you’d better say you asked me
for his address, which will adjust things from my angle.”
It sounds as if Betty did not want Chris to think she had asked Hel-
en to write him and intercede on her behalf — which may have been
what Helen had done or had intended to do. Or perhaps Betty thought
that writing Chris would provide a little romance in Helen’s life. At any
rate, Betty was resolute. “He and I are on opposite sides, Helen, and
it doesn’t work out,” she went on to explain, as if she was cautioning
Helen about trying to straighten out the relationship.
She mentioned him again in a letter dated April 1946: “Chris is ‘de-
mobbed’ [demobilized] next week, I believe — so what he will be doing
with his future I haven’t the faintest idea. . . . Don’t suppose I shall ever
see much of him, even though we live in the same town.” Betty wrote
again about Chris a few weeks later, in the spring of 1946, perhaps from
a lingering sense of hurt, or perhaps because Helen had continued to
inquire: “Chris was demobbed about five weeks ago, and is causing a
great stir among the females of the town. I have spoken to him on one
occasion — for about five minutes, during the whole of which time he
never looked at me once — just spoke with his shoulders hunched up
and his face turned the other way. It was just like speaking to a strang-
er — not a man I’d known for four years. I was beginning to wonder if
my face was pock-marked or become so distasteful that he couldn’t look
at it!! I see him fairly often at dances, and he ignores my existence as
completely as I ignore his. . . . I have given up wondering and puzzling
about such things. I only regret the loyalty and thought I wasted on
him, which was obviously so little appreciated. It really doesn’t seem
like him at all — almost like someone else had taken his place. Unless,
of course, I was seeing him through rose-coloired glasses, which often
happens. Anyway, it’s over and done with, now, and I have settled down
to it better than I thought I would.”
Betty seems to have been trying to put the subject to rest between
her and Helen, but she couldn’t resist a last swipe at the fickle fellow:
“From what I can gather, he seems to be going from bad to worse as far
as Women are concerned, and the lies and yarns he tells are fantastic.
Seems to be living in a world of his own. I’m honestly beginning to
wonder if he knows when he’s telling the truth, and when he isn’t.”
12 Dear Helen
Later that year, in the early summer of 1946, Betty added a char-
acteristically ironic coda to the matter. A fellow office worker had just
returned from a day off to meet her boyfriend who had arrived back
from overseas: “P.P.S. Joyce has just come in sporting a great big dia-
mond ring which was just put on the third finger of her left hand at
quarter past 11 last night! So she obviously had what it takes even if I
didn’t!”
Helen’s interest in this failed romance may shed more light on why
she stopped writing Betty than does her returned letter of nineteen
years later. Helen was consistently responsive, caring, and giving to
Betty throughout the years of the correspondence. Evidence of her
concern and generosity is abundant. Considering Helen’s steadfastness
and considering the terrible wartime events Betty described, it would
be hard not to think Helen was experiencing them vicariously through
these letters.
Helen Bradley seems to have been shy compared to Betty. We know
she was insecure about their age difference. In addition, while Betty
sent quite a stream of snapshots of herself, her family, girlfriends, and
boyfriends, Helen had refused to send her own picture. Perhaps Helen
was loyal to Betty because she was lonely. Indeed, it seems likely that
Betty’s descriptions of her personal life were of vicarious interest to
Helen.
In addition to describing her relationship with Chris, Betty fre-
quently mentioned other boyfriends as well as incidents in her social
life, her feelings for the father she never knew, her idealization of John
Gielgud, the two women’s debate about the merits of Maurice Ev-
ans’s Broadway Hamlet versus Gielgud’s London Hamlet. At one point
Betty even thanked Helen for bothering to envision the complicated
route she had to take through the suburbs to get to work in the heart
of London.
Through the course of the letters, Betty described a tight-knit family:
her adventurous, robust brother, Jack, whose wife was close to Betty and
her mother; the couple’s child, who was welcomed into the family; her
mother, Gladys, who was a warm and caring single parent. Gladys got
both of her children jobs with the railroad, and Betty kept hers all her
life, even though she complained about it. This warm family is part of
what Helen saw of Betty’s life, as well as the struggle to survive the war
and its aftermath. Ultimately, the human story contained in these letters
Introduction 13
may have spoken more to Helen, faithful nurturer to Betty for all those
years, than did her young friend’s frustrated criticism of America.
