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20th
Century
Jewish
Religious
THought

Edited by

Arthur A. Cohen
and
Paul Mendes-Flohr
20th Century
Jewish
Religious
THought
Original essays on critical concepts,
movements, and beliefs
20th Century
Jewish
Religious
THought
Original essays on critical concepts,
movements, and beliefs

Edited by

Authur A. Cohen
and
Paul Mendes-Flohr

~» ••
';.
v%~. JPS~ i\,~
~hlng Mind and S~
2009 • 5769
Philadelphia
JPS is a nonprofit educational association and the oldest and foremost publisher
of Judaica in English in North America. The mission of JPS is to enhance Jewish
culture by promoting the dissemination of religious and secular works, in the
United States and abroad, to all individuals and institutions interested in past and
contemporary Jewish life.

Formerly titled: Contemporary Jewish Religious Thought


Copyright © 1987 by Charles Scribner’s Sons

First JPS edition, 2009. All rights reserved.

No part of this book may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means,
electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or
retrieval system, except for brief passages in connection with a critical review, without
permission in writing from the publisher:

The Jewish Publication Society


2100 Arch Street, 2nd floor
Philadelphia, PA 19103
www.jewishpub.org

Design and Composition by Varda Graphics


Cover design by Claudia Cappelli

Manufactured in the United States of America

09 10 11 12 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

ISBN: 978-0-8276-0892-4

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data


Contemporary Jewish religious thought.
20th century Jewish religious thought : original essays on critical concepts, movements,
and beliefs / edited by Authur A. Cohen and Paul Mendes—Flohr. —1st JPS ed.
p. cm.
Originally published: Contemporary Jewish religious thought. New York : Scribner,
1987.
ISBN 978-0-8276-0892-4 (alk. paper)
1. Judaism—Dictionaries. I. Cohen, Arthur Allen, 1928—II. Mendes—Flohr, Paul R. III.
Title. IV. Title: Twentieth century Jewish religious thought.
BM50.C64 2009
296.03—dc22
2008043405

JPS books are available at discounts for bulk purchases for reading groups, special sales,
and fundraising purchases. Custom editions, including personalized covers, can be created
in larger quantities for special needs. For more information, please contact us at
[email protected] or at this address: 2100 Arch Street, Philadelphia, PA 19103.
Contents

Preface to the Paperback Edition xi


Introduction xiii

AESTHETICS Steven S. Schwarzschild 1


AGGADAH David Stern 7
ANTI-JUDAISM AND ANTI-SEMITISM Hyam Maccoby 13
APOCALYPSE Nahum N. Glatzer 19
ATHEISM Gershon Weiler 23
AUTHORITY Stephen Wald 29
BIBLE CRITICISM Moshe Weinfeld 35
CATASTROPHE Alan Mintz 41
CHARITY David Hartman and Tzvi Marx 47
CHOSEN PEOPLE Henri Atlan 55
CHRISTIANITY David Flusser 61
COMMANDMENTS Yeshayahu Leibowitz 67
COMMUNITY Everett Gendler 81
CONSCIENCE Steven S. Schwarzschild 87
CONSERVATIVE JUDAISM Gerson D. Cohen 91
vi CONTENTS

CONVERT AND CONVERSION Johanan Wijnhoven 101


COVENANT Arnold Eisen 107
CREATION Alon Goshen-Gottstein 113
CULTURE Paul Mendes-Flohr 119
DEATH Henry Abramovitch 131
DESTINY AND FATE Albert Friedlander 137
DOGMA Menachem Kellner 141
ECUMENISM Geoffrey Wigoder 147
EDUCATION Janet Aviad 155
EMANCIPATION Paula E. Hyman 165
ENLIGHTENMENT Robert Seltzer 171
EROS: SEX AND BODY David Biale 177
ESCHATOLOGY Arthur A. Cohen 183
ETERNITY AND TIME David Ellenson 189
ETHICS Shalom Rosenberg 195
EVIL Richard L. Rubenstein. 203
EXEGESIS Moshe Greenberg 211
EXILE Arnold Eisen 219
EXISTENCE Richard L. Rubenstein 227
FAITH Louis Jacobs 233
FAMILY David Biale 239
FEAR OF GOD Byron L. Sherwin 245
FEMINISM Susannah Heschel 255
FREEDOM Eugene Borowitz 261
FREE WILL David Winston 269
GESTURE AND SYMBOL Josef Stern 275
GNOSIS Gedaliahu Guy Stroumsa 285
GOD Louis Jacobs 291
GRACE OR LOVING-KINDNESS Ze'ev Harvey 299
GUILT Jacob Arlow 305
HALAKHAH David Hartman 309
I:iASIDISM Arthur Green 317
HEBREW Lewis Glinert 325
HELLENISM David Satran 331
HERESY Ze'ev Gries 339
HERMENEUTICS Michael Fishbane 353
HEROISM Yeshayahu Leibowitz 363
HISTORY Paul Mendes-Flohr 371
HOLINESS Allen Grossman 389
HOLOCAUST Emil Fackenheim 399
CONTENTS vii

