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20th
Century
Jewish
Religious
THought
Edited by
Arthur A. Cohen
and
Paul Mendes-Flohr
20th Century
Jewish
Religious
THought
Original essays on critical concepts,
movements, and beliefs
20th Century
Jewish
Religious
THought
Original essays on critical concepts,
movements, and beliefs
Edited by
Authur A. Cohen
and
Paul Mendes-Flohr
~» ••
';.
v%~. JPS~ i\,~
~hlng Mind and S~
2009 • 5769
Philadelphia
JPS is a nonprofit educational association and the oldest and foremost publisher
of Judaica in English in North America. The mission of JPS is to enhance Jewish
culture by promoting the dissemination of religious and secular works, in the
United States and abroad, to all individuals and institutions interested in past and
contemporary Jewish life.
No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means,
electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or
retrieval system, except for brief passages in connection with a critical review, without
permission in writing from the publisher:
09 10 11 12 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
ISBN: 978-0-8276-0892-4
JPS books are available at discounts for bulk purchases for reading groups, special sales,
and fundraising purchases. Custom editions, including personalized covers, can be created
in larger quantities for special needs. For more information, please contact us at
[email protected] or at this address: 2100 Arch Street, Philadelphia, PA 19103.
Contents
Glossary 1077
List of Abbreviations 1097
List of Contributors 1101
Index 1117
Preface to the
Paperback Edition
reading critically and helping an author recast his or her thoughts to achieve
conceptual precision without a sacrifice of elegance. Arthur was a sympathetic
editor who appreciated exuberance and rhetorical flourish, but he insisted ill
maintaining a rigorous distinction between homily and intellectual passion,
between sermon and theological reflection. He also insisted that we vigilantly
guard against the confusion-which he held to be the bane of contemporary
religiOUS discourse-of theological apologetics masquerading as theological
argument. A fastidious man of the most refined intellectual and artistic taste,
Arthur did not suffer fools lightly. But he was no intellectual snob; as in his
friendships, he did not relate to individuals and their work through the
prism of their credentials. He listened to each sympathetically, prepared to
delight in the discovery of new inSight and understanding. This volume
would thus be open to all who, regardless of rank and stature, had
"something to say." As an editor-and as a human being-I grew under
Arthur's affable tutelage.
Arthur also saw this book as sponsoring the type of intellectual sharing
that quickens genuine spiritual fellowship between thinking individuals. It
was Arthur's hope that by bringing Jews of diverse theological opinion
together in a forum of shared reflection, the volume would highlight that the
bonds that ultimately bind the Jews are drawn not only by the imperatives of
communal solidarity, but also a universe of discourse grounded in a shared
spiritual heritage and concern.
I thus regard this volume as Arthur's gift to me personally, and to all who
wish to affirm Judaism as a spiritually and intellectually engaging discourse.
May this volume serve to honor Anhur's blessed memory.
Jewish people was convoked by the giving of the Torah at Mount Sinai, its
life thereafter was devoted with considerable passion and intelligence to the
issues raised by that holy convocation: Who is this God that calls us forth
to be his own and what is the character of life under his dominion?
In the process of assessing the implications of an evident situation of par-
adox-that Jews elaborate and refine religiOUS conceptions while disdaining
to call their enterprise theology-we determined to undertake an invita-
tional volume in which contemporary Jewish thinkers would be matched to
terms and ideas that have otherwise engaged their reflections. The result, it
was hoped, would fill a lacuna in the contemporary literature. Clearly,
although Judaism may not acknowledge a formal theological tradition, it
nonetheless possesses a rich and nuanced theological history. The model
that we set ourselves was that of the Stichworterbuch, or technical dictionary
based on a thematic scheme. As a more specific exemplum for the enter-
prise we examined A Handbook of Christian Theology, co-edited by Arthur
A. Cohen and Marvin Halverson in 1958, which brought together major
figures in Protestant theology and historical research (with the exception of
Cohen himself, who contributed the essays on Atheism and Judaism) to
consider the state of reflection on the principal conceptions in Protestant
theological discussion during the 1950s. Having determined that the design
of Contemporary Jewish Religious Thought would be that of the definition-
essay, we then identified the salient themes, concepts, and movements that
animate Jewish religious thought.