Betty wrote in a tone markedly different from her usual brash out-
spokenness on May 10, 1949. Helen’s letters had become less frequent,
and this would be Betty’s last letter. It begins with a description of her
health and her treatments. There are echoes of the old frustration. She
had been in a sanatorium and a hospital for twenty months: “Need-
less to say I was pretty sick of the country life after 9 months of lying
around looking at some very uninteresting railings with a flat expanse
of green field beyond it.” But this letter, pervaded by a tone of resolu-
tion, is also hauntingly elegiac. On a hopeful note, Betty even describes
her health as improving, “I am beginning to feel a lot better now, and
am certainly much brighter since I started work,” before she concludes
the subject with typical irony: “I’m beginning to wonder if a short life
and a gay one isn’t the best way to look at it!!”
This time her frustration with the world was only lingering and she
did not lash out at Helen but rather reached out to her: “[H]ow are you
all this time, Helen. I have wondered so often how things were with
you. I always counted you, and one other American girl I know, as very
dear friends of mine, and I often speak to people of your kindness to
me. I always hope to hang on to individual friendships, however many
international differences crop up, as crop up they will — even among
allied nations. I know there is a lot of things we do that irritate Ameri-
cans intensely, just as there are things in their characters utterly alien
to our way of thinking, but I have always spoken of people as I found
them and you, and Gwen (the girl in New York) were very good to me,
and I am not likely to forget it.”
She proceeded to account for their political differences constructive-
ly: “Politically, I think you and I differ Helen — I am an ardent Socialist
and a great supporter of our present Government — the only one we’ve
ever had that ever gave the workers of Britain a square deal. I am not,
too, as anti-Russian probably as you — in fact I don’t think the masses of
Britain are violently anti-Soviet at all. I am no admirer of the Commu-
nist doctrine in its entirety, though there are many things in it, which
had the party stuck to the ideals laid down by Lenin, would have made
the world a pleasant place for the poorer people, but I have a mortal
horror of War . . . and I cannot conceive of anything bad enough to
cause nation to rise up against nation. . . . [W]e’d be wiped off the face
14 Dear Helen
of the earth should it happen again. And there you have the hard core
of the disagreements between British and Americans. We feel that if
there is another War with Russia it will be America’s war, and we shall
be dragged in as a buffer state for Russia to drop the bombs on.”
Betty seems to have recognized that Helen had a different view. At
the time, America was transfixed by the cold war. Popular opinion had
it that socialism was a pale but dangerous shade of Russian commu-
nism, and Betty seemed to be trying to accommodate Helen’s feeling.
On a deeper level, this letter suggests that Betty had come to a fork in
the road she and Helen had for a time traveled together. She seems to
have come to peace with many of her old frustrations. She had resolved
her conflicts at least about her station in life and her vision of a just
society. And at the end of the letter she even introduced a new, “cur-
rent boy friend.” She sent a picture: “It’s very good of Bob. . . . He has
corn-coloured hair and I was always devoted to dark men. It just shows
you!” She concluded: “I shall have to finish now, and will tell you more
of the family history on my next letter. Do write me soon, Helen. I was
so pleased to hear from you, and I hope we may keep in touch with each
other now.”
But that never happened. There were no more letters between them.
Betty did send a Christmas card in 1950 from Ireland: “I do hope ev-
erything is well with you — Haven’t heard from you for so long!” Then
she added, almost matter-of-factly, “I am married now, but still living in
the North of England.” Betty’s husband was Bob Arnold, who in 1969
signed her death certificate, on which his occupation was listed as “sheet
metal worker.” No doubt he was the man with the corn-colored hair.
Perhaps she attached some of her yearnings for a father to him and in
him found something of the peace she longed for. Helen never married.