HOLY SPIRIT Aaron Singer 409


HOPE Charles Vernoff 417
HUMANISM Ernst Ahiva Simon 423
HUMILITY Bernard Steinberg 429
I AND THOU Maurice Friedman 435
IDOLATRY Yeshayahu Leibowitz 445
IMAGINATION Geoffrey Hartman 451
IMAGO DEI Joseph Dan 473
IMMORTALITY Alan Arkush 479
INDIVIDUALITY Peter Ochs 483
ISLAM Nissim Rejwan 487
JERUSALEM Shemaryahu Talmon 495
JUDAISM Gershom Scholem 505
JURISPRUDENCE Ze'ev W. Falh 509
JUSTICE Haim Cohen 515
KINGDOM OF GOD Warren Zev Harvey 521
KINGDOM OF PRIESTS Daniel Schwartz 527
LAND OF ISRAEL EHezer Schweid 535
LANGUAGE Josef Stern 543
LITURGY Eric Friedland 553
LOVE Steven Harvey 557
MEANING Jack Spiro 565
MEDIEVAL JEWISH PHILOSOPHY Jacob Agus 573
MEMORY David Roshies 581
MENTSCH Moshe Waldohs 587
MERCY David Blumenthal 589
MESSIANISM R. J. Zwi Werblowsky 597
METAPHYSICS Alan Udoff 603
MIDRASH David Stern 613
MIRACLE Alan Arkush 621
MIZVEH Moshe Waldohs 627
MODERN JEWISH PHILOSOPHY Steven S. Schwarzschild 629
MUSIC Moshe [del 635
MYSTICISM Moshe [del 643
MYTH Galit Hasan-Rokem 657
NATURAL LAW Jeffrey Macy 663
ORAL LAW Jacob Neusner 673
ORTHODOX JUDAISM Emmanuel Rackman 679
PEACE Aviezer Ravitzky 685
PEOPLE OF ISRAEL Alon Goshen-Gottstein 703
viii CONTENTS

POLITICAL THEORY Ella Belfer and Ilan Greilsammer 715


PRAYER Michael Fishbane 723
PROPHECY Peter Zaas 731
PROVIDENCE Hillel Levine 735
RABBI AND TEACHER David Ruderman 741
REASON Eugene Borowitz 749
RECONSTRUCTIONISM Harold Schulweis 755
REDEMPTION Arthur A. Cohen 761
REFORM JUDAISM Michael A. Meyer 767
RELIGION AND STATE Aharon Lichtenstein 773
REMNANT OF ISRAEL Nahum N. Glatzer 779
REPENTANCE Ehud Luz 785
REST Arthur Waskow 795
RESURRECTION OF THE DEAD Arthur A. Cohen 807
REVELATION Shalom Rosenberg 815
REWARD AND PUNISHMENT Ephraim Rottenberg 827
RIGHTEOUSNESS Joshua o. Haberman 833
SACRED TEXT AND CANON David Stern 841
SANCTIFICATION OF THE NAME Hyam Maccoby 849
SCIENCE Hillel Levine 855
SECULARISM Ben Halpern 863
SERMON Marc Saperstein 867
SILENCE Andre Neher 873
SIN Adin Steinsalz 881
SOUL Rachel Elior 887
SOUL SEARCHING Adin Steinsaltz· 897
SPIRITUALITY Arthur Green 903
STATE OF ISRAEL Michael Rosenak 909
STRANGER Joseph Levi 917
STUDY Aharon Lichtenstein 931
SUFFERING David Hartman 939
SURVIVAL Yossi Klein Halevi 947
TALMUD Adin Steinsalz 953
THEODICY Byron L. Sherwin 959
THEOLOGY Arthur A. Cohen 971
TIME William E. Kaufman 981
TOLERANCE Alan Udoff 987
TORAH James Kugel 995
TRADITION Natan Rotenstreich 1007
TRUTH Peter Ochs 1017
CONTENTS ix

UNITY Charles Vernoff 1025


UTOPIA Lionel Kochan 1033
WOMAN Blu Greenberg 1039
WORK Abraham Shapira 1055
ZIONISM Ben Halpern 1069

Glossary 1077
List of Abbreviations 1097
List of Contributors 1101
Index 1117
Preface to the
Paperback Edition

Arthur A. Cohen died on the 31st of October 1986. Although severely


enfeebled by disease for nine months-a period coinciding with the last
stage of this volume's preparation-he diligendy saw the manuscript to press.
A former publisher and a master editor, he attended to every detail with
consummate care. A bound copy of the volume reached Arthur less than a
week before his death.
Graced with a prodigious capacity for friendship, Arthur regarded this
volume as principally an act of sharing-a sharing with the panicipants of
the volume (whom he deemed to be his colleagues in the deepest sense) and
in a special way, with me, his co-editor. With a gende enthusiasm he
introduced me to the joy and fantasy of publishing, of conceiving and
creating a volume of such enormous dimensions. The actual process, of
course, was often beset with tedious, vexing chores. Arthur taught me how to
acknowledge frustration, and to bound back with renewed commitment.
Through transcontinental post and occasional meetings-in New York City,
Jerusalem and at "Los Tres Almendro5," Arthur's summer retreat in Mallorca-
he shared with me his seasoned strategies of editing, illuminating the an of
xii PREFACE TO THE PAPERBACK EDITION

reading critically and helping an author recast his or her thoughts to achieve
conceptual precision without a sacrifice of elegance. Arthur was a sympathetic
editor who appreciated exuberance and rhetorical flourish, but he insisted ill
maintaining a rigorous distinction between homily and intellectual passion,
between sermon and theological reflection. He also insisted that we vigilantly
guard against the confusion-which he held to be the bane of contemporary
religiOUS discourse-of theological apologetics masquerading as theological
argument. A fastidious man of the most refined intellectual and artistic taste,
Arthur did not suffer fools lightly. But he was no intellectual snob; as in his
friendships, he did not relate to individuals and their work through the
prism of their credentials. He listened to each sympathetically, prepared to
delight in the discovery of new inSight and understanding. This volume
would thus be open to all who, regardless of rank and stature, had
"something to say." As an editor-and as a human being-I grew under
Arthur's affable tutelage.
Arthur also saw this book as sponsoring the type of intellectual sharing
that quickens genuine spiritual fellowship between thinking individuals. It
was Arthur's hope that by bringing Jews of diverse theological opinion
together in a forum of shared reflection, the volume would highlight that the
bonds that ultimately bind the Jews are drawn not only by the imperatives of
communal solidarity, but also a universe of discourse grounded in a shared
spiritual heritage and concern.
I thus regard this volume as Arthur's gift to me personally, and to all who
wish to affirm Judaism as a spiritually and intellectually engaging discourse.
May this volume serve to honor Anhur's blessed memory.

