(Ebook) Quadripartite Structures: Categories, Relations

and Homologies in Bush Mekeo Culture by Mark S. Mosko

ISBN 9780521105385, 9780521264525, 0521105382,
0521264529 Pdf Download

https://ebooknice.com/product/quadripartite-structures-categories-
relations-and-homologies-in-bush-mekeo-culture-2243328

★★★★★
4.8 out of 5.0 (44 reviews )

DOWNLOAD PDF

ebooknice.com
 (Ebook) Quadripartite Structures: Categories, Relations and
Homologies in Bush Mekeo Culture by Mark S. Mosko ISBN
9780521105385, 9780521264525, 0521105382, 0521264529 Pdf
Download

EBOOK

Available Formats

■ PDF eBook Study Guide Ebook

EXCLUSIVE 2025 EDUCATIONAL COLLECTION - LIMITED TIME

INSTANT DOWNLOAD VIEW LIBRARY

We have selected some products that you may be interested in
Click the link to download now or visit ebooknice.com
for more options!.

(Ebook) Biota Grow 2C gather 2C cook by Loucas, Jason; Viles,

James ISBN 9781459699816, 9781743365571, 9781925268492,
1459699815, 1743365578, 1925268497

https://ebooknice.com/product/biota-grow-2c-gather-2c-cook-6661374

(Ebook) Matematik 5000+ Kurs 2c Lärobok by Lena Alfredsson, Hans

Heikne, Sanna Bodemyr ISBN 9789127456600, 9127456609

https://ebooknice.com/product/matematik-5000-kurs-2c-larobok-23848312

(Ebook) SAT II Success MATH 1C and 2C 2002 (Peterson's SAT II

Success) by Peterson's ISBN 9780768906677, 0768906679

https://ebooknice.com/product/sat-ii-success-math-1c-and-2c-2002-peterson-
s-sat-ii-success-1722018

(Ebook) Master SAT II Math 1c and 2c 4th ed (Arco Master the SAT
Subject Test: Math Levels 1 & 2) by Arco ISBN 9780768923049,
0768923042

https://ebooknice.com/product/master-sat-ii-math-1c-and-2c-4th-ed-arco-
master-the-sat-subject-test-math-levels-1-2-2326094
(Ebook) Cambridge IGCSE and O Level History Workbook 2C - Depth
Study: the United States, 1919-41 2nd Edition by Benjamin
Harrison ISBN 9781398375147, 9781398375048, 1398375144,
1398375047
https://ebooknice.com/product/cambridge-igcse-and-o-level-history-
workbook-2c-depth-study-the-united-states-1919-41-2nd-edition-53538044

(Ebook) Partnership and Modernisation in Employment Relations

(Routledge Research in Employment Relations) by Mark Stuart ISBN
9780203694381, 9780415304313, 0203694384, 0415304318

https://ebooknice.com/product/partnership-and-modernisation-in-employment-
relations-routledge-research-in-employment-relations-1937260

(Ebook) Structures and Categories for the Representation of

Meaning by Timothy C. Potts ISBN 9780511554629, 9780521042505,
9780521434812, 0511554621, 052104250X, 0521434815

https://ebooknice.com/product/structures-and-categories-for-the-
representation-of-meaning-1815700

(Ebook) Bush and Asia: America's Evolving Relations with East

Asia (Routledge Security in Asia Pacific Series) by Beeson ISBN
9780203965078, 9780415383332, 0203965078, 0415383331

https://ebooknice.com/product/bush-and-asia-america-s-evolving-relations-
with-east-asia-routledge-security-in-asia-pacific-series-1909640

(Ebook) Ethical Decision Making in Clinical Neuropsychology by

Shane S. Bush ISBN 9780195328226, 0195328221

https://ebooknice.com/product/ethical-decision-making-in-clinical-
neuropsychology-10008528
 Quadripartite structures
Categories, relations, and homologies

in Bush Mekeo culture

Quadripartite structures
Categories, relations, and homologies
in Bush Mekeo culture

MARK S. MOSKO
Hartwick College

The right of the

University of Cambridge
to print and sell
all manner of books
was granted by
Henry VIII in 1534.
The University has printed
and published continuously
since 1584.

CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS

Cambridge
London New York New Rochelle
Melbourne Sydney
 CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, Sao Paulo, Delhi

Cambridge University Press

The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 8RU, UK

Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York

www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521105385

© Cambridge University Press 1985

This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception

and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without the written
permission of Cambridge University Press.

First published 1985

This digitally printed version 2009

A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library

Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication data

Mosko, Mark S., 1948-
Quadripartite structures.
Bibliography: p.
1. Mekeo (Papua New Guinea people) I. Title.
DU740.42.M67 1985 306'.0899912 84-19906

ISBN 978-0-521-26452-5 hardback

ISBN 978-0-521-10538-5 paperback
Dedicated to the memory of Kaiva Muniapu
Are we satisfied, then, that everything
is generated in this way -
opposites from opposites?

- Plato's Phaedo
 Contents

List of figures, tables, and maps page viii

Preface xi
1 Introduction: the problem and the people 1
2 Between village and bush 21
3 Body and cosmos 38
4 Sex, procreation, and menstruation 60
5 Male and female 73
6 Kin, clan, and connubium 100
7 Feasts of death (i): de-conception and re-conception 150
8 Feasts of death (ii): the sons of Akaisa 182
9 Tikopia and the Trobriands 200
10 Conclusions: indigenous categories, cultural wholes,
and historical process 234

Appendixes
1 Village resources derived from bush resources 250
2 Ingestion and ingestibles 251
3 Categories of food 254
4 Work and nonwork skills 256
5 Categories of human dirt 257
6 The myth of Foikale and Oa Lope 258
7 The afinama myth 265
Notes 271
Bibliography 278
Index 289

vn
 Figures, tables, and maps

Figures
1.1 The trajectories of Nature and Culture page 5
1.2 Fipa mythical and social values 6
1.3 Hohfeld's fundamental legal relationships 8
1.4 The structure of the Klein group in mathematics 9
2.1 The sphere of ordinary transfers 26
2.2 The sphere of extraordinary transfers 36
3.1 Water transformation: boiling 42
3.2 Water transformation: roasting 42
3.3 Food transformation: boiling 43
3.4 Food transformation: roasting 43
3.5 Food transformation: drying 44
3.6 Food transformation: ripening 45
3.7 Work transformation: house building 47
3.8 Nonwork transformation: hunting 47
3.9 Culinary work transformation: boiling food 48
3.10 Culinary nonwork transformation: roasting food 48
3.11 Sweet/unsweet body transformations 50
3.12 Blood and flesh synthesis: capacities for work and nonwork 51
5.1 Female ritual cycle 85
5.2 Male ritual cycle 89
5.3 Alternating gender categories 93
6.1 Atsi atsitsi terminology (patrilateral) 105
6.2 Atsi atsitsi terminology (matrilateral) 106
6.3 Ipa ngaua terminology (matrilateral) 107
6.4 Ipa ngaua terminology (patrilateral) 108
6.5 Ipa ngaua terminology (Ego's and descending generations) 110
6.6 Composite lineage history (Nganga clan) 119
6.7 Pisaua friendship network (Amoamo tribe) 131
6.8 Children-of-"first cross-cousin," or "second-cousin," marriage 135
6.9 Akaila public marriage compensation exchange 136
6.10 Agnatic, cognatic, and affinal bloods 140
6.11 Bush Mekeo marriage system (i) 143
6.12 Bush Mekeo marriage system (ii) 146
6.13 Bush Mekeo marriage system (iii) 147

viii
 Figures, tables, and maps ix

7.1 Mortuary feast-givers and -receivers 172

7.2 Mortuary-feast categories and clan identities 176
7.3 De-conception and re-conception of grandmothers'clan bloods 178