In Betty’s relationship with Helen Bradley, we see a rich skein of
ambivalence, gratitude, and love. In Helen we see a person to whom
Betty could bare her soul — with all of its contradictions. Helen may
have felt frustration, even embarrassment over a failed attempt to re-
store Betty and Chris’s romance. Or she may have been self-conscious
about involving herself at all in the little triangle. She may not have
found Betty’s attempt in her last letter to resolve the political differ-
ences between them as sufficient as Betty hoped it would be. But it
is hard to take Helen’s statement that “I could not take any more of
your criticism of the U.S.” as the full story. She admitted feeling guilty
Introduction 15
for the lapse, and the tone of love for her old friend is unmistakable:
“[A]fter reading again of all you had been thru I know I should have
forgiven you anything.”
Perhaps both women had reached a point from which their lives
led them onto separate paths. The correspondence broke off, but the
friendship really did not. In the end, Helen was determined to preserve
that friendship, as well as the historical record it constituted, in the ar-
chives of the Winston Churchill Memorial and Library at Westminster
College in Fulton, Missouri.
Helen Bradley:
“straight man to Betty’s brilliant performance”
17
18 Dear Helen
Can you spare a line or two for an English fan to pass some opin-
ions? It’s more than three years since I wrote and I feel it’s time I poked
my nose in again.
Firstly, I’m so glad Norbert Lusk took notice of our John Gielgud in
the September issue. Mr. Lusk, you ain’t seen nuthin’ yet. Wait till you
see him as “Hamlet.” He’s marvelous!
Secondly, as one of Jessie Matthew’s ardent admirers, I’m so pleased
that America likes her as much as we do. She’s about the only one
of our British actresses who can dance, sing, and act. One unbeatable
combination.
Thirdly, it’s refreshing to see that our pictures are making good prog-
ress in America, films like “Nine Days a Queen,” “Secret Agent,” and
“Rhodes.” They’re all supers and our producers over here are concen-
trating on making more and more pictures like them. The trouble is
we’ve got the directors and the actors, but our actresses — ouch! You
have one of them now trying to make an actress out of her — Madeleine
Carroll. You’ll never do it, Hollywood. She’s cultured, she’s lovely, but
that’s about all.1
And as a final plea, will some kind American come and take Dietrich
away from here? She’s nothing more than publicity crazy. She’s even
taken to visiting hospitals now. This morning’s paper quotes her as say-
ing “I was born to be a nurse.” Now laugh that one off!
Betty M. Swallow,
38 Raleigh Road, Shepherds Bush, London W. 14, England.
1. After her sister was killed in a London bombing raid, Madeleine Carroll stopped
acting to work in Red Cross field hospitals. She was awarded the Legion of Honor for
her bravery in France.
The Beginning 19
3. Marlene Dietrich was the highest paid actress of the early 1930s, but in the mid-
1930s her films fell out of favor with the critics and the public. She became a U.S.
citizen and toured for the Allies during World War II; after the war she was decorated
by the United States and France for her strong stand against Nazism. Wendy Barrie, a
British actress of the 1930s, is best remembered as Jane Seymour (wife number three)
in The Private Life of Henry VIII (1933).
4. John Gielgud was the first English actor under forty to play Hamlet, which estab-
lished his career at the Old Vic in the 1929 –1930 season. In the following season he
played the title role in Richard II.
5. Secret Agent (1936; UK), directed by Alfred Hitchcock, is based on stories by W.
Somerset Maugham and stars John Gielgud and Madeleine Carroll as British agents
assigned to assassinate a German spy during World War I who become conscience
stricken about the mission. The Good Companions (1933; UK), a musical comedy based
on a J. B. Priestley novel, stars John Gielgud.
6. Peggy Ashcroft, later a Dame of the British Empire, was a legendary stage and
film actress whose work included the plays of Shakespeare, in England and later in the
United States.
The Beginning 21
As for the campaign you spoke about. English fans, Producers, Film
Magnates and the rest, have been breaking their necks for three years
to get him signed up on a Picture Contract, but its just a waste of time.
I rather wish he had gone to Hollywood. There’s been dozens of parts
suggested for him, but he’s turned them all down. The only plan now
is that “Richard of Bordeaux” may be made in the Spring, in Colour.7
I should think it would be a lovely film, and I wish they’d have Merle
Oberon as his wife, Anne.8 I always wanted to see those two together,
and John is supposed to be Merle’s favourite actor, but I don’t see much
prospect at the moment.
