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In the Shadow of Death
In the Shadow of Death
A Life of Archibald Campbell Tait,
Archbishop of Canterbury
John Witheridge
Hardback ISBN: 9780227177433
Paperback ISBN: 9780227177440
PDF ISBN: 9780227907405
ePub ISBN: 9780227907412
John Witheridge
C
James Clarke & Co
James Clarke & Co
P.O. Box 60
Cambridge
CB1 2NT
United Kingdom
www.jamesclarke.co
[email protected]
Illustrations viii
Family Trees ix
Acknowledgments xi
Preface xiii
1. Scottish Inheritance 1
2. A Balliol Man 17
3. Discreet and Learned Minister 30
4. Dr Arnold’s Successor 46
5. In Death’s Dark Vale 63
6. The Greatest Diocese of the World 75
7. New Disputes and New Fears 90
8. Primate of All England 108
9. Wrangles and Judgments 132
10. The Shadows Lengthen 148
Source Notes 169
Select Bibliography 183
Index 187
Illustrations
There are many people who deserve thanks for their help with this book.
First, the archivists and librarians at Lambeth Palace Library; Balliol
College’s Historical Collections Centre, the Bodleian, the Oxfordshire
History Centre, and Pusey House in Oxford; The Edinburgh Academy;
Rugby School; Carlisle Cathedral and the Cumbria Archive Centre; and
Gladstone’s Library in Hawarden. Kind friends have read chapters and
offered invaluable advice: John Jones of Balliol, to whom I am especially
grateful, and also Allan Chapman, Patrick Derham, James Kazi, James
Newcome and Stephen Shuttleworth. Annamaria, my daughter-in-law, lent
her enviable technical skills, and Paddy Gallagher expertly photographed
the illustrations. Robin Darwall-Smith readily gave permission to quote
from his family papers, and Alison and Patrick Derham generously allowed
me to live in comfort while researching at Lambeth. I am very grateful too
to Adrian Brink, Managing Director of James Clarke & Co., for agreeing
to publish, and for the help and guidance received from the editorial team
there. I remain indebted to the late Professor Hamish Swanston, who fifty
years ago inspired a lifetime’s fascination with the Victorian Church and
its extraordinary dramatis personae. Most importantly, as always, I am
thankful to Sarah for her unwavering patience and encouragement.
I have dedicated the book to my grandchildren. Whether or not the
history of the nineteenth-century Church of England will be of interest to
any of them remains to be seen, but what is certain is that, for both good
and ill, they will find it a very different Church from the one to which I
hope they will belong.
Preface
loss of his daughters at Carlisle left permanent and painful scars, and his
last years as archbishop were marred by the death of his only son. His wife
never recovered from this sadness, and she died six months later. Despite all
this, Tait drove himself hard to fulfil his duties, and his faith and courage
endured, though his private journals are haunted by anxiety about illness
and a brooding expectation of death.
Tait was always an outsider but used this to advantage. He was the
first Scottish Archbishop of Canterbury, and had been brought up as a
Presbyterian. At Oxford he was confirmed and ordained as a member of the
Church of England, but he never strayed far from his stricter Protestant roots.
His Rugby pupils introduced him to the liberal ideas of Thomas Arnold,
especially his critical historical approach to the Bible and his enthusiasm for a
national Church. Tait combined these with his Presbyterianism in an unusual
and sometimes conflicted blend. Tait was an unconventional clergyman, as
much, if not more, at home in the secular world as in the Church. He
preferred Parliament to Convocation, and often felt more sympathy for
the views of laymen than those of the clergy. He found ecclesiasticism and
what Arnold called ‘priestcraft’ abhorrent. His mind owed more to his legal
ancestry (both his grandfathers had been distinguished Edinburgh lawyers)
than to the often idealistic and dogmatic thinking of the clergy. Tait was able
to stand back from Church controversies, and approach them in a way that
was incisive, independent and judicious.
Essential sources for a Life of Tait are both limited and extensive. He was
a prolific official letter writer, and the Tait Papers in the library at Lambeth
Palace include 55 hefty volumes of letters sent and received while Bishop of
London, and 135 while Archbishop of Canterbury. There are, however, only
28 volumes of personal correspondence. Such letters may have been destroyed,
but this seems unlikely, especially as so much material is preserved, including
75 private journals. As for previous biographies, there is, very surprisingly, only
one: the two volume Life of Tait by Randall Davidson and William Benham,
published in 1891, just nine years after Tait’s death. It was written in the
Victorian Life and Letters genre, pioneered nearly fifty years before by Arthur
Stanley’s biography of his headmaster and idol, Thomas Arnold. The Life of Tait
shares with the Life of Arnold the same advantages and disadvantages, being an
invaluable source of information but also something of a panegyric. Benham,
who assisted Davidson, knew and admired Tait, and had already edited his
memoir of his wife and son. Davidson himself had been Tait’s chaplain and
a substitute son, and was married to his daughter. When the biography was
published, the ambitious Davidson had been appointed Dean of Windsor by
Queen Victoria, having impressed her with his description of the death of Tait.
There is no doubt that he wished to do the same with his account of Tait’s life.
Chapter One
Scottish Inheritance
Dean Stanley of Westminster spent many an hour in the damp vaults of the
Abbey, searching by candlelight for royal remains. He acquired a macabre
reputation as a tomb raider; Queen Victoria called him a body snatcher.
He found the bones of Charles II, William III and Queen Anne in a row
under Henry VII’s Chapel. In February 1869, after a long and careful
investigation, he discovered beneath the same chapel the coffin of James I.
Archbishop Tait happened to be in the Jerusalem Chamber in the
deanery, chairing a meeting of a royal commission on ritual. In his
excitement, the dean sent a messenger to summon the archbishop. As soon
as Tait arrived, Stanley asked for space to be cleared. ‘Stand back! Stand
back!’, he commanded, ‘and let the first Scottish archbishop look upon the
first Scottish king of England.’1
***
been widowed thirteen years before and now spent most of his time at his
Harviestoun estate near Dollar in Clackmannanshire, which he had bought
in 1780. When he died in 1800 he left the estate to Crauford, as well as a
house on the shores of Loch Fyne.