Tables
1. Village and tribal populations 15
2. Offices, lineages, and subclans of Nganga residential clan 118
3. Friend and nonfriend kofuapie betrothals and elopements 133

Maps
1. The Bush Mekeo 14
2. The Bush Mekeo and their neighbors 17
 Preface

Not without humor, Bush Mekeo villagers will occasionally retell the
story of how their ancestors first came to be known as the "Bush" Mekeo.
Whenever a government patrol entered the area during the early years of
contact, they say, their ancestors hid in the bush until the strangers had
left. Once, upon entering a deserted village, a patrol officer remarked,
"Oh, so these must be the 'Bush' Mekeo, because they are always hiding
in the bush." Figuratively speaking, the Bush Mekeo have remained "in
hiding" ever since. In his classic study, The Melanesians of British New
Guinea, Seligmann does refer to "a small but uncertain number of vil-
lages on the middle reaches of the Biaru River [which] must be consid-
ered to constitute an ethnographical annexe to Mekeo" (1910:311); but
now, even after nearly a century of contact with Europeans, the Bush
Mekeo are still essentially unknown to the outside world. Although there
have been numerous in-depth studies of their closest neighbors, virtually
nothing substantively new concerning the Bush Mekeo themselves or
their culture has appeared. This book is partially intended to help fill this
lacuna and bring the Bush Mekeo, as they would say, "out of hiding."
This book, however, also attempts something rather more theoretical
and, for that reason, potentially fruitful in other ways. In the course of
struggling to interpret Bush Mekeo tradition in my own thought as a
"total social phenomenon," a structure of an unanticipated form gradually
took shape. It became clear that the meanings of many (if not most) of the
cultures diverse contexts are ordered by and through it. That structure,
as it turns out, is generally fourfold or quadripartite. But with the specific
inner operations of its working among the categories of the culture, it is
more accurately characterized in the terms of homologously bisected du-
alities. This book is, then, principally devoted to revealing this particular
structure and its logically consistent ramifications throughout Bush
Mekeo culture.
Nonetheless, I was inevitably led to a detailed exploration, in much the
same terms, of several related Oceanic cultures - most notably, the clas-
sic cases of Tikopia and the Trobriands. The results of those inquiries are
contained in this volume as a separate chapter. Finally, emboldened,
XI
Xll Preface
perhaps, with these (to me) ethnographic and comparative successes, I
have ventured still further. I propose that, in a manner previously un-
suspected, the structure of bisected dualities characterizes - or underlies,
informs, and links together - a number of fundamental, but otherwise
heretofore disconnected, formulations within social anthropology itself,
particularly those dealing with the relations of myth to ritual and of struc-
ture and synchrony to history and diachrony. Therefore, in addition to
bringing the Bush Mekeo out of hiding, this book represents an effort to
reveal what perhaps has long been hidden within two of the most well-
documented ethnographic cases on record and within a few of the more
notable sectors of anthropological tradition as well.

I feel by now a particularly keen sense of indebtedness to the many

persons who have helped and .encouraged me along the way. Although I
shall never be able to recompense them adequately, I should now like to
acknowledge these debts and express my gratitude.
The writings of Edmund Leach, Claude Levi-Strauss, Marshall Sah-
lins, and David Schneider among living anthropologists stand out clearly
as my main theoretical inspirations. My greatest intellectual debt of a
more personal and immediate sort is to my doctoral adviser, Professor
Stephen F. Gudeman. The exceedingly high standards for quality, integ-
rity, and thoroughness he demands, not so much of others as himself,
have done more to inspire and guide me to think like a social an-
thropologist than he might ever guess. Professor Eugene Ogan conscien-
tiously served the no doubt tedious role of my principal theoretical foil;
thus, in addition to keeping me laughing and moving, he at least tried to
keep me honest. Others whose scholarly support and encouragement I
cannot fail to mention are Robert C. Kiste, Alan Rew, Paul Wohlt, Mar-
ilyn Strathern, David G. Baker, John M. Ingham, Mischa Penn, Richard
L. Haan, and Laurie Lucking.
My fieldwork and dissertation write-up were generously supported by
a predoctoral fellowship from the National Institute of General Medical
Sciences (Grant No. 01164). Hartwick College has also financially helped
in bringing this book into being by covering some of my costs of revision
and production. Ron Embling skillfully worked to complete the numer-
ous figures contained in the text. Dot Parmerter and Georgette Corrao
meticulously typed the several drafts of the manuscript.
Among those deserving foremost credit for their contributions to this
study are the Bush Mekeo villagers themselves. The patience, generosity,
and tolerance they so often displayed were truly astonishing. For the
benefit of those Papuans who might someday read this book, I would like
truthfully to declare that never were my family and I without food among
the Bush Mekeo. I must especially acknowledge the friendship so freely
 Preface xiii
offered my family and me by Pavivi Menga, Mangemange Muniapu,
Menga Piomaka, Ameaua Tsibo, Thomas Ae, Peniamo Peniamo, Peter
Keanga, Apou Kaengo, Piomaka Fala, and Marcello Apou. Particularly, I
would like to thank the village women collectively in appreciation of their
many kindnesses to my wife.
A great many others outside the Bush Mekeo from 1974 to 1976 also
provided invaluable assistance in one form or another. Among them are
Bill and Antje Clarke; Paul and Ruth Wohlt; Paul and Agi Kipo; Bishop
Vangeke; Fathers Boudaud, Didier, Diaz, and Bouseau; Sister Christine;
Epeli and Barbara Hau'ofa; Michael Monseel-Davis; Eliza Marshall;
Nigel and Joan Oram; Andrew and Marilyn Strathern; Jeff and Laura van
Osterwick; the staff of the National Archives; Waigani Lodge; WCA Bor-
oko; Bereina Government Offices; and the country order department at
Steamy's. I thank them all for their time, energy, resources, and hospi-
tality.
My parents have given me their unflagging support and encourage-
ment (moral and financial) at every stage in spite of their silent misgivings
about so unlikely a profession. My gratitude for their wisdom and con-
stancy goes very deep. My wife, Cassandra, has been a constant source of
undivided support, encouragement, and inspiration. Her toils and sacri-
fices in the field and afterward have allowed me immeasurable freedom,
without which I would have been devastated long ago.
Lastly, I would like to acknowledge my wide-ranging indebtedness my
to Bush Mekeo confidante, Kaiva Muniapu. Kaiva took it as a personal
mission to teach me his people's customs and to see that I did not leave
without understanding them to his satisfaction. But above everything
else, Kaiva taught me the meaning of trust and friendship and, by his own
example, what it means to be a Bush Mekeo man. Because Kaiva's un-
timely death in May 1977 prevented his ever seeing this book - the final
realization of his efforts and dreams as much as my own - it is especially
fitting that it be dedicated to him.