Erev .Rosh Ha-Shanah 5748


Jerusalem
Paul Mendes-Bohr
Introduction

Contemporary Jewish Religious Thought was conceived during the summer of


1982 while the editors, in defiance of the thunders of the north, strolled
through the charmed gardens of the American Colony Hotel in East Jeru-
salem. Our convivial but random conversation eventually focused upon the
subject of the alleged Jewish disinclination to engage in theology. We
quickly dismissed as both simplistic and rhetorical the frequently rehearsed
explanation that Jewish theological reticence is due to Christianity's histor-
ical preemption of "God talk". Nor did we regard as adequate the fre-
quently advanced explanation that Judaism is a religion preeminently
grounded in concrete religiOUS acts and thus has no need for the ostensibly
disembodied speculations associated with theological indulgence. What was
clear to both of us was that theology is the discipline Jews eschew while
nonetheless pursuing it with covert avidity. Virtually every concept that has
occupied a position of significance within the discourse of world religions
has its cognate or analogue in Jewish religious thought. Theologumena have,
however, preoccupied Jews. Not as extraneous intrusions, but as an indig-
enous endeavor to illuminate their own experience. Indeed, insofar as the
xiv INTRODUCTION

Jewish people was convoked by the giving of the Torah at Mount Sinai, its
life thereafter was devoted with considerable passion and intelligence to the
issues raised by that holy convocation: Who is this God that calls us forth
to be his own and what is the character of life under his dominion?
In the process of assessing the implications of an evident situation of par-
adox-that Jews elaborate and refine religiOUS conceptions while disdaining
to call their enterprise theology-we determined to undertake an invita-
tional volume in which contemporary Jewish thinkers would be matched to
terms and ideas that have otherwise engaged their reflections. The result, it
was hoped, would fill a lacuna in the contemporary literature. Clearly,
although Judaism may not acknowledge a formal theological tradition, it
nonetheless possesses a rich and nuanced theological history. The model
that we set ourselves was that of the Stichworterbuch, or technical dictionary
based on a thematic scheme. As a more specific exemplum for the enter-
prise we examined A Handbook of Christian Theology, co-edited by Arthur
A. Cohen and Marvin Halverson in 1958, which brought together major
figures in Protestant theology and historical research (with the exception of
Cohen himself, who contributed the essays on Atheism and Judaism) to
consider the state of reflection on the principal conceptions in Protestant
theological discussion during the 1950s. Having determined that the design
of Contemporary Jewish Religious Thought would be that of the definition-
essay, we then identified the salient themes, concepts, and movements that
animate Jewish religious thought.
As we began to draw up the list of possible candidates to write the various
definition-essays, we were struck by the considerable number of individu-
als-rabbis, academics, and laypersons-currently engaged in a creative
and genuinely reflective manner in the enterprise of Jewish religious
thought, itself another indication that the time was ripe for the volume we
had in mind. It was hoped that not only an illuminating portrait of Jewish
religious thinking would emerge but that the project as well would stimulate
its further development.
In assigning the essays-guided solely by the criteria of proven compe-
tence and thoughtfulness with regard to the respective topic-we became
aware that contemporary interest in Jewish religiOUS thought embraces vir-
tually the full ideological spectrum of Jewish life: Orthodox, Conservative,
Reform, Reconstructionist; Zionist, non-Zionist; secular Jews as well as
Jews of religious senSibility who find it difficult to declare their denomina-
tional affiliation.
Contemporary Jewish ReligiOUS Thought does not reflect any ideological
bias or preference. Rather it represents the plurality of Jewish life and pro-
INTRODUCTION xv

jects the healthy and balanced self-assurance that presently characterizes


Jewish thought. While none of the essays suffers from a self-enclosed
parochiality, they all avoid the propensity of classical as well as nineteenth-
and early-twentieth-century Jewish thought to assume an apologetic mode
of discourse that had the deleterious effect of encouraging non-Jews
(whether hostile or affectionate) to set the parameters, the terms of argu-
ment, and even the tone of Judaism's theological self-articulation.
As editors of this volume we have undertaken to facilitate the nonapolo-
getic character of its inquiry by deliberately excluding from the list of topics
such antinomic themes from the lexicon of Jewish apologetics as "law and
grace," "particularity and universalism," "justice and love." Such dialecti-
cal antinomies are precisely that, dialectical foils for the elaboration of
abstract stances and postures that neither illuminate the religiOUS thinking
of the Jews nor constitute an appropriate forum for ecumenical discourse.
They are the vocabulary of triunlphalist theologies-whether Jewish or non-
Jewish-the triumphalism of whatever order speaks out of an old tradition
of odium theologicum in which Jews have no share.
We are particularly delighted by the generous enthusiasm of the contrib-
utors whom we have invited to join with us. Very few invitees declined to
participate, and from those who pleaded the immensity of prior obligations
we received much encouragement in the pursuit of the enterprise. In assign-
ing the essays our instructions were minimal. We indicated the desired
word length and proposed the essay to be written neither as an ency-
clopedic discussion of the issue nor simply a rehearsal of the historical lit-
erature. What we sought rather was a historically-grounded reflection that
would offer a new crystallization of the issue, an adumbration of fresh spec-
ulative possibilities, a proposal of nuance and direction for future discus-
sion. The tone and emphasis were left to the judgment of the particular
author. Hence, the essays tend to vary in their attention to historical and
textual detail and in speculative thrust.
Nonetheless, despite the absence of methodological (and, as noted, ide-
ological) uniformity, a pattern of four distinctive vectors is shared by vir-
tually all the essays. With respect to those essays which consider the sem-
inal ideas of classical Judaism, each regards the Hebrew Bible as the
foundation of Jewish religious existence; each affirms talmudic-rabbinic
teachings as decisive in the shaping of the Jews' understanding of God's
word; each has recourse to the insights developed by the medieval philo-
sophic and mystical tradition, with the enduring significance of Maimon-
ides's magisterial contribution being particularly discernible; and finally,
most of the essays indicate a refined awareness of the collapse of the ide-
xvi INTRODUCTION