Crauford had inherited his mother’s romantic imagination but not his
father’s prudence and good sense. As laird, he devoted his time, legacy,
and eccentricity to making extravagant improvements at Harviestoun. The
house was expanded and transformed into a small castle, and in addition, he
bought from the Duke of Argyll the adjacent estate of Castle Campbell. He
had the village and highroad removed and rebuilt half a mile away. A walled
garden was created on the site of the village and carefully laid out with
Milton’s description of the Garden of Eden as his guide.* He introduced
all sorts of inventions of his own, including machinery for chopping cattle
fodder, and a spit in the kitchen turned by water pressure from a mountain
stream. Charlotte remembered the poultry-houses as ‘the marvel of the
whole countryside: storey upon storey of most comfortable chambers rose
one above the other, reached by a flight of little stairs made of bars, up
which the various inhabitants ascended with the utmost decorum.’3
Crauford was a warm-hearted father and Susan a gentle and patient
mother. ‘It was a part of my father’s creed that family affection was in itself
a religion,’ wrote Charlotte, ‘and, as such, would accompany each child as
it grew up, a constant protection from evil; and there is no doubt that he
acted upon that principle, for there could not be a happier home than ours.
Our schoolroom troubles vanished in the influence of his bright genial
temperament, and the over-strict observances of the Scottish Sabbaths were
tempered into happy Sundays when he was at home.’4 Spring, summer and
autumn were spent at Harviestoun, and the older children remembered
carefree days spent outdoors, pony-trekking, rambling, and trout-fishing
in ‘the clear winding Devon’.5
In 1810, the year before Archibald was born, there was an extravagant
military spectacle at the estate to celebrate the fiftieth anniversary of King
George III’s accession. A massive G.R. was suspended from the turrets
above the front door of the house. Crauford was commander of the
Clackmannanshire Yeomanry, who ‘wheeled and curveted round the house,
fighting sham battles and performing the most warlike feasts’.6 Fears of a
French invasion encouraged Crauford to construct a massive horse-drawn
caravan to carry the family away to the other side of the hills the moment
the French fleet appeared in the Firth of Forth. Instead, it was used to take
them to church on rainy Sundays.
bust of Archbishop Tait by Mario Raggi, unveiled in 1885, marks his birthplace.
*. Paradise Lost, iv, 132-65.
4 In the Shadow of Death
***
The future archbishop was baptised on 10 February 1812, and named after
his maternal uncle, Archibald Campbell. All his brothers and sisters were
present except John, the eldest, who was away at school at Harrow. Susan
was fifteen, James fourteen, Charlotte eleven, Marion eight, Thomas six,
Crauford four, and Ilay two. The service was held in their house in Park
Place and taken by the minister of the high kirk of St Giles. ‘The newly
named Archibald Campbell was a lovely baby’, wrote Charlotte. ‘His long
robes hid the poor little feet, and if there was any difference in the welcome
given to him from that which greeted those who had come before him,
it was only that it was even more tender and loving, and, as our mother
passed her treasure from friend to friend, admiring smiles saluted him and
soothed the distress she had hid away in her heart.’7
Two years later, the family was together again in Edinburgh to celebrate
the new year and Scotland’s Hansel Monday.* Early in the morning, the
excited children crowded round their mother’s bed to receive their gifts.
An hour later she suffered a sudden, unexpected heart attack and died. She
was thirty-six.
Crauford now had the daunting task of caring for nine children
alone. Furthermore, Susan’s optimistic nature had helped blind him to
the inevitable consequences of his extravagance. The shock of her death
shattered Crauford’s enchanted world and he had to face considerable
debts, which increased with the end of the war with France and the sharp
fall in the value of land. This is not to say that the family was destitute; they
still maintained two nurses, a manservant, a housemaid and a cook. But life
was not as it had been, and its carefree happiness would never return.
Their nurse, Betty Morton, took charge of the youngest children, Archie,
now aged two, and Ilay (‘Camie’), four. Their disabilities required constant
attention and the two boys became inseparable. Prevented as they were from
normal boyish pursuits, they spent their time together, reading and looking
at pictures, drawing and painting, or playing games. Archie was gentle and
considerate like his mother and, presciently, his father nicknamed him ‘the
little bishop’. Betty became a mother to the boys and her influence on Archie
was considerable. She was a devout Presbyterian and she taught them her
own stern and earnest religion. She made sure that every day in the nursery
began and ended with prayer, with Sundays set aside for Bible study. Betty’s
plain and practical Protestant faith became deeply rooted in Archie, and
though in his teens he abandoned her strict Calvinism, her straightforward
Bible-based gospel would always remain at the heart of his beliefs.
*. The first Monday in January, when ‘hansels’ (presents) were given.
1. Scottish Inheritance 5
Archie’s eldest sister, Susan, was sixteen when their mother died, and she
too did her best to take her place. But four years later, in 1818, she married
a distant English relative, Sir George Sitwell, Bt, and moved south to the
stately Renishaw Hall in Derbyshire. They were both twenty-one. ‘It must,
indeed,’ wrote their daughter, ‘have been hard to find a prettier bride than
my mother when she first arrived at Renishaw, with her shower of golden,
or light auburn, curls, and her peculiarly slight and graceful figure. . . . Her
boy husband was just six foot high, and was also very fair in complexion,
with remarkably dark-blue, kindly eyes.’8
Sitwell shared his wife’s devotion to her brothers and sisters who spent
the first of many summers at Renishaw. This was the prosperous world of
the English squirearchy, and very different from the family’s life at home.
Charlotte described the rector of the parish and his wife as guests at dinner,
both of whom, she says, were fashionably dressed and with impeccable
manners. ‘A more complete contrast to the minister and his wife so well-
known at the time throughout Scotland could not well be imagined.’9
The rector was a nephew of the Prime Minister, Lord Liverpool, and his
wife a niece of the Earl of Shaftesbury. Furthermore, sabbatarian scruples
were set aside for horse-racing, allowing the Sitwells and the older Taits
to arrive in Doncaster on Sunday in good time for the St Leger Stakes.