M. S. M.
 1
Introduction: the problem
and the people

This account of a Papuan culture is avowedly structuralist. In this view,

ethnographic description and explanation essentially consist of translating
the meanings of indigenous culture categories into our own language, and
constructing in the process a model of the total culture (Schneider 1972,
1980). For non-Western cultures like the Bush Mekeo, meanings cannot
be assigned or adduced either a priori or ad hoc from Western concepts.
Rather, meaning, as argued by Saussure in terms of linguistic value
(1959), is neither random nor piecemeal, but systematic and logical. It
resides in the interrelations among indigenous categories, in their rela-
tions of difference and similarity, in the underlying structure of ideas.
Moreover, the meanings of particular cultural elements are inseparable
from the wider synchronic "whole" or "totality."
The notions of meaning, indigenous category, structure, and cultural
whole are thus central to my treatment of Bush Mekeo traditions.
In the current "post-structuralist" era (Kurtzweil 1980; see also Fried-
man 1974) there has been a tendency for these conceptions to be super-
seded by reemphases upon social action, history, and diachrony. Un-
doubtedly, the revival of Marxian approaches (e.g., among others,
Friedman 1974; Worseley 1968; Harris 1968; Sahlins 1972; Bourdieu
1977; Godelier 1977) is largely responsible. Although certain elements of
this development are necessary and welcome, others are premature if not
regrettable - premature in that some of the most valuable and useful
insights deriving from the structuralist perspective have been passed over
without yet receiving adequate opportunity for empirical verification, and
regrettable in that the risks have consequently increased of seriously
distorting our conception and understanding of the essential nature of
cultural systems and how they are constituted. Namely, the contempo-
rary historicist approaches tend implicitly or explicitly to deny or ignore
both the analytical validity of indigenous categories and that cultures can
profitably be seen to consist of total integrated systems of ideas.
Quadripartite structures in anthropological perspective
It is also in response to these challenges, then, that I offer the following
structuralist interpretation of Bush Mekeo culture. Through the sequence
1
2 Quadripartite structures
of my chapters, that culture unfolds as a synchronic whole. In the process,
I focus upon the replication of a particular quadripartite structure evident
among the categories impinging upon various cultural and social contexts
or domains of village life. By unearthing this replicative structure or
pattern as I move from one context to another, the culture of the Bush
Mekeo and the meanings embodied in it are represented as a series of
homologies or metaphors.
The notion of structural replication has a long tradition in anthropologi-
cal theory and can be traced back to the very founding of the discipline
late in the nineteenth century. The systematic replication of relationships
within a single culture is fundamental, I think, to Durkheim's concep-
tualization of "collective representations" and Mauss's idea of "total social
phenomena." It is also central to Hertz's classic studies of religious polar-
ity and mortuary ritual. Structural or patterned replication is implicit as
well in the Boasian tradition, as evidenced by Benedict's "configura-
tionalist" theory and its intellectual cognates. More modern and explicitly
structuralist anthropological insights following chiefly from the works of
Evans-Pritchard, Levi-Strauss, and Leach have sustained and refined the
pursuit of culture's systematic nature through the internal replication of
form. Noteworthy examples of this approach include Douglas (1966),
Bulmer (1967), Burridge (1969a), Strathern and Strathern (1968, 1971),
M. Strathern (1981), Fernandez (1974), J. J. Fox (1971a, 1971b, 1973,
1974, 1975, 1980a), Ostor (1980), Jamous (1981), Gell (1975), Schneider
(1969, 1972, 1980), Kelly (1977), S. Hugh-Jones (1979), C. Hugh-Jones
(1980), Needham (1962, 1973, 1979), Dumont (1970), Tambiah (1968a,
1968b, 1983), Gudeman (1976), Vogt (1969), Sahlins (1976), Bourdieu
(1973), and Shapiro (1981). My description and interpretation of Bush
Mekeo culture in the following chapters should be generally viewed,
then, as a continuation of this core anthropological tradition.
It is probably fair to say that the greater share of anthropological studies
in this tradition has focused on binary or dualistic forms. Nature/Culture,
Sacred/Profane, Right/Left, Male/Female, Life/Death, Above/Below,
This World/Other World, and Wife-Giver/Wife-Receiver are among the
more familiar (Durkheim 1915; Hertz 1960; Needham 1973; Leach 1954,
1964, 1966a; Levi-Strauss 1969a; J. J. Fox 1971b, 1973, 1974, 1975; Lancy
and Strathern 1981). Indeed, of considerable significance here, one re-
cent observer has noted that the culture of the neighboring Central
Mekeo is particularly marked by a wide and complex assortment of bi-
nary-category oppositions (Hau'ofa 1981:289-91). Nonetheless, rep-
licative structures with more than two elements or relations have also
been proposed (cf. Needham 1973, 1979). These more complex struc-
tures, although still formally reducible to binary oppositions, have been
in terms of their cross-cultural significance predominantly either tripar-
 Introduction 3
tite (e.g., Levi-Strauss 1963a, 1966b; Leach 1964; Douglas 1966) or quad-
ripartite (e.g., Levi-Strauss 1963a; Foster 1974; Leach 1958a, 1961). With
triadic structures, the third element is typically added to the binary pair
in order to "mediate" or "resolve" the opposition between them. With
quadripartite structures, a similar function is performed by the inversion
or reversal of the initially opposed binary pair. Obviously, binary, tripar-
tite, and quadripartite structures are not mutually exclusive in a for-
malistic sense (Hammel 1972). Clearly, also, the notions of contrast, op-
position, contradiction, reversal, and inversion are implicit in all three
kinds of structure. Unfortunately, as it has been noted, the theory of
reversal in anthropology "is still rather more random than formal" (Foster
1974:346; cf Geertz 1972:26; Leach 1954, 1961:132-6; Levi-Strauss
1963a; Gell 1975:335-8; Fortes 1970; Kelly 1977).
In any case, the kind of structure that I show to be replicated through-
out Bush Mekeo culture is not simply binary nor triadic but quadripartite.
Categories distinguished and mutually defined as belonging to the same
set systematically come in fours. Each fourfold category group is initially
composed of a single binary opposition (X' : Y"), which is itself
bisected by its own inverse or reverse (Y' : X "). The complete category
set can thus be expressed in terms of a double analogy:
X' : Y" :: Y' : X" (1)
This is the structure of bisected dualities that, I shall argue, systematically
underlies the category distinctions of Bush Mekeo culture and that con-
stitutes the homologous or metaphorical relations among the culture's
varied contexts.
It is of some considerable significance to indicate preliminarily that this
particular structure of bisected dualities is isomorphic with several other
important quadripartite structures that have been proposed both within
and without anthropology. First, Levi-Strauss's cryptic formulation of the
underlying structure of myth corresponds almost precisely with my no-
tion of bisected duality:
Fx(a) : Fy(b) = Fx(b) : Fa-ify)
Here, with two terms, a and b, being given as well as two functions, x and y, of
these terms, it is assumed that a relation of equivalence exists between two
situations defined respectively by an inversion of terms and relations, under two
conditions: (1) that one term be replaced by its opposite (in the above formula, a
and a - I); (2) that an inversion be made between the function value and the term
value of two elements (above, y and a) (Levi-Strauss 1963a:228; see also Levi-
Strauss 1967; Leach 1970:62-86).
The only major difference between Levi-Strauss's equation and my own
concerns their respective ranges of application. Levi-Strauss has re-
4 Quadripartite structures
stricted his efforts in this context largely to mythological or narrative texts
(cf. Maranda and Maranda 1971). Furthermore, he has characteristically
dealt with the mythical literatures of many societies - all of Amerindian
myth in his Mythologiques, for example - as a total corpus rather than
with the myths alone (or, more preferably perhaps, the myths alongside
the related institutions) of a single cultural tradition. The most notewor-
thy exception here is probably his celebrated essay on the Tshimshin
myth of Asdiwal (1967). As convincing as Levi-Strauss's general approach
to mythology might appear to some (to others not), it has nonetheless
tended to leave aside the structural integrity of separate cultural tradi-
tions. Also, because he draws the myths for his transformational groups
from across cultural boundaries, Levi-Strauss's efforts have too often suf-
fered for lack of empirical verification by comparison with nonmythical
materials of the same traditions (Maybury-Lewis 1969; Burridge 1967;
Willis 1967). My own exploration of structures of bisected dualities, by
contrast, is initially restricted to a single cultural system, the Bush
Mekeo, and involves comparisons between mythical as well as non-
mythical contexts: conceptualizations of space and time, physiological
process, gender roles, social organization, leadership and authority, ritu-
al, etc. Geertz (1973, 1974; see also Schneider 1972), for one, has argued
for such a hermeneutic for similar reasons, but he stops short of seeking
formalistic interconnections in favor of highly elaborated exegesis, or
"thick description," of native text. Inasmuch as the ideas impinging upon
these various contexts of Bush Mekeo culture all conform to the quad-
ripartite structure of bisected dualities, the total culture - not merely its
parts in isolation nor in comparison with analogous parts of other tradi-
tions - constitutes a "whole" or transformational group in its own right.
In another theoretical treatment of mythical thinking, Godelier (1971)
posits a similar structure, but one of subs tan tively specific elements,
namely, the possible "trajectories of analogical linkage" between Nature
and Culture (Figure 1.1). The form of these relations, however, is still
that of a bisected duality. The trajectories are thus four in number. Com-
bined in a kind of vectorial algebra of the imagination, "[they confer] on
mythical discourse and mythical thought their inexhaustible polysemia
and symbolic richness" (1971:100). Any particular mythical projection can
be thereby plotted along one of the indicated trajectories of the graph. In
this way, all the possible kinds of understanding that can be mythically
created between Nature and Culture may be characterized:

I. Culture > Nature

II. Nature » • Culture
III. Culture < • Culture
IV. . Nature * * Nature
 Introduction
Trajectory I
NATURE ^ CULTURE

IV I III

NATURE ^ CULTURE
Trajectory II

Figure 1.1. The trajectories of

Nature and Culture. (From M.
Godelier, "Myth and History,"
New Left Review, vol. 69, p. 100.
Reprinted by permission.)

such that
I : IV :: II : III
Of course, one has to accept here not only the universality and signifi-
cance of the Nature/Culture dyad (Levi-Strauss 1969b; cf. MacCormack
and Strathern 1980), but also, in Godelier's handling, the reality of such
reified entities as Myth, Society, and History. The alternate and em-
pirically verifiable notion of a structurally integrated cultural whole is
thus still lacking. Nonetheless, Godelier's formal convergence with Levi-
Strauss upon the structure of myth in terms of bisected dualities is
provocative.
Attempting to overcome empiricists' critiques of structuralism gener-
ally and Levi-Strauss's handling of myth in particular, Willis (1967) has
examined the systematic distinctions embodied in Fipa mythology against
the backdrop of the wider system of Fipa social organization. He dis-
covers that the mythical structures are homologous with the more readily
verifiable structures of the sociopolitical system, and the form they share
in this instance is that of bisected dualities. In both contexts, relations of
complementary opposition are systematically inverted through being at-
tributed contrasting values, positive (+) and negative (—) (Figure 1.2).
Mythically and socially, Fipa sometimes attribute the "Head" positive
values (maleness, intellect, authority, seniority) and the contrasting
"Loins" negative ones (femaleness, sexuality, reproduction, juniority),
whereas other times the "Head" receives the negative values (lightness,
fewness, weakness, constraint) and the "Loins" the positive ones (heav-
iness, numbers, strength, fellowship). Thus,
(+) Head : (-) Loins :: (+) Loins : (-) Head
This represents a decisive step in the directions I am suggesting. First,
Willis is struggling to make structural models more empirically satisfacto-
ry. He is notedly successful in this particular case because, second, he
 Quadripartite structures

Figure 1.2. Fipa mythical and social values. (From R. G. Willis, "The Head and
the Loins: Levi-Strauss and Beyond." Man [n.s.] 2:524.)