As we began to draw up the list of possible candidates to write the various
definition-essays, we were struck by the considerable number of individu-
als-rabbis, academics, and laypersons-currently engaged in a creative
and genuinely reflective manner in the enterprise of Jewish religious
thought, itself another indication that the time was ripe for the volume we
had in mind. It was hoped that not only an illuminating portrait of Jewish
religious thinking would emerge but that the project as well would stimulate
its further development.
In assigning the essays-guided solely by the criteria of proven compe-
tence and thoughtfulness with regard to the respective topic-we became
aware that contemporary interest in Jewish religiOUS thought embraces vir-
tually the full ideological spectrum of Jewish life: Orthodox, Conservative,
Reform, Reconstructionist; Zionist, non-Zionist; secular Jews as well as
Jews of religious senSibility who find it difficult to declare their denomina-
tional affiliation.
Contemporary Jewish ReligiOUS Thought does not reflect any ideological
bias or preference. Rather it represents the plurality of Jewish life and pro-
INTRODUCTION xv
ational and institutional consensus that has marked the passage of Judaism
into modernity.
In recognition of this indisputably troubling situation, many of the
authors note that the consequent weakening, even abandonment, of clas-
sical Jewish religious norms and expressions can be reversed only if a new
hermeneutic and interpretative language is developed in order to accom-
modate both the historical sensibilities and epistemological criteria of con-
temporary Jews. Moreover, many of the essays conclude with a peroration
in reference to the devastating impact of the Holocaust on the structure and
meaning of Jewish religiOUS life. Many of these perorations stand as given
since their interpretations are both original and evocative of the contribu-
tors' viewpoints; however, a number of others were excised by the editors
since they were little more than a coda of personal despair and confusion.
Such references were more an index of psychological desperation-an
assertion that something had been wrought of such monumentality that it
must have devastating impact upon Jewish religious life; but, at the same
time, a confession that the writer had not yet mastered a method of assim-
ilating or interpreting that impact.
It is no less clear to the editors that the emergence of a new hermeneutic
and interpretative language is implicit in the essays of this volume. Such a
hermeneutic, as the essays abundantly testify, has but one common lan-
guage, namely Hebrew, and the shared literary sources of Jewish religious
memory and community. In the absence of such a language, the essays
implicitly propose, Jewish theology is vacuous, fruitless, and bound to
wither. A shared language and literature has both a diachronic and syn-
chronic dimension: diachroriically it provides continuity with the past and
synchronically it binds the disparate constituencies of Jewish life-both
geographiC and ideological-into a community of discourse out of which, if
not a new consensus of practice will emerge, at least surely a consensus of
focus and concern will become manifest. This commonality of enterprise is
surely underscored by the fact that contributors to this volume are drawn
from North America, Europe, and the State of Israel and that it has been
necessary to translate many of the essays from Hebrew, French, and Ger-
man into this prinCipal language of the diaspora, English.
It is surely not appropriate for us as editors to interpret the implications
of this volume, to provide an exegesis of its points of convergence and dis-
agreement. There are striking observations that emerge, surprising intellec-
tual immensities whose constant quotation and interpretation leave us with
a gratifying sense that even if no theological tradition has defined the Jewish
historical discourse, there are nonetheless Jewish thinkers whom every
INTRODUCTION xvii
Many of our most attentive readers will undoubtedly be women intent upon
elaborating their own religious consciousnes? and sensibility. And yet in the
main, with few exceptions, the contributors to this volume have been-if
not consciously indifferent-for the most part unaware of the issue raised
by women's groups regarding the ongoing masculinization of Jewish theo-
logical language. We have made no particular effort to eliminate this usage,
accepting it rather as the stage of development to which we have come. We
are aware, as the essays of David Biale, David Ruderman, and Susannah
Heschel have shown, that there is a problem in Jewish tradition, but at the
same time unable to edit out the masculine identification of God and to
substitute for it some neutral or bisexual concoction. Neologism of such
order neither advances nor compliments feminine sensibility. It serves to
obscure the issue, which does not reside in the formal structure of language
but rather in its substance. We will always have to refer to God as being a
"something of sex," since English has no neuter form and is not quite cer-
xviii INTRODUCTION
Bibliography
The bibliography that follows each essay is intended to point the reader
toward the appropriate literature for further inquiry. It is in no way imag-
ined that the three to five bibliographic citations usually given can possibly
exhaust the literature. We nonetheless regarded these bibliographies-cho-
sen with great care by the authors of the respective essays-however brief,
to be both apposite and helpful.