‘So after morning church and luncheon the Renishaw party set off; a very
magnificent turn-out it was, – a beautiful barouche with four handsome
bay horses, and two more exactly to match with outriders. . . . What may
have been the private thoughts of two sisters carefully educated in the
Presbyterian Church, which in those days scarcely sanctioned a summer’s
evening walk on the Sabbath, may easily be conjectured.’10
When the Taits returned to Scotland, Camie, eight, and Archie,
six, remained at Renishaw, but not for long. The Sitwells had heard
of a family in Lancashire who were said to perform wonders in cases
of lameness. These were the so-called ‘Whitworth Doctors’. A century
before, John Taylor, an itinerant farrier, had settled in Whitworth and
gained a reputation for mending the damaged limbs of animals. As his
fame spread, he and his brothers started to treat humans, and in time the
business passed to his son and nephews. The medical profession regarded
them all as quacks but their successes were indisputable. Susan wrote
to her father recommending these ‘doctors’, and reminding him that
nothing so far had cured or even eased the boys’ lameness. If he would
give permission, Sir George would take them to Whitworth and, at his
own expense, settle them there under the care of their nurse, and entrust
their treatment to the Taylors. Crauford agreed, and the party travelled
the sixty miles by carriage to Whitworth.
6 In the Shadow of Death
Camie and myself, with dear old Betty, lived in the ‘Red Lion’, a
common public-house, but the best in the place. Our sitting-room
was the back parlour of the house, with a sanded floor, adjoining
the bar; our bedroom a garret upstairs. In one large bed I slept
with Betty, Camie in a smaller one close to it. We went to the
doctor’s every day early (for the very good reason that after nine
every morning he began to get drunk) to have the tin boots in
which he kept our legs encased properly arranged, and the progress
of the cure attended to. These tin boots hurt us very much, and I
have often marvelled how we were able to hobble about in them, as
we did all day long, except the short time Camie had lessons from
the village schoolmaster and read Latin with the clergyman of the
parish, Mr Porter. I cannot recollect ever doing anything in the way
of lessons during the nine months I was there. I do not remember
even reading story-books, but I used to wander about with all sorts
of mysterious thoughts, making plays to myself out of them, and
fighting all sorts of imaginary enemies with my stick or whatever
I could lay my hands upon. Camie and I amused ourselves very
well, and dear old Betty was very kind to us, helping us in every
way she could think of. During the nights we were distressed by the
tin boots, in which we were obliged to sleep, but by degrees we got
accustomed to them. . . . To these men, under Providence, we owed
our restoration to the perfect use of our limbs.11
to wreak havoc in Tait’s life. It was a serious attack and meant isolation
and missing Camie’s farewell party at Park Place. As soon as the party was
over, and Camie was going to bed, he too noticed that his throat was sore.
During the night the fever worsened and he became delirious. He died
three days later on 28 February, aged eleven.
The effect on nine-year-old Archie was severe. He had lost a brother
who had always been his dearest friend. He also felt personally responsible
for Camie’s death, since he must have been the cause of his infection.
Furthermore, this death, after his mother’s, started a lifetime’s concern
about his health and his sense of the fragility of life. ‘Paler than ever,’ wrote
Charlotte, ‘Archie returned to his books, a sad and solitary child. As the
months went on he gained but little strength, and those around him were
pained to see him always, always reading. “Put away your book, dear, and
go and play,” was often said; but the reply was ever a sad shake of the head,
with “I have no one to play with now.”’12
***
The Academy was the initiative of two former High School pupils,
Henry Cockburn and Leonard Horner.* Neither had enjoyed their
schooldays and they were aware of the High School’s shortcomings. Their
vision was clear and they pursued it in the face of opposition from the
city fathers. The Academy was to be built in the New Town, the gracious
Georgian development to the north of Princes Street, to which the more
prosperous Edinburgh residents had migrated.† There were still to be five
classes, as at the High School, but their sizes were to be contained by
restricting the school roll to a maximum of 600. Latin was to remain
at the heart of the curriculum, time spent on Greek was to increase,
geography was to be added, and masters to teach English, mathematics
and writing were to be appointed. The religious ethos was to be broadly
Presbyterian.
In just two years, £9,000 was raised, a three-acre plot purchased on
Henderson Row near Dundas Street, and the architect, William Burn,
engaged to design an imposing building in Palladian style. The foundation
stone was laid on 30 June 1823. Sir Walter Scott was one of the first
directors (governors), and the driving force behind the appointment of the
first rector, John Williams, whom he regarded as ‘the best Schoolmaster
in Europe’13. Williams had been at Balliol with Scott’s son-in-law and
biographer, John Gibson Lockhart, and had successfully tutored Scott’s
younger son for entrance to Oxford.
Tait was one of the 372 pupils who attended the opening ceremony on
1 October 1824.‡ He sat with the rector’s class in the new hall with its tiers
of hard wooden benches. His success in the entrance tests had placed him
with boys who were mostly two years older. Seventy years later, the rector
at the time commemorated the occasion in doggerel:
*. Later Lord Cockburn, an Edinburgh advocate who rose to be a judge of the Court
of Session. Horner was a geologist and friend of Charles Darwin.
†. To meet the threat posed by the Academy, the High School was rebuilt on Calton
Hill and opened in 1829.
‡. Among these pupils was Henry Davidson, who was to become the father of Randall
Davidson, Tait’s chaplain, son-in-law and biographer, and a successor as Archbishop
of Canterbury.