ational and institutional consensus that has marked the passage of Judaism
into modernity.
In recognition of this indisputably troubling situation, many of the
authors note that the consequent weakening, even abandonment, of clas-
sical Jewish religious norms and expressions can be reversed only if a new
hermeneutic and interpretative language is developed in order to accom-
modate both the historical sensibilities and epistemological criteria of con-
temporary Jews. Moreover, many of the essays conclude with a peroration
in reference to the devastating impact of the Holocaust on the structure and
meaning of Jewish religiOUS life. Many of these perorations stand as given
since their interpretations are both original and evocative of the contribu-
tors' viewpoints; however, a number of others were excised by the editors
since they were little more than a coda of personal despair and confusion.
Such references were more an index of psychological desperation-an
assertion that something had been wrought of such monumentality that it
must have devastating impact upon Jewish religious life; but, at the same
time, a confession that the writer had not yet mastered a method of assim-
ilating or interpreting that impact.
It is no less clear to the editors that the emergence of a new hermeneutic
and interpretative language is implicit in the essays of this volume. Such a
hermeneutic, as the essays abundantly testify, has but one common lan-
guage, namely Hebrew, and the shared literary sources of Jewish religious
memory and community. In the absence of such a language, the essays
implicitly propose, Jewish theology is vacuous, fruitless, and bound to
wither. A shared language and literature has both a diachronic and syn-
chronic dimension: diachroriically it provides continuity with the past and
synchronically it binds the disparate constituencies of Jewish life-both
geographiC and ideological-into a community of discourse out of which, if
not a new consensus of practice will emerge, at least surely a consensus of
focus and concern will become manifest. This commonality of enterprise is
surely underscored by the fact that contributors to this volume are drawn
from North America, Europe, and the State of Israel and that it has been
necessary to translate many of the essays from Hebrew, French, and Ger-
man into this prinCipal language of the diaspora, English.
It is surely not appropriate for us as editors to interpret the implications
of this volume, to provide an exegesis of its points of convergence and dis-
agreement. There are striking observations that emerge, surprising intellec-
tual immensities whose constant quotation and interpretation leave us with
a gratifying sense that even if no theological tradition has defined the Jewish
historical discourse, there are nonetheless Jewish thinkers whom every
INTRODUCTION xvii

other contemporary researcher is obliged to consult. We have noted the


continuing power of Maimonides as the indisputable center of medieval
Jewish interpretation; to Maimonides may be added such twentieth-century
luminaries as Franz Rosenzweig and Rav Joseph D. Soloveitchik, to whom
many of the contributors refer as warrants of their own discussion.
It would appear then that a theological community is gathering, a dis-
course is underway, a conceptual reconstruction collectively engaged in by
all the ideological tendencies of Jewry is being pursued. Such a benefice to
Jewish life is palpable insofar as the editors share the profound conviction
that in the face of the freezing of ideological and political commitments on
the part of many Jews, the only meaningful option in the face of the immut-
able nature of halakhic orthodoxy and the dissent of other sectors of reli-
gious Jewry is that theological discourse and interpretation takes place in a
pluralistic, open society where ideas, values, imagination, and experience
are immensely fluid and protean. Contemporary Jewish Religious Thought is
not a group of separate and disconnected essays, but in itself constitutes a
theological document of major importance. We have in this volume nothing
less than an accurate record of Jewish theological reasoning in the latter
decades of the twentieth century, post Auschwitz mortuum, post Israel natus.

Editors' Notes: There are a number of specific observations on the appa-


ratus and machinery of this volume to which attention must be drawn.

Theological Gender Language

Many of our most attentive readers will undoubtedly be women intent upon
elaborating their own religious consciousnes? and sensibility. And yet in the
main, with few exceptions, the contributors to this volume have been-if
not consciously indifferent-for the most part unaware of the issue raised
by women's groups regarding the ongoing masculinization of Jewish theo-
logical language. We have made no particular effort to eliminate this usage,
accepting it rather as the stage of development to which we have come. We
are aware, as the essays of David Biale, David Ruderman, and Susannah
Heschel have shown, that there is a problem in Jewish tradition, but at the
same time unable to edit out the masculine identification of God and to
substitute for it some neutral or bisexual concoction. Neologism of such
order neither advances nor compliments feminine sensibility. It serves to
obscure the issue, which does not reside in the formal structure of language
but rather in its substance. We will always have to refer to God as being a
"something of sex," since English has no neuter form and is not quite cer-
xviii INTRODUCTION

tain what advantage would be wrought by making God sexless. Nor is it


easy to replace in every context "human" and "humankind" for "man"
and "mankind". Where possible-when the term "man" was overused-
editorial good sense has driven us toward moderation but not to elimina-
tion. All that we can assure our readers of is the good sense and conviction
of the editors that God is above and beyond sexual differentiation but that
the conventions of language are not.

Bibliography

The bibliography that follows each essay is intended to point the reader
toward the appropriate literature for further inquiry. It is in no way imag-
ined that the three to five bibliographic citations usually given can possibly
exhaust the literature. We nonetheless regarded these bibliographies-cho-
sen with great care by the authors of the respective essays-however brief,
to be both apposite and helpful.