The schedule of abbreviations has been adapted from that provided by The
Encyclopaedia]udaica and our acknowledgment and thanks are extended to
its publishers, Keter Publishing Company of Jerusalem. Moreover, we have
adapted the system of general transliteration of Hebrew endorsed by The
Encyclopaedia ]udaica. In developing our glossary, we have been guided by
the wish to supply basic information to the reader with respect to terms,
authors, historical movements and events which appear at least twice in the
essays that make up the volume. Where it is sufficient to identify a person
or book by a relevant date, we have done so parenthetically, but in many
cases rather than break the flow of the essay we have relegated the required
information to a glossary. The glossary has been prepared by Edward Han-
ker, and the editors are deeply grateful for his enterprise and care.
Acknowledgments
The editors wish to thank Professor David Stern for his avid brainstorming
in connection with the development of the thematics and prospective con-
tributors to the volume. We also wish to express special gratitude to Dr.
INTRODUCTION xix
Ze' ev Gries for his patient and unfailing assistance in matters of arcane and
scholarly detail. Mr. Hayim Goldgraber has also been of inestimable help,
and of great moral support. It is amazing how the mind passes over the
obvious but is scrupulous about detail. It wasn't until the volume was nearly
complete that the editors realized that they had omitted the idea of Rest
(Shabbat) from consideration. Our gaffes would have been even more disas-
trous had not we had the patient cooperation of David Stern and many oth-
ers who offered their proposals and reflections as the volume was
developing.
We wish to acknowledge with gratitude the follo·wing translators who
have rendered various essays into English: Carol Bosworth-Kutscher, Jeffrey
M. Green, Deborah Grenimann, David Maisel, Arnold Schwartz, Jonathan
Shipman, and Michael Swirsky.
We are also grateful to Mrs. Fania Scholem for allOWing us to publish an
edited text of the late Professor Gershom Scholem's discussion of Judaism
which is culled from the transcript of his remarks at the Center for the Study
of Democratic Institutions (Santa Barbara) in 1974. Our acknowledgment
and thanks to the Center without whose permission the text could not
appear.
Dr. Michael Rosenak wishes to express his thanks to the Oxford Centre
for Post-Graduate Hebrew Studies for the hospitality and library services
extended him during August, 1983, which enabled him to write his paper
for this volume.
We also wish to express our thanks to Elizabeth Elston, Stephen Wein-
stein, and Laura Gross for their enthusiastic work on Contemporary Jewish
Religious Thought.
One is always grateful to one's family for tolerating the excesses that arise
with the making of books. To our various families and friends, to Rita
Mendes-Flohr as well as Inbal and Itamar, to Elaine Lustig Cohen and to
Tamar Judith, who stood to one side while the preoccupying detail of this
volume was pursued, we are thankful.
Steven S. Schwarzschild
A
t first consideration the notion of Jewish aesthetics seems
ludicrous. If something is beautiful, what does its putative
Jewishness have to do with its beauty? Furthermore, what
would make an art object Jewish: its so-called subject matter? But, if that is
the case, what about a menorah made by a gentile craftsman? Or the reli-
gion of the artist? If so, what about a crucifixion scene painted by a Jew?
Finally, it has been noted that, however creative Jews have been in such
fields as religion, law, literature, science, and economics, until recent
times-that is, until large numbers of Jews, and with them their artistic
traditions, were assimilated into non-Jewish cultures-no Jewish art was
produced, nor were there Jewish artists of any great significance. There can
thus be no surprise that there has never been any body of Jewish literature
on art or aesthetics. How then Jewish aesthetics-that is, a Jewish theory
of art?
Nevertheless, the public and private collection of Jewish art began in the
second half of the last century and has been rapidly increasing since then.
A body of literature, though limited and almost invariably of a historical
2 AESTHETICS
rather than of a theoretical, aesthetic character, has been produced. And art
continues to be created that calls itself, and sometimes is indeed, jewish.