By the way, if it isn’t too much to ask you, would you let me have just
a tiny peek at that reply he sent you, if you have it that is. I promise I’ll
send it straight back, Cross my heart. Only I should love to see it, And
if you ever see anything about him in any Books or papers, would you
send it to me. We can’t get hold of many American Books here, and I’m
always trying to get copies of the “Theatre Arts Monthly” — but they
don’t seem to sell it much round here. If there’s anyone you want clip-
pings of over here, I’ll scout around and get ’em for you.
I like Leslie Howard very much,9 and was in a bit of a mess when the
famous “Battle of the Hamlets” was raging on Broadway. I wanted John
to win, yet I felt sorry for Leslie. I think he intends to make a picture
of some sort while he’s in England, and “Bonnie Prince Charlie” was
suggested. But then, it was suggested for Fairbanks Jr. too, and nothing
came of it. The latest plan for Howard, according to our Film writers,
is that he intends to play the part of Shakespeare on the screen, That
7. Inspired by Gielgud’s acting, Elizabeth Macintosh wrote the play Richard of Bor-
deaux under the pseudonym Gordon Daviot. It was a smash hit and made Gielgud a
celebrity. Its success provided him with the financial means to produce classics in the
West End, pioneering the theater company system. Among the new generation of ac-
tors that resulted were Olivier and Peggy Ashcroft. Betty mentions this play and the
rumors that it would be made into a movie frequently in the early letters. It was clearly
a subject of interest in the movie and theater world of England.
8. Merle Oberon played Anne Boleyn in The Private Life of Henry VIII (1933). She
was successful in films both in the United States and in Britain, starring with Laurence
Olivier in The Divorce of Lady X, a romantic comedy (1938; UK).
9. After being shell-shocked while serving in the army in World War I, Leslie How-
ard took up acting as therapy. He was successful in London and New York theaters as
“the perfect Englishman.” Very active in England’s war effort, he died when the airliner
on which he was traveling was shot down over the Bay of Biscay by the Germans.
22 Dear Helen
10. Walter Huston was one of the most respected American actors of the 1930s.
Confirming Betty’s judgment of him as sincere, he once said, “I was certainly a better
actor after my five years in Hollywood. I had learned to be natural — never to exagger-
ate. I found I could act on stage in just the same way . . . using my ordinary voice.” He
appeared with Peggy Ashcroft in Rhodes of Africa (1936; UK), a biography of Cecil J.
Rhodes.
11. American actress Ruth Chatterton began her career as a chorus girl on Broad-
way at age fourteen. Her reputation from the theater made her a major film star of the
1930s. The play The Constant Wife was written by W. Somerset Maugham.
12. Although educated at Stonyhurst College, British actor Charles Laughton en-
listed as a private in World War I. Following theatrical training at the Royal Academy
of Dramatic Art, he became one of the most successful actors and drama teachers in
film and stage.
13. Noël Coward — dramatist, actor, writer, composer, lyricist, painter, and wit — is
considered to have virtually invented Englishness. In the 1920s he injected the fast pace
of Broadway shows into the staid British drama and music.
The Beginning 23
mour” and I’m not particularly smitten with Robert Donat, so I don’t
know if I shall bother to see it.14 Its the picture scheduled to open our
new super-luxury cinema in Leicester Square in September. According
to all reports this Cinema is going to be the Acme of perfection. Let s
hope so — Our Theatres and Cinemas could do with a great deal of im-
provement. So could some of our films, and as aforesaid our actresses.
With the exception of our Jessie, and Gracie Fields,15 and Merle Ober-
on, I don’t think there’s one of ’em I’d give you tuppence for. Still, I’m
about the most patriotic Briton there ever was, and what makes me boil
is when some of our stars go over to America, and forget they were ever
English and start calling us very uncomplimentary names. The Ameri-
cans who come over here don’t do it. They never start all this bilge
about “I think England is far nicer than America and I want to live here
all my life”. Don’t mistake me, I’m not saying that our stars don’t owe
a tremendous lot to America and the Americans, and if they love the
country, there’s nothing to stop them saying it, but they shouldn’t de-
grade their own country at the same time. Some of our young actresses
just go completely “Hollywood” when they get out there, and it makes
me sick. Still there’s one consolation, as you say, Hollywood isn’t Amer-
ica. Otherwise we should think it a very funny country altogether.