Glossary and Abbreviations

The schedule of abbreviations has been adapted from that provided by The
Encyclopaedia]udaica and our acknowledgment and thanks are extended to
its publishers, Keter Publishing Company of Jerusalem. Moreover, we have
adapted the system of general transliteration of Hebrew endorsed by The
Encyclopaedia ]udaica. In developing our glossary, we have been guided by
the wish to supply basic information to the reader with respect to terms,
authors, historical movements and events which appear at least twice in the
essays that make up the volume. Where it is sufficient to identify a person
or book by a relevant date, we have done so parenthetically, but in many
cases rather than break the flow of the essay we have relegated the required
information to a glossary. The glossary has been prepared by Edward Han-
ker, and the editors are deeply grateful for his enterprise and care.

Acknowledgments

The editors wish to thank Professor David Stern for his avid brainstorming
in connection with the development of the thematics and prospective con-
tributors to the volume. We also wish to express special gratitude to Dr.
INTRODUCTION xix

Ze' ev Gries for his patient and unfailing assistance in matters of arcane and
scholarly detail. Mr. Hayim Goldgraber has also been of inestimable help,
and of great moral support. It is amazing how the mind passes over the
obvious but is scrupulous about detail. It wasn't until the volume was nearly
complete that the editors realized that they had omitted the idea of Rest
(Shabbat) from consideration. Our gaffes would have been even more disas-
trous had not we had the patient cooperation of David Stern and many oth-
ers who offered their proposals and reflections as the volume was
developing.
We wish to acknowledge with gratitude the follo·wing translators who
have rendered various essays into English: Carol Bosworth-Kutscher, Jeffrey
M. Green, Deborah Grenimann, David Maisel, Arnold Schwartz, Jonathan
Shipman, and Michael Swirsky.
We are also grateful to Mrs. Fania Scholem for allOWing us to publish an
edited text of the late Professor Gershom Scholem's discussion of Judaism
which is culled from the transcript of his remarks at the Center for the Study
of Democratic Institutions (Santa Barbara) in 1974. Our acknowledgment
and thanks to the Center without whose permission the text could not
appear.
Dr. Michael Rosenak wishes to express his thanks to the Oxford Centre
for Post-Graduate Hebrew Studies for the hospitality and library services
extended him during August, 1983, which enabled him to write his paper
for this volume.
We also wish to express our thanks to Elizabeth Elston, Stephen Wein-
stein, and Laura Gross for their enthusiastic work on Contemporary Jewish
Religious Thought.
One is always grateful to one's family for tolerating the excesses that arise
with the making of books. To our various families and friends, to Rita
Mendes-Flohr as well as Inbal and Itamar, to Elaine Lustig Cohen and to
Tamar Judith, who stood to one side while the preoccupying detail of this
volume was pursued, we are thankful.

ARTHUR A. COHEN and PAUL MENDES-FLOHR


Aesthetics

Steven S. Schwarzschild

A
t first consideration the notion of Jewish aesthetics seems
ludicrous. If something is beautiful, what does its putative
Jewishness have to do with its beauty? Furthermore, what
would make an art object Jewish: its so-called subject matter? But, if that is
the case, what about a menorah made by a gentile craftsman? Or the reli-
gion of the artist? If so, what about a crucifixion scene painted by a Jew?
Finally, it has been noted that, however creative Jews have been in such
fields as religion, law, literature, science, and economics, until recent
times-that is, until large numbers of Jews, and with them their artistic
traditions, were assimilated into non-Jewish cultures-no Jewish art was
produced, nor were there Jewish artists of any great significance. There can
thus be no surprise that there has never been any body of Jewish literature
on art or aesthetics. How then Jewish aesthetics-that is, a Jewish theory
of art?
Nevertheless, the public and private collection of Jewish art began in the
second half of the last century and has been rapidly increasing since then.
A body of literature, though limited and almost invariably of a historical
2 AESTHETICS

rather than of a theoretical, aesthetic character, has been produced. And art
continues to be created that calls itself, and sometimes is indeed, jewish.
Extant jewish art consists almost totally of religious artifacts, such as
spice boxes for the ceremony concluding the Sabbath, illuminations in Pass-
over Haggadot, and synagogal architecture. All of these follow the rabbinic
injunction to "beautify the service of God" (BT Shabo 133b, on Ex. 15:2).
For the rest, what is generally accepted as jewish art concerns itself with
descriptions of one sort or another of the life of jews, but this is not, as we
have seen, necessarily jewish art any more than, say, a Portuguese picture
of a fourteenth-century Mexican Indian is Mayan art. There has always been
a considerable amount of jewish nongraphic art: certainly literature, includ-
ing poetry of all sorts, as well as synagogal and other music (whose prehis-
tory in classical as well as modern times is much debated). Taken together,
the bulk of jewish art is, thus, to this day in the realm of "arts and crafts,"
utilitarian rather than absolute- "l'art pour l'art."
Utilitarian jewish art would then be the first class of objects with which
jewish aesthetics deals. This immediately raises the question of whether
there are any implicit principles that can be shown to underlie such actual
as well as acceptable jewish art, and, if so, what they are. Thereupon other
questions arise: for example, how do such jewish aesthetic principles, if
any, accord with other principles of judaism (which are, in turn, always
much controverted)?
What one would obtain, though, if one were able to answer these ques-
tions would be a theory, an aesthetic, of jewish art, but not yet by any
means a jewish aesthetic of art in general. There are, nonetheless, compel-
ling reasons for stipulating a universal jewish aesthetic, and some basic
specifications can be adduced with which to enflesh them.
To begin with, judaism, and even jewish law, has from the outset and to
this day said a few but fundamental things about art in general, and not only
about art by or for jews. The best-known such statement is, of course, the
so-called Second Commandment (Ex. 20:4, Deut. 4:16-18, 5:8), which
prohibits making an "image" of everything on, above, or below the earth,
most especially of God. This broad prohibition of idolatry is, in the j ewish--
view, enjoined on all human beings. It would seem, if taken literally, to
leave little or no room for "images" and "representations." And this is,
indeed, generally asserted to be the reason for the striking poverty of plastic
and graphic arts in jewish history.
In the development of rabbinic judaism this negativum, the normative
absence of representations or of attempted representations of the divine,
was rightly taken to entail the perennial and important principle that,
AESTHETICS 3