Extant jewish art consists almost totally of religious artifacts, such as
spice boxes for the ceremony concluding the Sabbath, illuminations in Pass-
over Haggadot, and synagogal architecture. All of these follow the rabbinic
injunction to "beautify the service of God" (BT Shabo 133b, on Ex. 15:2).
For the rest, what is generally accepted as jewish art concerns itself with
descriptions of one sort or another of the life of jews, but this is not, as we
have seen, necessarily jewish art any more than, say, a Portuguese picture
of a fourteenth-century Mexican Indian is Mayan art. There has always been
a considerable amount of jewish nongraphic art: certainly literature, includ-
ing poetry of all sorts, as well as synagogal and other music (whose prehis-
tory in classical as well as modern times is much debated). Taken together,
the bulk of jewish art is, thus, to this day in the realm of "arts and crafts,"
utilitarian rather than absolute- "l'art pour l'art."
Utilitarian jewish art would then be the first class of objects with which
jewish aesthetics deals. This immediately raises the question of whether
there are any implicit principles that can be shown to underlie such actual
as well as acceptable jewish art, and, if so, what they are. Thereupon other
questions arise: for example, how do such jewish aesthetic principles, if
any, accord with other principles of judaism (which are, in turn, always
much controverted)?
What one would obtain, though, if one were able to answer these ques-
tions would be a theory, an aesthetic, of jewish art, but not yet by any
means a jewish aesthetic of art in general. There are, nonetheless, compel-
ling reasons for stipulating a universal jewish aesthetic, and some basic
specifications can be adduced with which to enflesh them.
To begin with, judaism, and even jewish law, has from the outset and to
this day said a few but fundamental things about art in general, and not only
about art by or for jews. The best-known such statement is, of course, the
so-called Second Commandment (Ex. 20:4, Deut. 4:16-18, 5:8), which
prohibits making an "image" of everything on, above, or below the earth,
most especially of God. This broad prohibition of idolatry is, in the j ewish--
view, enjoined on all human beings. It would seem, if taken literally, to
leave little or no room for "images" and "representations." And this is,
indeed, generally asserted to be the reason for the striking poverty of plastic
and graphic arts in jewish history.
In the development of rabbinic judaism this negativum, the normative
absence of representations or of attempted representations of the divine,
was rightly taken to entail the perennial and important principle that,
AESTHETICS 3
quotes Giotto's joke about Joseph in a "Holy Family" looking so sad "quite
naturally, considering his relationship to the child.,,8 Or consider Paul Til-
lich on Picasso's "Guernica" and, by extension, much of the nineteenth-
and twentieth-century art of alienation: "He who can bear and express
meaninglessness shows that he experiences meaning within the desert of
meaninglessness.,,9 In short, true aesthetics, Kantian and Jewish, subsumes
art indirectly but decisively to ethics. "High art," like craft art, ultimately
also serves God-not through ritual but through morality. The rabbis, there-
fore, punned about "the beauty (yoffi) of Japhet (Greece) in the tents of
Shem (Israel)" (BT Meg. 9b on Gen. 9:27).
Kant's Critique of Judgment has laid a new foundation for art. Whatever
Romanticism and Absolute Idealism made of it, Kant's third Critique ana-
lyzed art to precisely the effect here proposed-as the actualization of the
ideal (otherwise a theoretical impossibility), as the asymptotic embodiment
of human, rational, ethical values, and as the glory of the conception of
infinity and the pain of human inadequacy to that conception under the
judgment of "sublimity." Though Kant was generally not sympathetically
disposed toward Judaism, he here erupts in apostrophes to Jewish and Mos-
lem iconoclasm. And Kant's Jewish avatar, Hermann Cohen, went on to
radicalize as well as to Judaize Kantian aesthetics throughout his oeuvre but
most systematically in the Aesthetics of Pure Feeling, a study unique in Jewish
history. The work ends with a paean to impressionism, then still a revolu-
tionary force, for depicting proletarians rather than court personages.