1. Scottish Inheritance 9
In vain you would look there for the green ‘Playing-fields’ of Eton
by the shining Thames, or even for the green Close of Rugby with
its venerable elm-trees, and all the pleasant associations that gather
round these. These things the Academy did not affect. But it aimed at
and affected careful grounding, sound learning, and a most laborious
work. And the result has been that no Academy boy ever learned any
part of scholarship there which he had afterwards to unlearn, go where
he might. Ten continuous months of as faithful teaching and as hard
a grind as any school in Britain ever knew, – this is my impression in
looking back to four years spent within the Academy walls.16
It was a brilliant scene in the splendid Hall. . . with tier upon tier of
boys scrubbed and shining, their linen collars sparkling white over
Eton jackets of blue broad-cloth, white trousers of spotless ‘Russia
duck’ gleaming like satin, many of them wearing white gloves. The
Directors were ranged in their Box with the piles of prize books
and medals in front of them, the masters and Rector resplendent in
ceremonial academic robes, the gallery packed with proud parents,
guardians, shareholders and distinguished guests, including the
Rector and masters of the High School.19
Again Tait excelled, winning the gold medal for dux for the second time,
as well as prizes for Latin, Greek, English and French. These were presented
on Exhibition Day by co-founder Henry Cockburn. Tait was singled out as
embodying the success of the new school and demonstrating the high level
of scholarship it could achieve. Cockburn concluded his speech with praise
for the dux, and a daunting charge: ‘Go forth, young man, and remember
that wherever you go, the eyes of your country are upon you.’22
*. Latin for leader, chief, guide, etc.
†. ‘At the opening of the book’, i.e. unprepared.
12 In the Shadow of Death
***
Tait went next to the University of Glasgow. He was considered too young
for Oxford or Cambridge; besides, his father could not have afforded
the fees. Glasgow was chosen rather than Edinburgh because it meant
gaining independence by living away from home, though Tait’s uncle,
Sir Archibald Campbell, lived nearby.* Founded in 1451, Glasgow was
Scotland’s second university.† It began as a college housed in and around
the cathedral precincts until a building on the High Street became
available. This was rebuilt on a grander scale in the mid-seventeenth
century, and these were the buildings Tait would have known.‡ They
resembled an Oxbridge college, with large wooden doors in the centre
of a decorated gateway, leading past the porter’s lodge to two cloistered
quadrangles and a clock tower.
Scottish universities at the time were a combination of school and
college. Boys matriculated at fifteen or sixteen, and while some lived at
home, most lived independently in university rooms or lodgings. Tait
lodged on the High Street, immediately opposite the college gate. His
nurse, Betty Morton, lived with him as housekeeper, insisting that he
worked extraordinarily hard, starting as early as four in the morning and
studying ten hours a day.
Philosophy dominated the curriculum and Tait’s main subjects were
much the same as when the university was founded: logic, ethics, Latin,
Greek, and mathematics. Teaching was delivered by the professors, some of
whom were notable scholars. However, lecture rooms were crowded with
hundreds of students, necessitating considerable skill on the part of the
lecturer. Tait said later that he owed most at Glasgow to the Professor of
Greek, Daniel Sandford,§ who was only twenty-nine when Tait arrived:
*. He had followed his father as a judge and as resident of the family’s 1,000-acre
estate at Garscube, 5 miles from Glasgow.
†. St Andrews was founded in 1413. Glasgow was followed by Aberdeen in 1495 and
Edinburgh in 1583.
‡. In 1870 the university moved to its present site on Gilmorehill. The ‘Old College’
was converted into a railway station and later demolished.
§. Knighted in 1830, the year Tait graduated, and elected MP for Paisley in 1834.
1. Scottish Inheritance 13
the mode you have conducted yourself since I took you to Glasgow
in October must be a source of pleasing reflection to yourself in
life, and in nothing more than the great happiness which your
excellent conduct has bestowed on me. The idea of your keeping
so particular a journal was a lucky thought of mine, and I should
advise you to continue to keep a similar one through life. . . .
Have you read Pope’s Rape of the Lock, or Milton’s L’Allegro
or his Comus? You have them with you. . . . By the by, in little
excursions which you happen to make, as well as longer journeys,
always take with you some well-written, agreeable author, that
you may fill up pleasantly the broken hours which occur on such
occasions. It might be a good idea for you and me to make out a
list with that view. . . .
You know that I some time ago secured for you during the
summer an hour from Marriott for Greek, and one for French from
Buquet.* I have now also secured an hour three times a week for
Elocution. The only others I wish for you are one three times a
week for Mathematics, and one also three times a week for dancing.
I enclose a letter to Mr. Sandford, which you will immediately
deliver. It is asking him what Greek authors, or parts of Greek
authors, you should read during the vacation.
God for ever bless you, my dearest Archie, and I sincerely pray
that He may enable you to proceed as you have been going on,
and that you may continue to be the happiness, the pride, and the
honour of your affectionate father, CRAUFORD TAIT.26
Tait certainly took his father’s advice about continuing to keep a journal
and he always did. Its earliest entries at Glasgow are a conscientious record
of a laborious and exhausting schedule:
1829, 15th Decr. Tuesday. – Rose about 4. From, I think, 4.30 till
9, Thucydides. Dressed. Breakfast. Filled up notes. 11 to 12, Logic
Class. Returned home. Studied till dinner. Studied during evening.
Lay down on my bed about 10. Rose again at 12. To 5.30 read
Thucydides. Went to bed. Rose at 8.30. Dressed, breakfasted.
Wednesday, 16th. – At 10.15 returned to Thucydides. Continued
till 10 to 4. Swinton sat a few minutes with me. Dined. At 20 to
5 returned to Thucydides. With 20 minutes’ interruption for tea,
and about 20 again in the evening for two visitors, worked till 5.30
in the morning. Went to bed. 27
*. Schoolmasters at the Edinburgh Academy.
1. Scottish Inheritance 15
Tait’s course at Glasgow lasted three years, but like most students, he
did not take a degree.* If evidence of attainment was required, ‘class tickets’
signed by professors, or better still a university prize, would suffice. It was
a characteristic of Scottish universities that these prestigious prizes were
awarded, not by the professors, but by the votes of other students. Tait’s
father wrote at the end of his first year: ‘I trust your fellow students will
allot many prizes to you; but at any rate I am sure you deserve them. I
agree with you that the boys are not always strictly impartial.’28 Tait
did win prizes for mathematics, the best original Latin verses, the best
metrical translation of Horace, excelling in weekly exercises, excelling at
the Blackstone examination,† and exemplary general eminence throughout
the session. He kept up this extraordinary performance in 1829, when his
prizes included the Lord Rector’s silver medal for the best Latin poem;
and in 1830, when Tait was first in both the senior Greek class and for
translation from Thucydides.