unlike physical nature, which is both capable of and allowed to be


"imaged," spirit, however conceived-whether as metaphysical realities, or
reason, or morality-is unsusceptible to representation. Hermann Cohen
read the Second Commandment, therefore, as saying: "Thou shalt not make
an image of the moral subject. ,,1 (Some contemporary scholars dispute at
least the historical side of this claim, and have collected much material with
which to contradict it. What their evidence should be taken to prove, how-
ever, is that (1) the principle here under discussion was, of course, inter-
preted and applied differently by different people in different situations,
and (2) jewish art, like judaism in general, has been subject to many exter-
nal influences from many quarters.) "Spirit" can be and is instantiated, not
represented, preeminently in God and then in varying degrees in angels,
human beings, and other sacred entities. To try to depict God or the spirit
of other "inspirited" individuals is then worse than something that should
not be done-it cannot be done (what some modern philosophers call a
"category mistake"). It is a mistake, however, with the widest and most
grievous consequences: The whole universe is misunderstood and, there-
fore, maltreated. It is a sin.
The operative jewish legal code, the Shul~an Arukh, offers a convenient
summary of the legal applications to art, Jewish and non-Jewish, of the
jewish aesthetic doctrine that we have so far developed (Sh. Ar., YD,
Hilkhot Avodat Kokhavim, ch. 141, "Din ha-~elemimve-ha-Zurot shel Avo-
dat Kokhavim"). In the history of jewish graphic art, the most interest-
ing ramification of that doctrine has always been the permissibility of
showing the absence of spirit in purely physical, because pictorial, rep-
resentations of spiritual beings, particularly humans. The rabbis contin-
ually insisted that the only "ikon" of God was the presence, not the
re-presentation, of a human being (e.g. Deut. R. 4:4; Rashi ad loco Deut.
21:23). But how to depict an absence? Here what I have called "the theol-
ogy of the slashed nose" comes into operation: The nose was slit to sym-
bolize that what one could see did not really represent the inspirited object
adumbrated. Rachel Wischnitzer has called it "the jewish principle of
incompleteness. ,,2 This is, as it happens, also one of the earliest compo-
nents of the "modernist" revolution in art; what is usually called "distor-
tion" is thus quintessential and aboriginal jewish aesthetics. Kant and the
German-jewish impressionist Max Liebermann punned in calling such dis-
tortion verzeichnen, that is, "to note" as well as "to mis-draw." What might
be called "Picasso's third eye," that is, the face as it looks not when artifi-
cially arrested but when humanly active, expresses the same conception in
another fashion. The halakhic prohibition of three-dimensionality in natu-
4 AESTHETICS

ralistic human sculpture is another example. The artistic effect of invisible


light on the visual world and the resultant "elongation" from Velasquez to
the bohemian Jew Modigliani are yet further specimens of "the theology of
the slashed nose." "For Modigliani and by a modern paradox for most of
us, only a mask wears the features of the soul ... in a world of unremitting
pain. "3
Two further important inferences are to be drawn. The first might be
thought to impose the obligation to image as much as possible and in one
way or another to image the invisible "forms" of reality. For example, of
the patriarch of modern art in Palestine/Israel, Mordecai Ardon, Avram
Kampf says that he "makes visible what one does not see.,,4 The second
inference is that action, rather than being, is the ultimate purpose of art-
either real action such as mobiles or art "events" or artistic invitations to
action, as it were, such as depictions of productive human activities, pro-
jections of a world made better, or ironic-critical representations of the
actual world of injustice and pain, as in "the ash-can school" of American
painting, for example.
The modernist revolution broke decisively with the pervasive Greek prin-
ciple of mimesis-imitation in favor of creativity, the production of some-
thing new not given by nature. (Creativity is, nota bene, the first and fore-
most attribute of God in the Bible, and man is in Judaism challenged to be
his partner through imitatio Dei, that is, through moral action, not through
what the Greeks called poiesis, "poetry" in the sense of artistic "making.")
This revolution spawned abstract or abstracted painting and sculpture as
well as Arnold Schoenberg's serial, quasi-mathematical music. Schoen-
berg's magnum opus, "Moses and Aaron," is both musically and textually
an extended dramatization of Jewish iconoclasm, reaching its climax when
Moses destroys the golden calf to the words (not sung!): "Perish, you
embodiment of the impossibility of putting the Infinite in an image!"5 So
too did it generate nonlinear, modernist literature that produces its own
new worlds in words (davar/logos). Calligraphic art has always commended
itself for several obvious reasons,6 among Moslems even more than among
Jews; Susan Handelman has most usefully crystallized "the emergence of
rabbinic interpretation in modern literary theory" in a recent study.7 So one
could go on.
Kant and Hermann Cohen stipulated that humor and irony be among the
chief elements of art, inasmuch as these administer aesthetic-ethical criti-
cism to the actual world for its evils: prophetic irony about the dumb
idols-Solomon dedicating the Temple in Jerusalem with a prayer that
declares a building's unsuitability to "house" the infinite God. Cohen even
AESTHETICS 5