I saw Henry Wilcoxon and his wife when they were in England.
He’s just finished the lead in “Jericho” with Paul Robeson, and it should
be shown soon.16 I see Wilcoxon is divorcing his wife, or is it the other
way around. I never can get straightened up on these divorce tangles.
14. Knight without Armour (1937; UK), a Russian spy movie, stars Dietrich and
Robert Donat. The British-born Donat worked as a Shakespearean actor in reper-
tory companies in England in the 1920s and 1930s and appeared in The Private Life
of Henry VIII. He was contracted to Hollywood studios but insisted on working for
them in England after appearing in the hugely successful 39 Steps (1935), directed by
Hitchcock. He won an Academy Award for best actor for Goodbye, Mr. Chips (1939)
and stayed in England during the war.
15. Jessie Matthews was a 1930s film star, dancer, and singer. Gracie Fields, a come-
dienne and singer, was the highest paid female star in the world in 1937. She developed
a very popular northern working-class-girl character. Ironically, considering Betty’s
prejudice against British actors who went to the United States during the war, Gracie
was one of them. She never regained her prewar popularity.
16. In Jericho (1937; UK), Henry Wilcoxon played a friend to the main character, Jer-
icho (Paul Robeson), who is sent to prison for an accidental murder, escapes to Africa,
and becomes the leader of a tribe. Wilcoxon played Marc Antony in Cecil B. DeMille’s
Cleopatra (1934; U.S.) and was involved with many of DeMille’s movies.
24 Dear Helen
P.S. We have changed our address as you will notice from the heading
of the letter.
17. Jean Harlow, America’s blonde sex symbol during the 1930s, died in 1937 of
uremic poisoning during the filming of Saratoga with Clark Gable.
The Beginning 25
in my life, never feel the slightest bit awkward with strangers, and can
make friends remarkably easily. Yet if I walk down the street, or sit in
a Bus and think people are looking at me, I go a rich red colour, and
fidget, and suffer tortures, if I’m on my own. That must be what they
call “Self consciousness”. I never could make it out, because I’m usually
so sure of myself. Blushing is a dreadful habit, and I’m doing my best to
break myself of it. Anyhow, to get back to the age business — I happen
to like older people a great deal more than younger ones. Some of the
very young creatures, in their teens, get on my nerves — though I’m not
much older myself. As for still wanting to write to you — of course, I do.
And I hope you’ll feel the same about me.
I’ve had a young cousin staying with me this week. She has come
up from Monmouthshire. And what a handful she is. Shes eighteen,
a very pretty child, with a passion for London and terrific “mash” on
John Gielgud (worse than me, if that’s possible). Of course, we took her
to the first night of John’s new play “Richard II” on Monday, and she
nearly chewed her gloves up in her excitement. It was a lovely perfor-
mance of a lovely play — and John gave one of the finest shows I’ve ever
seen him give. His Richard is absolutely remarkable. You may think I’m
prejudiced, but that’s everybody’s opinion. When he was giving the fa-
mous “For God’s Sake let us sit upon the ground, and tell sad stories of
the death of Kings” speech, you could hardly hear the people breathing
in the house, and when he finished it the crowded house broke in with
bursts of applause. It was one of the most exciting theatrical moments
of my life. I’ve seen Maurice Evans “Richard” that New York is making
such a fuss about, but believe me, it doesn’t come within hailing distance
of Gielgud’s.18 I wish John would take it to America, but he won’t. He’s
doing three classical plays after this “The School for Scandal” “The
Three Sisters” and “The Merchant of Venice”. Peggy Ashcroft is his
leading lady in all of them. She’s a remarkably talented young actress
and even though the Queen in “Richard” is such a negligible part, she
made it into a vital, living thing. The marriage rumour, by the way, was
denied vehemently by John on the opening night of “Richard”. He says
18. Gielgud starred in Richard II in London, and Maurice Evans played the same
role in New York. As is clear from Betty’s letters, a rivalry developed between the New
York and London productions of Shakespeare plays starring these two actors. Although
Evans was enormously popular and critically acclaimed in the United States, Gielgud
and, later, Olivier were considered the better Shakespearean actors.
