CAMBRIDGE GREEK AND LATIN CLASSICS

GENERAL EDITORS

P E. EASTERLING
Ementus Regius Professor of Greek, University of Cambnridge

PHiLiP HARDIE
Corpus Chnisti Professor of Latin, Unwersity of Oxford

Ri1CHARD HUNTER
Regius Professor of Greek, University of Cambnidge

E.J. KENNEY
Ementus Kennedy Professor of Latin, University of Cambnidge
Silver bust of the Emperor Galba. Naples, Museo Archeologico Nazionale
(inv. no. 110127). Reproduced by permission of the Soprintendenza per i
Beni Archeologici delle province di Napoli e Cascrta.
 TACITUS
HISTORIES
BOOK I

EDITED BY

CYNTHIA DAMON
Assoctate Professor of Classics,
Ambherst College

E93 CAMBRIDGE
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Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication data

Tacitus, Cornelius.
[Historiae. Liber 1]
Histories. Book I / Tacitus ; edited by Cynthia Damon.
p. cm. - (Cambridge Greek and Latn classics)
Text in Latin; commentary in English.
Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and indexes.
ISBN O 521 57072 7 - (hardback) 1sBN 0 521 57822 1 (paperback)
1. Rome - History - Civil War, 68—-69. 2. Galba, Servius Sulpicius, Emperor
of Rome, 3 B.c.—A.D. 69 3. Vitellius, Aulus, Emperor of Rome, 15—69.
1. Damon, Cynthia, 1957— . Title. w1 Series.
PA6705.H6 B1 2003
937/.05 - dc21. 2002073824

ISBN O 521 57072 7 hardback

ISBN O 521 57822 1 paperback
 CONTENTS

Preface page vii

List of abbreviatwns
Maps xl
IRome xi
2 The Roman forum xii
j The Vitellian invasion X111

Introduction

-
1The senator

NN
=
The orator
N

The wnter: Agricola, Germania, Dialogus

OUo

The histonan

o
Cura posteritatis

AU
Ratio causaeque
Exempla I
Chronology
-

11
Deinosis 12
Qw«

Elevation 12
II Dicton 13
I2 Metaphor 14
13 Sententiae 15
14 Appendix sentences 16
I5 Variatio 19
16 Histories 1 20
17 The sources 22
18 T he parallel tradition 24
I9 The text 30

CORNELI TACITI HISTORIARVM LIBER PRIMVS

Commentary 77
Appendices 291
I Parallel passages shounng strong verbal similarities 291
2 Epigrams and sententiae 302
vi CONTENTS

3 .Notes pertaining to parallel tncdents reported under two

or more principes 304
4 Notes ilustrating differences between Histories 1. and the
parallel tradition 305
Select bibliography 307
Indexes 319
1 Latin words 319
2 General 320
 PREFACE

Simply put, the aim of the present commentary is to reintegrate Histones 1

into the corpus of teachable Latin texts. Tacitus is arguably the most pow-
erful writer of Latin - to this day it requires great discipline to resist his
interpretation of events — and the reader's best defence, and greatest plea-
sure, lie in an understanding of how his style works. This I try to supply.
Hhistones 1 is particularly amenable to the attempt, owing to the chance
survival of three parallel accounts (in Plutarch, Suetonius, and Dio), which
render Tacitus' selection and stylization of material here capable of detailed
analysis. The notes also introduce students to the historical and historio-
graphical contexts in which Histories 1 was created; references are provided
to more detailed discussions of both. Grammatical assistance is provided
where necessary to elucidate Tacitus’ sometimes difficult Latin.
Over the many years of this commentary’s making I have been assisted
and encouraged by friends, colleagues, and fellow Tacitus-enthusiasts; hap-
pily, in some cases all three labels apply. My gratitude for assistance for
everything from interpretation of manuscript abbreviations to discussion
of matters historiographical to advice on presentation and content gocs to
the following: John Bodel, Virginia Brown, Edward Courtney, Christopher
Jones, Elizabeth Keitel, Christina Kraus, Leslie Murison, Francis Newton,
Peter Pouncey, James Rives, Andreola Rossi, Richard Tarrant, and Richard
Thomas. To my Amherst colleagues Elizabeth Keitel (at the University) and
Alan Boegehold (at the College) go my thanks for giving the commentary
a dry run at the draft stage. But my largest debt is to E. J. Kenney, who
improved every page kindly, firmly, and with great good sense. I save for
last the name of a colleague who did not live to sec the completion of a
work he had done much to aid: Peter Marshall.
My work has been generously supported by Amherst College, where
over the past few (well, morc than a few) ycars I have enjoyed a Miner
D. Crary Summer Stipend and a Trustee Faculty Fellowship. Funding for
student assistance — ably provided by Umit Dhuga, Amherst ’o1, and Seth
Bernard and Jordan Holmes, both 03 — came from the Faculty Research
Award Program.
This project was begun for the serics under the encouragement of
Pauline Hire at the Cambridge University Press; it appears thanks to the
viii PREFACE

efforts and guidance of her successor Michael Sharp, and I am indebted to

both of them. As I am to Stefano De Caro of the Soprintendenza Archeo-
logica delle province di Napoli e Caserta, who kindly supplied a photograph
of the Naples Museum’s fine silver bust of Galba for the frontispiece.
 ABBREVIATIONS