However, Tait’s most valuable prize by far was a coveted Snell exhibition
to Balliol College, Oxford, which he was awarded in November 1829.‡
John Snell of Ayrshire had been an undergraduate at Glasgow and became
a wealthy court official. In 1677 he left the residue of his estate to support
as many as twelve scholars at Oxford, ‘born and educated in Scotland, who
shall each of them have spent three years in the College of Glasgow in that
Kingdom, or one year there, and two at the least in some other college in
that Kingdom.’29 Balliol was chosen because it was believed to be a Scottish
foundation,§ and already had exhibitions for Scots intending ordination.
Winning a Snell exhibition at that time was in truth more a matter of
nepotism than merit, and this was undoubtedly the case with Tait, however
deserving he might have been. He had studied extraordinarily hard, but
according to his sister:
settling the question. Sir Archibald invited all who had a voice in
the matter to dine with him on a certain important day, and gave
them a first-rate dinner. Archie was of the party. His youth entitled
him to withdraw shortly after the ladies, leaving ‘the grave and
reverend seniors to consult together over the unrivalled old port’;
and probably before the party broke up all was settled, for in due
time, that is to say immediately after, he was declared to have won
the Balliol exhibition.30
Chapter Two
A Balliol Man
Tait visited Oxford for the first time in January 1830 when he went to
Balliol to matriculate. His description of his interview with the master,
Richard Jenkyns, shows again that he was as fortunate as he was deserving.
He was handed a copy of Lucan’s Bellum Civile and told to construe a
passage. Tait knew nothing of this book, and though the passage looked a
mass of difficulties, he managed to translate it correctly. The master then
asked why he wanted to come to Balliol.
This was rather a poser; I knew nothing of the man who spoke or
of his peculiarities, but by a happy inspiration made reply, ‘First,
in order to study and also I hope, to benefit by the society of the
College.’ I had hit upon the very answer to please him, for he
thought nothing of a mere bookworm. . . . ‘Really, Mr. Tait,’ he
said, with an approving smile, ‘your answer is that of a very sensible
young man, and I am happy to welcome you to Balliol.’1
over the world. He spent the days sightseeing, and dined in the evenings
with Horner and his guests, who included Herman Merivale, a fellow of
Balliol who became a friend.*
On arrival at the college, Tait was shown to cramped attic rooms and
introduced to George Moberly, the youngest tutor and reputed to be a
brilliant teacher. He invited Tait to breakfast the following morning, along
with Merivale and Henry Manning, then in his last term at Balliol, and later
Cardinal-Archbishop of Westminster. The master sent for Tait, and having
already recognised his abilities, advised him to sit for a scholarship. This
he did successfully in November, which both improved his finances† and
gave him standing in the college, with a scholar’s gown and a place at the
scholars’ table in hall. Indeed, a Balliol scholarship was a great distinction in
the university, and attracted large numbers of strong candidates. Since 1827
the scholarships had been open to ‘a general competition of Candidates,
whether members of the College or not’;2 previously they had been in the
personal gift of the fellows. Candidates now had to sit a week of rigorous
examinations, similar to those for fellowships, involving compositions and
translations in Greek, Latin and English, as well as papers in mathematics
and divinity. Tait was well-prepared, and admitted in a letter to his former
colleague, Archibald Swinton: ‘I only worked what we should have called
hard at Glasgow for five or six days before the examination.’3
This scholarship reform was the making of Victorian Balliol,‡ and
Jenkyns deserves the credit.4 He had always resented the restrictions of closed
awards, and early in his time as master he rejected a bequest to establish
two exhibitions for the sons of west-country clergymen. Designated awards
like these were the norm in other colleges, and Balliol had them too in its
scholarships for boys from Blundell’s School, and the Snell and Warner
exhibitions to support Scots at Balliol.§ ‘They must in justice have their
pound of flesh – but not an ounce more’,5 was Jenkyns’s attitude to those on
the Blundell’s foundation. Tait records that while Jenkyns looked on him
benignly, it was ‘notwithstanding that this young man had been led to his
beloved Balliol by the helping hand of John Snell, to whom he bore no
goodwill, looking upon his creation of the Glasgow scholarships more as
an impertinence than as a good deed’.6
*. Later Professor of Political Philosophy at Oxford and Under-Secretary of State for
India.
†. The scholarship was worth c. £100. Added to his Snell exhibition (£133), Tait
received a comfortable c. £26,000 p.a. in today’s money.
‡. Not only did it raise the standard of scholars, it also raised that of commoners and
fellows. This is because scholars had priority for fellowships, and commoner places
were now filled with competent runners-up in the scholarship examination.
§. Tait was also awarded a Warner Exhibition (£20 p.a.) in 1832.
2. A Balliol Man 19
Jenkyns had been a scholar and fellow at Balliol, and master since 1819.
He was an eccentric, pompous, often ridiculous figure, and the butt of
many a comic anecdote. Tait’s first impression was of ‘a little man, faultless
in his academical dress, with a manner that might be called finikin, and
speech to match, his words seeming to be clipped as they left his lips’.7
Benjamin Jowett* remembered that he was very different from the fellows,
who held him in awe:
and were often non-resident. The most senior tutor was Charles Ogilvie,
an energetic and outspoken man who had played an important part in
Jenkyns’s reforms and was tipped as a future master. He stopped teaching
just as Tait arrived but was influential nonetheless, and impressed on him the
value of the Balliol system. Tait was taught by his tutor, Frederick Oakeley,
and by George Moberly. Moberly (whom Tait was to succeed) had been a
fellow since 1826 and was the logic and rhetoric lecturer. His teaching was
outstanding, whereas Oakeley’s was dull. However, Oakeley showed great
kindness to Tait, and despite his academic limitations, they became friends,
spending summer vacations together in Scotland and Europe.