The Beginning 27
the envelope of clippings you sent. Believe me they were very welcome,
especially, the Life story from COLLIERS which has been perused,
chewed and inwardly digested by a large number of Gielgudites.
Y’know, I seem to have rambled on and said exactly nothing in this
letter. I’ve been typing it under difficulties, with the eagle eye of the
Boss upon me, and he has a most profoundly disapproving look upon
his face. Probably he will give me enough work this afternoon to last
me for the rest of the week. However, I really can’t blame him for the
shocking typing in this epistle, nor for the scrappy way in which it’s
written.
I’m enclosing a snap of my sweet self — I look very miserable, but I
never smile in a photograph. My mouth seems to stretch right across
my face.
Please write soon. I enjoyed your letter so much,
Sincerely,
Betty
They had a snow storm in the Midlands in early May! And we’ve had
no rain for two months, and the country is up in arms about it. Farmers
go to Church and pray for the rain, because what with the drought and
the frost, the whole of the early Plum Crop has been lost, and nearly all
other Produce. Vegetables are terribly dear. Actually speaking, I cannot
make out why in a country like England, which is probably the wettest
in the world, they can’t store the water properly. Still I Suppose it will
rain in torrents over the Whitsun, just to celebrate. Outside now the
sky is nearly black, and promises a lovely downpour. All the Clerks are
crossing their fingers and hoping it will, because of their darned gar-
dens, and the one sitting next to me is rubbing his hands and chortling
gleefully of the marvelous effect it s going to have on his 10 inch patch
of rhubarb and his amazing Lavender Bush, which grew two whole
sprigs last year. My brother qualified for the great Gardener stakes last
season by raising a large crop of weeds of every description and three
magnificent Cauliflowers of which he was so proud, he left ’em in the
Garden till they went to seed. For myself, I have a Hyacinth Bulb in a
Pot, and a couple of Peas sprouting in a Saucer. London Flat Dwellers
rarely own gardens. I shall have to wait until I can afford a Country
Cottage — though when that will be, the Lord only knows. We’ve been
trying the English National Gambling Game — Football Pools — for
the past year without success. However, when I do win some money, I
am coming to America. This year s holiday is being modestly confined
to a tour of Belgium, either we shall stay on the Coast, or in Brussels. I
rather want to see the Battlefields. My friend wanted to go to the South
of France, but I couldn’t afford it, and she can’t go without me, because
I speak French and she doesn’t. Actually I shall need my bit of French
in Belgium, because they aren’t very good English speakers over there.
All I hope is that we get a good Channel Crossing. When I went to
Jersey and Normandy in 1936, I nearly died of sea-sickness.
I should rather like to go to Germany some time, too, although my
friend will never go there. She and I disagree violently over the German
question. Y’see Helen, I don’t know what your religion or your political
opinions are. There s plenty to hate Hitler for, but there s a great deal I
admire him for, and admire him intensely. The trouble over this business
with Austria is, that people refuse to see that the Austrians welcomed
Hitler. They aren’t unhappy or miserable about going over to the Ger-
man Reich: It s only the Jews that are bleating about it. And now we
30 Dear Helen
19. At this time there was a popular acceptance of Germany’s annexation of Austria
on the grounds that Austria was a “German” nation. The anti-Semitism Betty espouses
had deep roots in England going back several centuries. Polls taken three or four years
after the war “suggested that extreme anti-Semitism was confined to a small minor-
ity, but that about half of the population, working class and middle class alike, were
capable of making anti-Semitic statements; and this probably underestimated latent
anti-Semitism” (Angus Calder, The People’s War: Britain, 1939 – 45, 2d ed. [London:
Panther, 1971], 576.). Relentless propaganda by the Nazis had also exposed the British
to anti-Semitism.
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