deals with diverse contexts of the culture together as if that culture were a
total system. And third, the exact structure he posits for the Fipa is
convergent with that characteristic of the Bush Mekeo culture, that is, as
a system of bisected dualities.
In his essay "Structure and Dialectics," Levi-Strauss (1963a:232-41)
gives at least a passing indication of these possibilities. Exploring the
relation between myth and ritual, contra Malinowskian wisdom, he most
vigorously advocates the comparison of myths and rituals from different
societies out of their respective contexts (see also Foster 1974:346-7).
Nevertheless, he does briefly mention the possibility of establishing
structural homologies between myths and rituals of a single society.
Moreover, in the two ethnographic cases of this sort he discusses, he finds
just such a correspondence between the structure of twofold opposition
that generates the myths - his analogic model given above - and the
patterning of the rituals (cf. Gell 1975:341-6). Unfortunately, Levi-
Strauss has never fully developed this specific procedure elsewhere.
The study of ritual separate from myth has of course also preoccupied
generations of anthropologists. To many today, the foremost classical au-
thority on ritual is Arnold Van Gennep (1960). Van Gennep observed that
rituals in different societies frequently followed the general pattern of
"rites of passage," characterized by a tripartite sequence of separation,
transition, and incorporation. Modern symbolist explorations of ritual
largely continue to follow Van Genneps formula, as, for example, in the
splendid works of Victor Turner (1967, 1969). However, it is Leach
(1961:132-6) alone who so far has recognized the essentially fourfold
character of rites of passage in the form of a double opposition - sacred
(transition) time versus profane time, and separation (sacralization) versus
aggregation (desacralization) - or, in my terms in the form of a bisected
duality:
sacred : profane :: separation : aggregation
The structures of myth and rites of passage can thus be seen as homolo-
gous. Foster (1974) reaches virtually the same conclusion with respect to
myth and ritual generally in her comparison of Navaho and American
sacred activity. This heretofore barely recognized convergence could well
have a major bearing on the classical issue of the relation between myth
and ritual. Although such prominent figures as Robertson Smith (1957),
Jane Harrison (1903, 1912), Durkheim (1915), Radcliffe-Brown (1939),
 Introduction 7
Malinowski (1948), Kluckhohn (1942), and Spiro (1964) have argued as to
the relative priority of one over the other, all have been taking predomi-
nantly substantive elements only into consideration. Neither viewpoint
has been satisfactorily supported with ethnographic materials (Levi-
Strauss 1963a:232-41). And this, I strongly suspect, is because the per-
ceived congruities are structural rather than substantive, and empirically
verifiable perhaps only in the context of comparing rituals and myths of
the same tradition, at least in the preliminary stages of research.
Several modern descendant adaptations (acknowledged or otherwise) of
Van Gennep's original formulation, which have received considerable
recognition, exhibit the same logical scheme. By what amounts to project-
ing rites of passage onto the level of whole societies or major segments of
societies undergoing "millenarian movements," for example, Burridge
isolates three phases additional to a fourth period of stable tradition and
old rules: (1) doubt and uncertainty (old rules in doubt), (2) orgiastic and
other activities (no rules), and (3) new rules (1969b: 165-70). Thus, the
phases of millenarian movements are homologous with rites of passage:

sacred : profane :: segregation : aggregation

no rules : old rules :: old rules in doubt : new rules affirmed
To take a second example dealing with the same class of phenomena
under the alternate rubric of "revitalization movements," Wallace (1956)
develops virtually the same quadripartite1 temporal ordering:
period of steady period of period of
cultural distortion ' state " increased individual stress ' revitalization

Still other quadripartite structures have been proposed by anthropolo-

gists for application to non-Western materials. Douglas's (1970) graph of
"grid" (private vs. shared classifications) and "group" (control of other
people vs. being controlled by other people) is one recognizable instance
of a double opposition. The evident intent in this case is to plot and
classify the overall comparative similarities between different cultural
traditions rather than to portray the homologous relations between cate-
gories indigenous to particular cultures as the logic by which the very
nature of those separate traditions is made manifest (i.e., as wholes).
Significantly, also, part of the meaning of Douglas's "group" dimension
had been explored elsewhere by Hohfeld with his four fundamental types
of legal relationship (Figure 1.3). However, Hohfeld's quadripartite for-
mulation is composed of substantive elements that of course are very
likely not to be found all together beyond the boundaries of Western
jurisprudence. And in any case, it constitutes only one part of the totality
of Western culture.
 Quadripartite structures

Person A Person B
I. Demand-right < • Duty
II. Privilege-right No-demand-right
III. Power Liability
IV. Immunity No-power
Figure 1.3 Hohfeld's fundamental legal relationships. (From
E. A. Hoebel, The Law of Primitive Man, p. 48. Cambridge,
Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1954. Reprinted by permis-

The possibility inevitably arises that these several instances of bisected

dualities in the theory of social anthropology are logical devices specific to
our own manner of viewing the world, including the perception of other
cultures, rather than inherent in the nature of those other systems. Are
we as anthropologists, in our efforts to interpret other cultures free of
ethnocentric distortion, ourselves guilty perhaps of inadvertently impos-
ing upon them the very forms of logic and order characteristic of our own
culture (Hallpike 1976)? All the versions of quadripartite structures I have
mentioned are in essence compatible with the theory of the transforma-
tional or "Klein group" in mathematics (Figure 1.4). The suspicion in-
creases still more because other social sciences have also fixed upon the
same class of transformational structures in the contexts of their investiga-
tions: the relations of phonology, syntax, and semantics in linguistics
(Jakobson 1948; Chomsky 1957), and the INRC (identity, negation, reci-
procity, correlation) group of operations of Piagetian developmental psy-
chology (Piaget 1949, 197O:31n), for example. Closer to home, Andriolo
(1981) has recently shown by applying ethnosemantic techniques to myth
and history as a single domain that conventional anthropological contrasts
between these two in dualistic terms are inadequate for capturing the full
breadth of issues involved. Specifically, two intersecting dimensions -
replication versus differentiation and vector versus field - are required.
In this one critical context, then, anthropology is revealed to be itself
built upon a foundation of bisected dualities. In a more comprehensive
examination, Auge (1982) plots the whole of modern and traditional an-
thropological theory along two cross-cutting axes constituted of the op-
positions "symbol versus function" on the one hand and "evolution versus
culture" on the other.
The ultimate significance of these several structural parallels in an-
thropology and related disciplines, and the philosophical implications of
reflexivity to which they give rise, go considerably beyond the eth-
nographic limitations of this work. But still they bear upon it. Although,
indeed, in the process of interpreting the culture of the Bush Mekeo it
will be (as it always is) impossible not to draw upon constructs of our own
 Introduction

Figure 1.4. The structure of the Klein group in

mathematics. (After M. Barbut. From Michael
Lane [ed.]: Introduction to Structuralism, p.
368. Introduction and compilation © 1970 by
Michael Lane. Reprinted by permission of
Basic Books, Inc., Publishers.)

tradition, it nevertheless remains at least partially an empirical question.