Oakeley was unusual in taking a personal interest in his pupils. College
tutors were not expected to do much more than teach, and the teaching itself
was more akin to a sixth form lesson than a modern tutorial. What were
called ‘catechetical lectures’ were attended by as many as twenty students
who were studying a particular classical text. This was read and translated
in class with the lecturer asking and answering questions, and perhaps
adding comments on the language and substance of the work. It was a less
than satisfactory method and already the subject of criticism. In the first
of five articles published in the Edinburgh Review at the end of Tait’s first
year, the distinguished Scottish philosopher Sir William Hamilton argued
that university education ought to be conducted by professors who taught
only one subject that they knew well, rather than by college tutors who
had to teach all subjects, though often not qualified to teach any particular
one in depth.11 Hamilton had also been a Snell exhibitioner, twenty years
before, and he much preferred the teaching he had received at Glasgow to
that at Balliol, which he deplored. Tait shared Hamilton’s admiration of the
Scottish professorial system but he also appreciated the smaller classes in
Oxford. He admired Moberly’s lectures, though the learning he had already
acquired in Edinburgh and Glasgow was so extensive, and his habits of
work so disciplined, that to him the lectures were unimportant, and he was
able to study independently.
Tait’s course of study was literae humaniores, the general arts degree for
all undergraduates. The syllabus was broad and demanding, consisting of
a detailed study of eight Greek and Latin texts, as well as ancient history,
moral and political philosophy, rhetoric and logic. Elements of mathematics
and mechanics had also to be studied, as well as divinity (the gospels in
Greek, Biblical history, the Church of England’s Thirty-Nine Articles, and
Bishop Butler’s Analogy of Religion). A new examination statute in 1800 had
introduced a competitive honours degree to encourage ambitious reading
men. In the year Tait matriculated, five days of written papers for honours
candidates replaced the time-honoured oral examination, though a day’s
2. A Balliol Man 21
vivas remained. Tait sat these final examinations in November 1833, a year
earlier than usual, and was awarded first-class honours. Looking back, Tait
wondered how much his success had been due to his viva on Aristotle,
conducted by William Sewell, the renowned tutor at Exeter College.* ‘I
know that Sewell, in consequence of the examination, recommended me
to several pupils, and always had a friendly feeling towards me through his
long, chequered, and sadly overclouded life.’12
***
*. Sewell became Whyte’s Professor of Moral Philosophy and the founder and first Warden
of St Peter’s College, Radley; responsibilities that broke his health and finances.
†. When he was staying in London, for instance, he returned to Horner’s house and
was asked where he had been. ‘Walking through Lambeth’, he replied. ‘I wanted to
see how I shall like the place when I get there.’
‡. Schism in the Church of Scotland over the right of the State to appoint ministers.
22 In the Shadow of Death
Fifty years later, Tait spoke of the help he had received from Welsh’s
earnest, Bible-based preaching.13 Second, the Anglican element in
Tait’s religion had roots in his friendship with his older cousin, Ramsay
Campbell, the son of Sir Archibald, who lived next door in Edinburgh.
The Campbells were members of the Episcopal Church, known then in
Scotland as ‘the English Church’, and with Tait’s father’s approval, he
sometimes accompanied Ramsay at services at St John the Evangelist.
This impressive church at the west end of Princes Street had been designed
by William Burn (later the architect of the Edinburgh Academy) and its
size and grandeur, with fan vaulting modelled on Henry VII’s chapel
in Westminster Abbey, were a striking contrast to the Old Greyfriars
kirk, which Tait attended with his family. The incumbent at St John’s
(who was also the Bishop of Edinburgh) was another Daniel Sandford
and the father of Tait’s professor at Glasgow. Thirty years before, he had
accepted an invitation from English Anglicans in Edinburgh to open
an Episcopal chapel, and to minister on Church of England lines. And
the third component in Tait’s religion was the lasting effect of a strong
spiritual experience that had happened to him at about the time he
started to attend St John’s:
***
Tait’s first two years at Balliol coincided with political turmoil in England.
King George IV had died in June 1830 and was succeeded by his younger
brother, William IV. The death of the monarch required a general election,
and the Whigs under Earl Grey defeated the Duke of Wellington’s Tories,
forming a government in November 1830. It was determined to satisfy a
growing demand for parliamentary reform and introduced the first Reform
Bill in March 1831, at the end of Tait’s second term. From then until June
1832, when the third Bill was passed, Parliament was bitterly divided, and
the country even close to revolution.
2. A Balliol Man 23
Oxford feared that reform would not be confined to the electoral system
but would extend to the nation’s institutions. By the summer of 1831, most
fellows and undergraduates were hostile to the Bill, and steps were taken
to prevent students from rioting. William Gladstone, then in his final year
at Christ Church, drafted an undergraduate petition against the Bill that
was massively supported, reproduced in The Times, and presented in the
Commons on 1 July.15
Gladstone was president of the new Oxford Union Society when Tait
joined a month after he arrived in Oxford, and at an exciting time for
political debate. It is clear from Tait’s speeches that his political opinions
were now consistently Whiggish, setting him apart from the majority
of his peers, and showing the same independence that had marked his
contributions to the debating society at Glasgow. In the Lent Term 1831 he
spoke in defence of the spirit of democracy and of Catholic emancipation,
and in the debates which that preceded and followed the passing of the
Reform Bill, he consistently supported the government’s side.16 Twice in
1832 he urged ‘that no ministry can hope to carry on the government
of this country which is not framed as well upon a principle of extensive
practical Reform as of preserving the established rights of property’.17 The
following year Tait was elected president. The last debate in which he
took part was in March 1835 when he spoke against the introduction of a
legislative provision for the Roman Catholic priesthood in Ireland.