When, fourteen years later, the first great Hebrew journal of art was inau-
gurated, Rachel Wischnitzer opened it with a programmatic article, "The
New Art and We,,,lO in which she formulated the Jewish divorce from "nat-
uralism," "distanced from the world of reality," and the Jewish concern
with the "inner face, the inside of things." With the rise of the Frankfurt
School, composed essentially of self-consciously Jewish Hegelian neo-
Marxists, the same theme was taken up again in the form of an aesthetic,
especially in T. W. Adorno's writings on music, that struggles against idol-
atry and on behalf of ethicism: Art is action that envisions and suffers from
the unattainability of Utopia; it is not a state of being. Throughout the work
of the Frankfurt School, the conclusion of Goethe's Faust is quoted as a
recurrent motto by such Jewish aestheticians: "The indescribable-here it
is done." Or as Hermann Cohen had put it, art depicts the Messiah; that is,
art is man's anticipatory construction of the world as it ought to be, as God
wants it to be. ll
On such an analysis it turns out that in the twentieth century art has
finally begun, by divorcing itself from the pagan aesthetic of nature and
6 AESTHETICS
REFERENCES
BIBLIOGRAPHY
David Stern
A
ggadah, or haggadah, is the generic title for the entire
body of rabbinic tradition that falls outside the perimeters
of the halakhah, the legal teachings of the rabbis. The
term aggadah (pI., aggadot) , literally "that which is told," tells us more about
the manner of its transmission than about the content of what was trans-
mitted. The rabbis themselves never define aggadah except to speak of its
virtually irresistible and seductive attractiveness, which they liken in one
place to the manna of the desert (Mekh. Vayassa 6) and in another to wine
"which draws after it the heart of man" (Sif. Deut. 317). Although modern
scholars have offered various definitions for aggadah-as "scientific
mythology,"1 "a tale implied or derived from Scripture,"2 or "speculation
with edification in view"3-the aggadah is in fact a widely heterogeneous
body of materials that range from extra-biblical legends and tales about the
rabbis to snippets of popular folklore and fully elaborated homilies.
The question of its genre (for this is what aggadah, with halakhah, pri-
marily represents) can be clarified if one considers aggadah as an extension
of the biblical genre of wisdom literature, a genre that also includes diverse
8 AGGADAH
literary forms such as narrative, poetry, proverbs, and allegory. Like wisdom
literature, aggadah is intended to convey to its audience truths distilled from
human experience in order to guide their better judgment. That such truths
can be presented equally in the form of parables and sermons is irrelevant
to the real point, which is the didactic purpose of the material. "If you wish
to come to know Him who by His word created the world, study aggadah"
(Sif. Deut. 49), the rabbis declared in what is one of the most celebrated of
all their aggadic sayings. This statement underlines the functional character
of the material as well as raising the problematic relationship of aggadah to
rabbinic theology-a question to which we will return shortly.
Although aggadah is to be evaluated mainly in terms of its content and
function, its form cannot be ignored; indeed, the question of form has spe-
cial relevance to the separate issue of aggadah's relationship to theology. As
its name suggests, much aggadah bears the speCial traits of traditional oral
literature. It is thus common for an aggadah-an apothegm as well as a
narrative-to exist in several versions or by-forms that differ significantly
in details but maintain the same general shape. In rabbinic literature, agga-
dah has been preserved both in exegetical contexts, as in midrashim, and
independently, in the form of tales or opinions cited associatively in the
course of a talmudic discussion. In post-rabbinic medieval literature, col-
lections of aggadot were presented as moral treatises or pseudo-historical
accounts. As a result, the same aggadah is frequently found in several texts
and contexts; in general, the material of aggadah is extremely plastic and
easily adaptable, a fact that also makes it difficult to speak of the genesis or
history of any specific aggadah. To be sure, some aggadot can be shown to
be Judaized versions of myths or folk-motifs that must have circulated
throughout the ancient world-for example, the use of the Pandora myth
in Avot de Rabbi Nathan, ch. I-while others originated in response to
"problems" in Scripture, as part of midrashic exegesis. Even in such cases,
however, once an aggadah was created, it could take on an independent
existence and circulate freely, moving from one context to another, often
changing its meaning in the course of its wanderings without substantially
changing its form.
A striking example of such an odyssey is the famous aggadah about how
God, before he gave the Torah to the children of Israel, offered it to the
gentile nations, each of whom declined to accept it. This aggadah, as Joseph
Heinemann has shown in a brilliant analysis of its development, first
appears in the early Palestinian targumim, the Aramaic translations of the
Pentateuch, in which it helped to explain the enigmatic description of God's
revelation in Deut. 33:2. Following this exegetical beginning, this aggadah
AGGADAH 9
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