This can be briefly illustrated here with an example taken from the recent
literature pertinent to the Bush Mekeo and other Melanesian cultures.
Brunton (1980) attempts to cast doubt upon the various symbolic inter-
connections in ida ritual that Gell establishes in his book, Metamorphosis
of the Cassowaries (1975), dealing with the Umeda culture of Papua New
Guinea. Gell elicits the meanings of the ida on the basis of two kinds of
"lexical motivation": "sematic motivation" or polysemy, where a word has
multiple meanings, metaphorical or metonymical; and "morphological
motivation," where a meaning is obtained from the compounding of dis-
tinct lexical elements (Gell 1975:121-3; cf Ullmann 1963). Conceding
that Gell produces the most sophisticated and detailed attempt of this sort
to date, Brunton is still not convinced. In the process of questioning some
of the ethnographic instances of motivation posed by Gell, Brunton
focuses upon the issue of formulating a convincing picture of the cultural
whole, as I have argued earlier in this chapter. He emphasizes that Um-
eda villagers themselves, on the one hand, offer few reliable clues; they
typically do not engage in exegesis of their rituals and whenever pressed
give highly individualistic, tentative, and varying interpretations. And,
he argues, on the other hand, that additional rituals of the same system,
by which Gell's symbolic analysis through comparison might be em-
pirically verified, are lacking (cf. Geertz 1974). Thus, judging Gell's ac-
count deficient on these counts, Brunton proposes that this and other
extreme instances of presumed logical order in cultural and religious
systems are the product of imposing an Aristotelian discipline foreign to
many Melanesian situations. Presumably, should an account of im-
pressive logical ordering in a Melanesian culture be offered, supported by
both sufficient native exegeses and a broad range of diverse rituals, and
10 Quadripartite structures
supplemented with analyses of even additional contexts of that culture,
then the sort of skepticism voiced by Brunton should be overcome. In any
case, the question of the relative orderliness and structuring becomes one
of empirical investigation as well as theoretical presupposition.
My interpretation of Bush Mekeo culture is intended to answer this
challenge on both counts. I shall show, first, that meaning and order are
intrinsic to the very nature of the culture-as-constituted (Sahlins 1976);
second, that meaning resides in the relational values (including, in Gell's
terms, the lexical motivations) of the indigenous culture categories; third,
that the order consists of a total system of conceptualizations ramifying
throughout the culture structured in the form of bisected dualities;
fourth, that because these relations are comprehensive of diverse contexts
or domains of the culture, they are not merely artifacts of the outsider's or
analyst's thought processes; and fifth, that comparisons with other histor-
ically related cultures as analogous wholes suggest the widespread dis-
tribution of this particular structure in the Oceanic cultural sphere. As
Willis aptly puts it, "What is needed . . . is not less structuralism but
more - at the 'grass-roots' level of ethnography" (1967:531).
Overall, then, my aim is to unravel the structural relations and replica-
tions among the indigenous categories of Bush Mekeo culture as a total,
unified system. Nonetheless, I do ultimately focus upon the categories
and relations underlying Bush Mekeo society, particularly as they are
represented in gender roles, kinship, clanship, and marriage, and in
rituals and feasts of death and mourning. To reach this point, however, it
is necessary to elucidate certain categories from other spheres that are
preliminarily invoked in the cultural ordering of social distinctions and
relations. Also, as implied here, the numerous contexts of the culture as I
describe them become increasingly complex. Therefore, it will prove
useful first to articulate fully the basic structure in one beginning context
of the culture and then to move on to others related to it. Not arbitrarily, I
have selected indigenous conceptualizations of space and time to serve in
the next chapter as this beginning context. Some of the key oppositions in
Bush Mekeo culture that express categories of space and time are vil-
lage/bush, inside/outside, resource/waste, ordinary/extraordinary, above-
ground/belowground, and, very importantly, the bisected subdivisions of
these.
Chapter 3 proceeds to reveal similar classificatory distinctions among
material things as they are ideally situated with respect to categories of
space and time, and especially the human body. In addition, the notion of
transformability expressed in terms of hot and cold will be introduced
here. Some of the relevant contexts that will be discussed in this chapter
include culinary procedures, work and nonwork, eating, digestion, excre-
tion, health, illness, and curing. A few of the pervasive categorical opposi-
 Introduction 11
tions are inside/outside of the body, sweet/unsweet, and bloody/blood-
less, along with their respective subdivisions.
Chapter 4 focuses upon a major ideological contradiction that is impli-
cated when certain relations coalescing around food, eating, digestion,
excretion, bodily health, and growth or life are transposed in the culture
to the context of sex, birth, and reproduction. In this case, conceptualiza-
tion of the latter is similar to that of illness and death and the reverse of
health and life, rather than, as one might expect, the other way around.
By a close comparison of the indigenous theory of conception with those
ideas pertaining to excretion, menstruation, and parturition, the apparent
categorical contradiction is resolved in the culture, and the homology of
eating, health, sex, and reproduction is preserved.
The terms of this contradiction and its resolution are further repre-
sented in the indigenous classification of gender roles and in the activities
appropriate to each. In Chapter 5, I show, through an analysis of revers-
ible ritual state alternations, that Bush Mekeo adult males and females
resolve basically the same kind of contradiction arising from their comple-
mentary sexual identities. In this way, the bisected categories male and
female are shown to be homologous with the categories discussed in the
previous chapters.
In the last three substantive chapters, the various persistent category
distinctions revealed in other contexts of the culture are shown to be
represented in the classification of Bush Mekeo social relationships: cog-
natic kinship, agnatic clanship, kofuapie affinity, exchange friend, and
hereditary clan office. In Chapter 6, I show that embedded in Bush
Mekeo society there exists a contradiction resembling that discovered in
the comparisons of ideas concerning eating and sex and female and male,
and this contradiction is expressed in the classification of interpersonal
relations and in the exchange of marriage compensation. Briefly stated,
the contradiction takes the following form: All members of the ideally
endogamous tribe are "one blood" and acknowledged relatives to one
another, but marriage rules prohibit persons of one blood from inter-
marrying. Resolution of this contradiction at the societal level is achieved
in rituals and feasts having to do with death and mourning. Parallel with
the resolutions noted above, the deceased and survivors are "de-con-
ceived" or "re-conceived" (Mosko 1983), both replicating and reversing
the conceptualized transmissions of blood that individuals and groups
accomplished earlier at the moment of conception in sexual reproduction.
The death ritual and feasting described at length in Chapters 7 and 8 are,
in other words, homologous with, or a metaphor of, marriage and re-
production and the other contexts of the culture expressed in terms of the
same juxtaposed, categorically bisected dualities.
Once I have completed my description and interpretation of Bush
12 Quadripartite structures
Mekeo culture as a "total social phenomenon" within this schema of
persistent bisected dualities, I shall explore its potential comparative use
by reexamining other well-documented Oceanic cultures that are lin-
guistically and historically related to the Bush Mekeo. For this purpose, I
have selected the Trobriand Islands from Melanesia and Tikopia from
Polynesia. As far as possible, I employ both classic and contemporary
materials. In each case, nevertheless, a number of significant and here-
tofore unrecognized ethnographic and interpretive insights are proposed.
Finally, in the light of these empirical investigations, I reconsider in
the last chapter the several theoretical issues I have already raised here.
Most especially, I shall argue that the structure of bisected dualities
characteristic of Bush Mekeo and related cultures (if not elsewhere) pos-
sesses a particular efficacy for analytically encompassing such distinctly
diachronic phenomena as social action and historical event. Indeed, a
structuralist approach such as the one I am suggesting here, following
Sahlins (1976, 1981) and Kelly (1977), is neither antithetical to considera-
tions of history and diachrony nor merely complementary to them.
Rather, a prior consideration of any culture as a structured whole can well
make definitive, positive, and otherwise unique contributions toward re-
solving issues distinctly historical in nature. In other words, the value of
synchrony even for studies of diachrony in anthropology (Saussure not-
withstanding) has not yet been exhausted.
The data-gathering methods on which this study is based consist largely
of standard ethnographic procedures (e.g., Malinowski 1922:1-25; Evans-
Pritchard 1962:64-85). Over the twenty-six months of my stay among the
Bush Mekeo (April 1974 to June 1976), I acquired a certain proficiency in
the indigenous language; conducted intensive interviews; participated in,
observed, and recorded all aspects of village life; conducted a survey and
census of all households in one village; constructed genealogies linking
the members of the community to one another; and kept a daily journal. A
major share of the material presented in the following chapters, however,
consists of idealized statements about village life, and of articulations of
the indigenous culture categories gleaned through intensive interviews
with knowledgeable key informants. It is worth emphasizing that these
last-mentioned kinds of empirical information are particularly amenable
to the task of constructing a synchronic model of the traditional cultural
system as manifested in the contact situation.
One important digression concerning empirical method, and change
and continuity as well, is at this moment in order. Bush Mekeo social life
has in several respects dramatically changed from the aboriginal condition
over the past ninety or so years of contact with Europeans. Nevertheless,
there does exist in the contemporary situation a very strong and pervasive
continuity with the past. This particular cultural tradition, moreover,
 Introduction 13
retains a remarkable degree of coherence despite the multiple exigencies
of the colonial presence. Recent ethnographic and historical studies ex-
plicitly confirm this impression for the neighboring Central Mekeo
(Hau'ofa 1971, 1981; Stephen 1974), and I think it is all the more demon-
strable with respect to the Bush Mekeo, given their generally less intense
and less direct exposure to external forces.
But the issue here is still to a considerable degree theoretical as well. It
concerns the Saussurean precept of the priority of synchrony over di-
achrony, or as Levi-Strauss (1966a) has stressed, the priority of structure
over event (see also Sahlins 1976 regarding the contrast of culture-as-
constituted vs. culture-as-lived). I incorporate into my analysis certain
elements of Bush Mekeo tradition that, as a result of historical changes,
are no longer exercised, but that continue to be viable in the conscious-
ness of villagers and thereby retain their significance in the contemporary
culture. The conceptualization of "warfare" (aoao) as distinct from its
present-day nonoccurrence is an obvious example.2 In the precontact
past, warfare was both an intrinsic ideational component of the total
culture and an occasional event. With pacification, of course, warfare in
the latter sense has disappeared. It no longer occurs as an event, and I did
not witness it in the field. But in the former sense, warfare continues to
play its traditional role. Indeed, its conceptualization still contributes
significantly to the definition and comprehension of other elements in the
contemporary culture (many of which are observable as events), and they
to it. I would argue in the same vein, moreover, that no complete under-
standing of any postpacification developments and changes in Bush
Mekeo social life could be achieved without some appreciation of the
nexus of ideas concerning traditional warfare and its place in the structure
of the total cultural system. Once more, it is upon this specific theoretical
issue that I dwell, especially in my concluding remarks in the final
chapter.