quotes Giotto's joke about Joseph in a "Holy Family" looking so sad "quite
naturally, considering his relationship to the child.,,8 Or consider Paul Til-
lich on Picasso's "Guernica" and, by extension, much of the nineteenth-
and twentieth-century art of alienation: "He who can bear and express
meaninglessness shows that he experiences meaning within the desert of
meaninglessness.,,9 In short, true aesthetics, Kantian and Jewish, subsumes
art indirectly but decisively to ethics. "High art," like craft art, ultimately
also serves God-not through ritual but through morality. The rabbis, there-
fore, punned about "the beauty (yoffi) of Japhet (Greece) in the tents of
Shem (Israel)" (BT Meg. 9b on Gen. 9:27).
Kant's Critique of Judgment has laid a new foundation for art. Whatever
Romanticism and Absolute Idealism made of it, Kant's third Critique ana-
lyzed art to precisely the effect here proposed-as the actualization of the
ideal (otherwise a theoretical impossibility), as the asymptotic embodiment
of human, rational, ethical values, and as the glory of the conception of
infinity and the pain of human inadequacy to that conception under the
judgment of "sublimity." Though Kant was generally not sympathetically
disposed toward Judaism, he here erupts in apostrophes to Jewish and Mos-
lem iconoclasm. And Kant's Jewish avatar, Hermann Cohen, went on to
radicalize as well as to Judaize Kantian aesthetics throughout his oeuvre but
most systematically in the Aesthetics of Pure Feeling, a study unique in Jewish
history. The work ends with a paean to impressionism, then still a revolu-
tionary force, for depicting proletarians rather than court personages.
When, fourteen years later, the first great Hebrew journal of art was inau-
gurated, Rachel Wischnitzer opened it with a programmatic article, "The
New Art and We,,,lO in which she formulated the Jewish divorce from "nat-
uralism," "distanced from the world of reality," and the Jewish concern
with the "inner face, the inside of things." With the rise of the Frankfurt
School, composed essentially of self-consciously Jewish Hegelian neo-
Marxists, the same theme was taken up again in the form of an aesthetic,
especially in T. W. Adorno's writings on music, that struggles against idol-
atry and on behalf of ethicism: Art is action that envisions and suffers from
the unattainability of Utopia; it is not a state of being. Throughout the work
of the Frankfurt School, the conclusion of Goethe's Faust is quoted as a
recurrent motto by such Jewish aestheticians: "The indescribable-here it
is done." Or as Hermann Cohen had put it, art depicts the Messiah; that is,
art is man's anticipatory construction of the world as it ought to be, as God
wants it to be. ll
On such an analysis it turns out that in the twentieth century art has
finally begun, by divorcing itself from the pagan aesthetic of nature and
6 AESTHETICS

from the Christian aesthetic of incarnation, to catch up with the aboriginal


jewish aesthetic (for jews and Gentiles alike) of a phenomenal world in
eternal pursuit of the ideal, divine, or at least messianic world. The devil
had it right, as usual, when he had the Nazis identify modern art with degen-
erate jewishness. In modernism, art is assimilating judaism. Mark Rothko
provided the occasion for the apt statement by the German scholar Werner
Haftmann: "The amazing fact should become clear to historians ... that
judaism, which for 2,000 years remained 'imageless,' has found in our cen-
tury-with the help of the meditative process of modern art-a pictorial
expression of its own, a jewish art of its own." 12

REFERENCES

1. Hermann Cohen, Kants Begrundung der Ethik (1877), 283.


2. Rachel Wischnitzer, The Bird's Head Haggadah (1967).
3. Edgar Levy, "Modigliani and the Art of Painting," in The American Scholar (Sum-
mer 1964), 405ff.
4. Avram Kampf, Jewish Experience in the Art of the Twentieth Century (1984), 192.
5. For a discussion of Jewish music in contrast with pagan/Platonic sensuousness,
militarism, and socialist realism, cf. Boaz Cohen, "The Responsum of Maimon-
ides Concerning Music," in Law and Tradition in judaism (1959), 167ff.; Eric
Werner, A Voice Still Heard (1976).
6. Cf. Kampf, jewish Experience in the Art of the Twentieth Century, 30f., 44f., 161.
7. Susan Handelman, The Slayers of Moses (1982).
8. Hermann Cohen, Aesthetik des reinen Gefiihls, I (1908), 343.
9. Paul Tillich, "Protestantism and Artistic Style," in Theology of Culture (1959),
75.
10. Rimon 1, I (1922).
11. Hermann Cohen, Der 'Begriff der Religion im System der Philosophie (1915), 96.
12. Quoted in Kampf, jewish Experience in the Art of the Twentieth Century, 201.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Franz Landsberger, A History of jewish Art (1973).


Ze'ev Levy, "The Values of Aesthetics and the Jewish Religious Tradition" (Hebrew),
in jewish Culture in Our Time: Crisis or Renewal (Hebrew), (1983).
Leo Art Mayer, Bibliography of jewish Art (1967).
Leo Art Mayer, journal ofjewish Art, annual since 1974, Center for Jewish Art at the
Hebrew University, Jerusalem.
Clare Moore, The Visual Dimension-Aspects of jewish Art (1982).
Steven S. Schwarzschild, "The Legal Foundation of Jewish Aesthetics," in Journal of
Aesthetic Education, 9 0 an. 1975).
Aggadah