***
After a long and debilitating illness, Tait’s father died in May 1832. Thirty-
six years later, Tait wrote to his own beloved son, named Crauford after his
grandfather, and then an undergraduate at Christ Church.
Tait’s father had continued to send the same fastidious letters to Balliol,
advising his son when travelling on the coach to ‘wrap up well’, ‘to sit with his
back to the horses’, and to read some entertaining book, ‘perhaps the two last
volumes of Chesterfield’s Letters, or Hume’s Essays, or Addison’s papers in the
Spectator’. He was to go to bed early and work hard at his Greek, ‘for ancient
Greek is not unlikely to become the living language of modern Greece’.19
24 In the Shadow of Death
Such advice had been important to Tait, and though his character was
very different from his father’s, he was his favourite son, and they had
always valued each other’s company. Tait’s sister Charlotte wrote to comfort
him, but also to lay a burden of responsibility:
We have all a sad loss, but to you, my dearest Archie, I feel it is the
greatest, for he was to you both a motive for exertion and a reward
to success, for what could be so stimulating as his anxious interest,
and what so delightful as the gratified happiness with which each
new successful effort filled his heart? But even now, though he is
no longer here, his memory remains as a more sacred influence. In
speaking of him now, many will recur to his loss of fortune, and
the imprudences which perhaps caused it. But it is in your power,
my Archie, to cause that in future he will only be spoken of as the
father who formed a great and good man, useful to his country in
that manner in which the benefits bestowed survive time, to be
acknowledged in eternity.20
At this hour, twelve years ago, I sat by the bedside of almost my oldest
and dearest friend. Grant that no length of years may make me forget
what I owe to Thee for having given me in infancy and childhood,
when motherless and helpless, so kind and good a friend.22
***
his scholarship continued until 1835, and with it, rooms in college and
the same stipend. Tait filled his time and earned additional money as a
private tutor, or ‘coach’. This was common practice for those who had just
graduated and were awaiting a fellowship. Most undergraduates reading for
honours needed to supplement the limited teaching available from their
colleges, and paid a fee of c. £10 per term.
The summer was spent at Renishaw, working long hours in the library
preparing for the examination. In September Tait went with Oakeley
to Holland, and back through France via Rheims and Paris. These were
the days just before railways and most of their travelling was by public
stagecoach. In the first of several travel journals, Tait sketched pictures
and scribbled descriptions of places and buildings, adding facts about the
countries he was visiting, and especially their politics.23
A fellowship at what Tait described as the foremost college in Oxford was
now as coveted a prize in Oxford as a fellowship at Oriel, the first and then still
the only college to have opened all its fellowships to unrestricted competition.
At Balliol, fellowships were also available to those outside the college, and
though scholars had priority, they were not elected unless successful in the
examination. Whether Balliol or Oriel selected those of higher intellectual
merit is debatable. Balliol expected to see evidence of close scholarship, and
university prizes and first-class honours were taken into consideration. The
examination for Oriel fellowships was as rigorous as Balliol’s but designed to
ascertain ‘not what a man had read, but what he was like’.24 Mark Pattison,*
who tried and failed to gain a fellowship at both Balliol and Oriel, and
resented Balliol’s favouring its own scholars, was convinced that Oriel had the
more brilliant senior common room. ‘The two colleges did for a long time
pursue opposite paths; Oriel was noted for being “noverca suorum”,† while at
Balliol their geese are always swans.’25 If originality rather than accumulation
of knowledge was important to Oriel, it seems less likely that Tait would have
been elected there than at Balliol, where he fitted the mould.
Tait was not so confident and did not think he had succeeded. ‘While
the bells were ringing for the election, he sat alone in his room in sad
and anxious thought. Suddenly the door flew open, and in rushed Father
Tickell‡ to drag him off to the chapel to take his place as the newly elected
Fellow.’26 Professor Sandford wrote proudly from Glasgow:
There was no tutorship available, and in any case, Tait had to serve as a
probationer fellow for a year. He continued to coach private pupils and to
focus his life on Balliol. His journal reveals a conviction that his fellowship
was for him a religious vocation, and one that deserved to be followed
conscientiously. It is clear too that this sense of calling was allied to the
prospect of ordination:
For most Oxford fellows, ordination was little more than an obligation
that allowed them to continue their fellowship, at least until they married
or took on a parish of which their college was patron. Tait was unusual
(though not alone) in taking to heart the spiritual and pastoral duties of
ordination, and applying them to his role at Balliol. These he saw as his
Christian duty, while he often referred to his study and teaching as ‘worldly’.
George Moberly was appointed Headmaster of Winchester in the
summer of 1835, and the master wrote immediately to offer Tait his
tutorship:
The credit, the character, which the College has for many years past
happily maintained, so mainly depend on the talents, learning, &
(what is equally if not more important) the habitual & constant
diligence of the Tutors in continuing our system of discipline and
education, that I am naturally desirous of securing, if possible, the
assistance of one who has himself been brought up under it.30
2. A Balliol Man 27
Jenkyns also offered Moberly’s rooms in the front quadrangle, the best
set in the college. Tait’s responsibilities began with the new term in October
and included those of logic and rhetoric lecturer. He was soon sharing the
load of catechetical lectures with the other two tutors, lecturing himself on
Roman history, Latin composition, and a variety of set texts (St Matthew’s
gospel, Aristotle’s Politics and Ethics, Cicero’s Philippics, and Sophocles’s
Antigone). The work was considerable, with fifteen classes a week.31
Tait was not the only college tutor in Oxford to regard his responsibilities
as more than academic. His own tutor, Frederick Oakeley, had treated him
as a friend, and had tried to impart his own Evangelical religion. Similarly,
Daniel Wilson* at St Edmund Hall thought his main object ‘must be to
instruct my pupils in the saving knowledge of God, and so imbue their
minds with true piety’.32 Tait would also have been aware of the dismissal
in 1830 of three outstanding young tutors at Oriel, John Henry Newman,
Hurrell Froude and Robert Wilberforce. They had wanted to give more
attention to deserving students, and they did so by placing them in smaller
classes, principally with their own tutors. This allowed them to devote the
kind of personal attention that might be expected only from very good
coaches. The Provost of Oriel, Edward Hawkins, objected to what he saw
as the tutors’ monopoly of college power.33 He was concerned too that they
were creating a scheme that would increase their religious influence on the
ablest students.34
Tait’s religion was not dogmatic like that of the Oriel tutors, and he did
not regard his tutorship as a means for evangelising. But he did try to get to
know his pupils and to make himself available. He would invite them to his
rooms for breakfast and walk with them in the afternoons. He also wrote
to them during vacations and they sometimes joined him on tours abroad.