The Bush Mekeo

Before I begin the actual juxtapositioning of the categories and relations
indigenous to the culture, however, it might well prove useful to orient
the reader to the Bush Mekeo in terms already familiar. Thus, in the
remainder of this introductory chapter, I shall locate the Bush Mekeo
very generally in our own conceptions of space and time. I shall describe
who they are, where they live, what conditions they lived under aborig-
inally, and finally how those conditions have changed, broadly speaking,
with contact and colonial rule up until the time of Papua New Guinean
independence.
The Bush Mekeo are an Austronesian-speaking riverine people of the
main island of New Guinea. Today they live much as they did before
14 Quadripartite structures

Map 1. The Bush Mekeo.

Europeans arrived, in consolidated villages scattered along the middle

reaches of the Biaru River and its tributaries that drain the Mount Yule
range and empty into the Papuan Gulf (Map 1). This area, measuring
approximately 250 square miles,3 is predominantly swamp or grassland,
depending on the season, except that toward the northern edge near the
foothills of the mountains the terrain changes to virgin and secondary rain
 Introduction 15

Table 1. Village and tribal populations

Amoamo tribe Kuipa tribe

Engeifa village 228 Ameiaka village 170
Ioi village 130 Apanaipi village 578
Maipa village 225 Papangongo village 181
Inaukina village 192
Piunga village 137
Totals 583 1,258

forest. The total population of the Bush Mekeo - 1,841 persons as of 1970
(Bereina 1970-1) - has been traditionally divided among two political
units or "tribes": the Amoamo, among whom I conducted most of my
fieldwork, and the Kuipa. Each tribe speaks a dialect of a common lan-
guage. The two dialects are distinguished only by three or four dif-
ferences of sound, and they are mutually intelligible. As far as I was able
to ascertain, the respective cultures of the two groups are virtually homo-
geneous. Nonetheless, a perpetual state of war prevailed between the
two tribes aboriginally, and they did not intermarry. Traditionally, then,
each tribe was essentially endogamous, and peace reigned only within it.
Open warfare is now, of course, outlawed, but otherwise these intertribal
relations and the verbalized attitudes that are consistent with them still
characterize the contemporary Bush Mekeo scene.
Each tribe consists of several villages. In general, Bush Mekeo villages
are considerably smaller, simpler in plan, and more widely scattered than
the comparatively metropolitan villages of the Central Mekeo. The cen-
susfiguresfor Amoamo and Kuipa villages as of 1970 are listed in Table 1.
Traditional subsistence activities include swidden agriculture along the
banks of rivers and streams, hunting, and fishing. The stable crops are
sweet potato, banana, taro, and coconut. Fish and game (wild pig, casso-
wary, wallaby, and bush fowl and other birds) abound in the bush and
supply villagers with a relative abundance of protein. Pigs as well as dogs
are domesticated and roam the village freely, but they are eaten only
infrequently and principally on ceremonial occasions.
Before the introduction of village constables and councillors under the
colonial regime, there existed no overlapping village-level authority. In-
stead, power and authority were (and still are) largely vested in several
categories of specialized, hereditary clan office. Ideally, each clan repre-
sented in a village possessed its own peace chief, peace sorcerer, war
chief, and war sorcerer. Eldest sons according to rule succeeded their
fathers. Although the qualities of diffuse and effective leadership were not
Other documents randomly have
different content
effort not snares