David Stern

A
ggadah, or haggadah, is the generic title for the entire
body of rabbinic tradition that falls outside the perimeters
of the halakhah, the legal teachings of the rabbis. The
term aggadah (pI., aggadot) , literally "that which is told," tells us more about
the manner of its transmission than about the content of what was trans-
mitted. The rabbis themselves never define aggadah except to speak of its
virtually irresistible and seductive attractiveness, which they liken in one
place to the manna of the desert (Mekh. Vayassa 6) and in another to wine
"which draws after it the heart of man" (Sif. Deut. 317). Although modern
scholars have offered various definitions for aggadah-as "scientific
mythology,"1 "a tale implied or derived from Scripture,"2 or "speculation
with edification in view"3-the aggadah is in fact a widely heterogeneous
body of materials that range from extra-biblical legends and tales about the
rabbis to snippets of popular folklore and fully elaborated homilies.
The question of its genre (for this is what aggadah, with halakhah, pri-
marily represents) can be clarified if one considers aggadah as an extension
of the biblical genre of wisdom literature, a genre that also includes diverse
8 AGGADAH

literary forms such as narrative, poetry, proverbs, and allegory. Like wisdom
literature, aggadah is intended to convey to its audience truths distilled from
human experience in order to guide their better judgment. That such truths
can be presented equally in the form of parables and sermons is irrelevant
to the real point, which is the didactic purpose of the material. "If you wish
to come to know Him who by His word created the world, study aggadah"
(Sif. Deut. 49), the rabbis declared in what is one of the most celebrated of
all their aggadic sayings. This statement underlines the functional character
of the material as well as raising the problematic relationship of aggadah to
rabbinic theology-a question to which we will return shortly.
Although aggadah is to be evaluated mainly in terms of its content and
function, its form cannot be ignored; indeed, the question of form has spe-
cial relevance to the separate issue of aggadah's relationship to theology. As
its name suggests, much aggadah bears the speCial traits of traditional oral
literature. It is thus common for an aggadah-an apothegm as well as a
narrative-to exist in several versions or by-forms that differ significantly
in details but maintain the same general shape. In rabbinic literature, agga-
dah has been preserved both in exegetical contexts, as in midrashim, and
independently, in the form of tales or opinions cited associatively in the
course of a talmudic discussion. In post-rabbinic medieval literature, col-
lections of aggadot were presented as moral treatises or pseudo-historical
accounts. As a result, the same aggadah is frequently found in several texts
and contexts; in general, the material of aggadah is extremely plastic and
easily adaptable, a fact that also makes it difficult to speak of the genesis or
history of any specific aggadah. To be sure, some aggadot can be shown to
be Judaized versions of myths or folk-motifs that must have circulated
throughout the ancient world-for example, the use of the Pandora myth
in Avot de Rabbi Nathan, ch. I-while others originated in response to
"problems" in Scripture, as part of midrashic exegesis. Even in such cases,
however, once an aggadah was created, it could take on an independent
existence and circulate freely, moving from one context to another, often
changing its meaning in the course of its wanderings without substantially
changing its form.
A striking example of such an odyssey is the famous aggadah about how
God, before he gave the Torah to the children of Israel, offered it to the
gentile nations, each of whom declined to accept it. This aggadah, as Joseph
Heinemann has shown in a brilliant analysis of its development, first
appears in the early Palestinian targumim, the Aramaic translations of the
Pentateuch, in which it helped to explain the enigmatic description of God's
revelation in Deut. 33:2. Following this exegetical beginning, this aggadah
AGGADAH 9

served various functions in other contexts: as an apologetic response to the


hostile question why the Torah, if it was indeed the word of God, was pos-
sessed only by the Jews, as well as a polemical proof of the unworthiness
of the gentile nations (Mekh. Ba1:lodesh 5); as a rationalization for God's
justice in punishing Israel for disobeying his law (Ex. R. 27:9), and as the
basis for Israel's complaint to God that he has treated her unworthily (Lam.
R. 3: 1). In each of these cases, the meaning of the aggadah is a direct func-
tion of its context. Viewed in isolation, the aggadah, strictly speaking, has
no meaning of its own. On the other hand, a change in context can also
lead to the misinterpretation of aggadah. The famous legend that God
uprooted the mountain of Sinai and threatened to drop it upon the children
of Israel if they did not agree to accept the Torah originated in Palestine as
a playful interpretation of the phrase in Ex. 19: 17 "And they took their
places at the foot of the mountain." When this midrash reached Babylonia,
however, the sages there understood it literally and objected on halakhic
grounds that a contract like the Sinaitic covenant made under conditions of
force could not be legally valid, and thus the Israelites could not be held
punishable if they violated its conditions (BT Shabo 88a).
The case of this aggadah suggests the troubled reaction aggadah, espe-
cially midrash aggadah, has historically aroused. Although midrash and
aggadah have always been considered part of sacred tradition, as part of the
oral Law, in historical fact the two have been the neglected stepchildren of
rabbinic literature, ignored and disparaged in favor of the more serious and
practical rigors of the halakhah and the Talmud. Testimony to criticism
midrash aggadah received for its excessive playfulness is preserved in mid-
rashic literature itself. On the verse "And the frog (hag.efardea, singular)
came up and covered the land of Egypt" (Ex. 8:2), Rabbi Akiva proposed
an almost Kafkaesque interpretation: "There was only one frog, and it cov-
ered the whole land of Egypt." To which Rabbi Eleazar ben Azariah
responded: "Akiva! What business have you with aggadah! Cut out such
talk-and go back to the topics of plagues and pollutions of tents!" (Ex. R.
10:4). Rabbi Eleazar's own interpretation-that first a single frog came
alone and then it called all its fellow frogs to follow-is not much more
probable. But his attitude to Akiva's offering is echoed somewhat more
clearly in the tenth-century saying attributed to Sherirah Gaon, "The deri-
vations from verses of Scripture which are called midrash and aggadah are
merely conjectures" (Sefer ha-Eshkol, ed. A. Auerbach, 1868, pt. II, 47). In
the twelfth century, Maimonides described two kinds of readers aggadah
had found: those who piously accepted its every interpretation as the literal
meaning of Scripture, and those who dismissed all of it as ridiculous if not
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