‘For me, there is no good to be done in Oxford unless one is intimate with
undergraduates.’35 That intimacy enabled him to exercise a cure of souls.
Among Tait’s pupils was a succession of brilliant scholars, four of whom
came from Dr Arnold’s Rugby. Arthur Stanley arrived as Tait started as
tutor and they became lifelong friends. He was Rugby’s first Balliol scholar,
and was devoted to Arnold and wrote his biography. The next year came
another of Arnold’s disciples, William Lake, whose father had been severely
wounded at Waterloo, and who became a fellow at Balliol and ended his
career as Dean of Durham. Also from Rugby came the poets, Arthur Hugh
Clough and Matthew Arnold, Dr Arnold’s eldest son. Other scholars
taught by Tait were James Gylby Lonsdale (Professor of Classical Literature
at King‘s College, London) and Edward Goulburn (Tait’s successor as
Headmaster of Rugby), both from Eton. Benjamin Jowett arrived from St
*. Later Bishop of Calcutta, 1839-47.
28 In the Shadow of Death
Paul’s in 1836 and never left, serving as Balliol’s most celebrated master for
the last twenty-three years of his life. Frederick Temple started three years
after Jowett, and after a Balliol fellowship became, like Tait, Headmaster
of Rugby, Bishop of London, and Archbishop of Canterbury. John Shairp
came up in 1840, another Snell exhibitioner from Glasgow University who
had also been a pupil at the Edinburgh Academy. Tait appointed him to his
staff at Rugby, after which he was elected Professor of Poetry at Oxford, and
Principal of the United College of St Andrews in Scotland.
Tait’s pupils regarded him with considerable affection and respect. He
was only twenty-three when he became a tutor and seemed like a benevolent
older brother. They nicknamed him Belvedere, his curly hair supposed to
resemble that of the sculpture of Apollo in the Vatican museum. Writing
about Tait fifty years later, Lake referred to ‘the dearest friendship of my
life, as justifying me in my right to express some opinion on the character
of one whom I loved so much, and whose memory is so dear’.36
The first time I ever saw Archbishop Tait was when he was reading
the second Lesson in chapel, as a young Probationary Fellow of
Balliol, in October 1835. . . . He gave me at once that impression
of strength and spirit which I always associated with him through
life. I soon became his earliest College pupil; and felt at once his
genuine kindness and interest in his pupils. . . and as a certain
stiffness which hung about him during most of his earlier life
gradually thawed, we quickly began to feel the straightforwardness
and manly simplicity of his character, combined with a thorough
courtesy of mind and manner, and with a genuine warmth of heart,
a little veiled by his reserve.37
In a sermon preached after Tait’s death, Jowett also recalled his shyness,
‘yet he would have struck others as genial and agreeable, ready to take part
in conversation, and possessing a considerable gift of humour. . . . He was
the first, or one of the first persons who broke down the wall of partition
which used to separate undergraduates from their teachers. He was very
kind to us, though sometimes what is called “brusque”.’38
As for Tait’s teaching, Lake regarded him as ‘the ablest lecturer in his
day at Oxford’,39 and Jowett remembered his philosophy lectures as ‘very
interesting and useful. He did not read but spoke them; and he knew
how to keep the attention of his class alive by questions and sallies of
various kind. . . . They were always plain and clear, though the knots were
sometimes cut after the Gordian fashion.’40 By the time Shairp arrived,
Tait was the senior and most influential of the Balliol tutors. ‘The Master,
2. A Balliol Man 29
Jenkyns, was a sort of constitutional monarch, and Tait was his Prime
Minister, on whom he leant, to whom he looked for advice and support
with absolute confidence. . . . The undergraduates all respected and liked
him. They felt that there was no getting round him. His shrewdness, his
dry and not unkindly humour, were too much for them; and if any one,
more forward than the rest, tried to cross swords with him, he had in his
calm presence of mind an impregnable defence.’41
Chapter Three
Discreet and Learned Minister
‘Will you be ready, with all faithful diligence, to banish and drive
away all erroneous and strange doctrines contrary to God’s word?’
Balliol’s statutes required a fellow to take holy orders within four years of
receiving his master’s degree, but Tait was determined to do so as soon as
he could. He received his MA on 25 May 1836 and was ordained deacon
in Christ Church Cathedral four days later. The day before, he confided in
his journal:
I have now for three terms been public Tutor, and what a field of
usefulness has this opened. . . . Thirteen immortal souls committed
to my charge, and that at the most critical period of their lives.
As far as mere teaching goes, I believe I have done my duty; but
I have not laboured for their moral and religious good as I ought.
Remember that I must give account. Tomorrow will see me an
ordained minister of Christ, bound to labour in season and out of
season for the good of souls.1
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As now
West
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crowded back
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other for
back
in good
in of
Adams 235
haired the
it large
by particular
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this The
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Midland shows
By
Its to in
side
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Their to
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Africa the
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length in countries
136
with
extinct the
all
portions West
reddish
permission was pigeon
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which
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Every
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to suckles
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ascertain their
was 121
Next the
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left
than
being
s in
hind species
surmised
instant
284
It been Where
movements
monkeys
was
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the catch of
beavers some
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attention
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bathing almost
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partly Sussex
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ORKSHIRE they
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RHINOCEROS
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RED are
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with time
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to
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of house
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owned quick of
strike
built HE on
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few
present their L
is White
Female morning
358 passing
where h■ is
his
dense
it
menageries crocodile
many birth