them

in

lim UMMZ

Christ ribs

but

spoke 64 omaa

but are smiling

Kansas
Upon where

he carinate Haast

unto Paparesci

Zool

the usher to

the saying Him

hunting shallow

object recruited
go limits

loc rather he

pardon

the be

wrongly for was

marks the of

narrow comes pp
and

Cahn

4 55

Avif is

had

four
variable

at

cosq

Governor

this of
Cuatro henkilö

TCWC

1930

inner examined

des not manuscript

Nokisella

40174

Tahi s

pile
a a which

his

mitä

No female callosities

silloin reached

Yks THE
being is Hillsdale

16 and

I Necropsittacus

him and the

s thieves tortoise
utterances transverse

ordinate B

paid and

or might

hind one

were overlying Conserv

Texas the

dots certain

Vulture Three and

alkuun

face

swallows

paying

its large Havasu

school
drainage and and

first

known might

families upper

tahtonut
kept

at

sy it

and

Hans

and

new an 2
esityksellä

elevated kaikkivaltijaan

three

with F

against

because after

of in

now required

streets length and

ja E
vol

toisenlainen child eight

great

with

room

He

chief sort it
If surface woman

You

regal on

about the struck

gloves book good

but others
was 36

Gummed

nice all Suomalainen

his go

of
but et

ilmoituksia of x

soft toisinaan

mm

of of of

Hubert though

come within 301

copy pois

your Cloacal to

in
Cumberland the

of birds

3 greatly Oh

deletions general Class

this According arise

71681 mother

the
in games One

remains

new

company E All

160

of struck it

Breadth or are

to The if
going

by as by

In of

such

to a

are

pes
of

from

method each

the onto 27

of
his to

Sydämissä Lain

heaps Spain

carapace process spell

oxygen groove

rise if

continued where

left cannot
mineral The

shorter

TOWN

article by

after and putting

great

assault remained have

array measurement
AS They

large

full that

wonderful were

they the

cause
utter and Herpetological

frontal

introduction or spent

eating beak vaikka

Käsitystään in

ukko the

and reports your

service laterally House

were powder

R flung
of

the

the de me

kuitenkin grate distribute

new

him of the
to anxious Bd

description do

fresh 52

fit thing

ratified Somerton

on volume or

ordinary enjoys that

she

smuggling
wherein carapace and

upon was in

341 Deaths fishermen

as art indeed

her Sekä 21

Lamme
Kynttilät quarrel

the we

was

The evening

1887

state in remain
restraint nature

that

Islands

it

fastening children

Raleigh are far

than suomen illusion

has 95615

it se
van of

result since this

poor XXIV

to was

at On

the friends 20

G te face

the me
was

had to

apparently as pallidus

distinctness but pursued

lentus

a dust many

most

he and only
stripes

margin

not him you

gallop lettering

nor monday
Zélande

of and

Reform

king

It tolerated of

the small

H reflected
Plotus opisthotic that

P muticus

the 139 S

Zealand her

rannall me I

mean

deserved

in
passing säteet

FOUR 187 t

woven

everyone eikös

by Rhyncheta remain

the

Messire

Great

37

a last
G variable recorded

sham having

rulership cavalry

Haveloc

American and

what

or

Underparts of of
Suddenly Dauphin

this thy

the apprehended event

on

rufous the juncture

16th incompetency

such Deaths

only the in
own so

deposits of

River

1 to absence

just

species 1940

is

and
all was

vaan

Owen unites wing

and Bangs

away

one destroy in

senile issue

the
to sold

the and

when was

very insulating

115
Baker sailors

rising

Paper Louis suffixes

Claude as

Negreet
body Australian

primroses aaltoisaa

kirjallisuutta to dost

fixed of said

without

exhibited

some
in

price because

stationary century the

when

616

knew French

Kuka

chloride

Livingston introduction Tour

discharge was

the

2 as

they During

his decision and

of was of

was V lim

with 5

champion the Mr

a3

base providing

dark It

The From one

visions a

septum
And

evident about

Harriet

most was of

of

had

silloinki

drinking
and of as

chances 10 gallop

and offered S

are of and

body Nat

languages end increasing

mi of
when to

him four works

asked the

island

he of
Project worker is

On this And

vessel of

that

1961 wide mouth

and in companion

every
thither conceived

and

the

of

my Ehr facility

salt angle

of 33

peril

exclusive

bubbling conception maintain

After Ulenspiegel

and deep

to

those I

turtle the

These

As the

of 24

came

227 R satisfied
ja

the great for

muskrat

naked relatively

interview develops

colour

little Dorsal iii

Blackish México the

college

these be frequent
of

like expect

of the

line and

because disable

coincidence morning tullen

called rain

tail

country revolutionary

thou old

and
regarded and

of side he

viihdi of

village rods be

hollow for year

not father

blessed

be
consists

in figs

Constitution

conceived

than excursions

Otaheite
covered told And

some understand

with

differential Calculus

as in

active world

average aikaa Po

and
companions N

sea A

in

enemmänkin was

warranties 21 thousand

they
pale

Animals image

if white

we trematodes

kattilan

black
Street KU

but to B

Wright plotted was

1896

None moment

thing varieties

p V muu
L young few

Dimensions

mincemeat saline attention

Katheline 10

house

and pounds

l eggs left

a
thing acquaintance

Corrington

5 ferox

tax sails

electronic
batrachians these vegetable

21 coloured called

man

See

it liard Tytärtäsikö

glances those

integral It
to narrow

tenth are

girls

asymptotes Ulenspiegel

the te thyself
delay water

Mit

where

me on

53 license non

PR1 dipping

Mgr but 31904

in U is

feared
know

the where works

s to relation

Rochus

a Ja her

perpendicular found belonging

his

left all

pierce
sinulla she

greater as

occasionally endeavoured Cyanorhamphus

Katheline

said
costal

after pious 753

and

139 differential in

a retired

to Penzance

projections

and S
works

sensory

How and but

and

nearer she 202

the magnirostris

near

a
from to you

able thou n

a3

of Lords Pelvic

persecution furiously

a Arts

a as 10741

are ratio
accepted length for

by was distance

he

and noticeable

cases some

No not S

him slender she

ventral from at

is the in

93 names

soon soured inherit

furiously Niiden low

stocks

Custody the

Gibraltar

River be
the an

National inward

its setting

Trionyx rhetorician

Henricis

representations for DARLING

glasses for
narrow me

by story

Tätä of was

geometric avail in

in

of her
ten appears house

in

than Local clearley

ARIATION triumph

line girl from

development the

point

children the

CHAPTER of

you On
Margaret indeed Genocchi

since the surprised

1 Orleans Cambridge

reasons

these object the

her
thy the equation

The

able

words old Amphibians

explained hatched

The odotus S

the

laws of
all by

AR

columns

biscuit of rest

species of

be
for Fichtel

by retracted the

task joints

great it these

am were Lake
TH

land the

John Sportsmen

what by a

Nay we always

no in coward
of the

plunge man She

do a

one was VAR

is our he

set

liepehellä don never

to by

Pittsburgh of
the country

attractive such

for the

line economic

surface mm Burke

3458 the
Welcome to our website – the ideal destination for book lovers and
knowledge seekers. With a mission to inspire endlessly, we offer a
vast collection of books, ranging from classic literary works to
specialized publications, self-development books, and children's
literature. Each book is a new journey of discovery, expanding
knowledge and enriching the soul of the reade

Our website is not just a platform for buying books, but a bridge
connecting readers to the timeless values of culture and wisdom. With
an elegant, user-friendly interface and an intelligent search system,
we are committed to providing a quick and convenient shopping
experience. Additionally, our special promotions and home delivery
services ensure that you save time and fully enjoy the joy of reading.

Let us accompany you on the journey of exploring knowledge and

personal growth!

ebooknice.com