AGG J. B. Greenough et al., edd. (1931). Allen and

Greenough's new Latin grammar. Boston.
E. von Wólfflin, ed. (1884—-19089). Archtv fur lateinische
Lexikographie und Grammatik mit Einschluss des alteren
Mhttellatein. 15 vols. Leipzig.
ANRW H. Temporini and W. Haase, edd. (1972- ). Aufstieg
und Nedergang der rómischen Welt. Berlin.
app. crit. apparatus criticus
Cambridge ancient history (1970— ). 2nd ed. Cambnigge.
GG A. Gerber and A. Greef, edd. (1887—90). Lexicon
Taciteum. 2 vols. Leipzig,
HRR H. Peter, ed. (1914). Historicorum romanorum reliquiae.
2 vols. 2nd ed. Leipzig.
K-H R. Kühner and F. Holzweissig (1912). Ausführliche
Grammatik der lateinischen Sprache: erster Teil, Elementar-,
Formen-, und Waortlehre. 2nd ed. Hannover.
R. Kühner and C. Stegmann (1976). Ausführliche
Grammatik der lateinischen Sprache: zweiter Teil, Satzlehre.
5th ed. by A. Thierfelder. 2 vols. Hannover.
lit. literally
LSJ H. G. Liddell, R. Scott, H. Stuart-Jones (1940).
A Greek—English lexicon. 9gth ed. Oxford.
M-W R. H. Martin and A.J. Woodman (1989). 7acttus,
Annals book IV. Cambridge Greek and Latin Classics.
Cambridge.
McC-W M. McCrum and A. G. Woodhead (1961). Select
documents of the brincipates of the Flavian emperors, including
the year of revolution: A.D. 68-96. Cambridge.
mod. modern
E. C. Woodcock (1959). 4 new Latin syntax. London.
OLD P. G. W. Glare, ed. (1982). Oxford Latin dictinary.
Oxford.
x ABBREVIATIONS

ORF H. Malcovat, ed. (1976). Oratorum romanorum

fragmenta liberae rei publicae. 4th ed. Turin.
PIR Prosopographia impern Romani saec. I, II, III. (1897-8).
3 vols. Berlin.
PIR? Prosopographia tmperii Romani saec. 1, II, III. (1933- ).
2nd ed. Berlin.
RE A. Pauly, G. Wissowa et al., edd. (1894-1979). Paulys
Real-Encyclopddie der classischen Altertumsunssenschaft.
Stuttgart.
RG Augustus, Res gestae (Anc. in the OLD, for Monumentum
Ancyranum)
5.C. senatus consultum
SCPP Senatus consultum de Cn. Pisone patre. For text and
discussion see W. Eck, A. Caballos, F. Fernández
(1996). Das senatus consultum de Cn. Pisone patre.
Vestigia 48. Munich.
TLL Thesaurus linguae latinae (1900— ). Munich.
W-M A. J. Woodman and R. H. Martin (1996). 7 he Annals
of lacitus, book 3. Cambridge.

The names and titles of classical authors and texts are abbreviated
in accordance with OLD and L5J, with the following (important)
exceptions for Tacitus (I.) and his works: Annals ( A.), Agricola (Agr.),
Daalogus (D.), Germania (G.), Histores (H.). References to passages
in Book 1 of the Histories use chapter and sentence number only.
Journal titles are abbreviated in accordance with L'année philologique,
slightly anglicized (e.g. ZAPA for 7APAA).
 MAPS

w
s&**"'mwd/w,e

i‘g"’m
w

« ‘“""'.“ h M“%/m
M d
Ag m

4 Imuum,mmm“\ N
W a
e

*"‘"muumuw»,/
i,

39 « \“*\\“\\\\W

1 Rome (adapted from Marcel Le Glay, Jean-Louis Voisin and

Yann Le Bohec, A History of Rome (English edition: Oxford, 1996),
fig. 11.1, p. 332).
 (£zt d ‘1°€1 By (9661 ‘paojx() :uonipo :M-—w.wwöamvs amujueuow u 2
-
2uo0y f0 &40)]] p ü *252910g *[u uej pue utstoA S1
ISIOA stno'T-ue» [ 'Xe[c) »T [221e]A
INILY IV
—EANEA-
ujnjes
jo ejduio,
lIIIIIIi
m elSoA JO ejduia| —
p102uo2
Pa jo ejduue,

3NI'IOLIqvo
o —
uneuny
wnuemw _
DI
\ )
 xiii

Aosta
Gt Stpm * Augusta Praetoria Milan /
Vbnm 'vm iolanu

Vienna Eporedia Cromona {

Cremona
Mt C;:s vre . x
1 a Dioi Augusta Taurinorum m ““‘

. ; ) q
*- ü 2 \’AA

3 The Vitellian invasion (adapted from Charles L. Murison, Galba, Otho

and Vitelhus (Hildesheim, Ziinch, New York, 1993), map 1).
 INTRODUCTION

*Had forgetting been as much in our power as silence, we would have

destroyed memory along with speech.' So writes T. of the dark days of
Domitian's reign (A.Dp. 81—96; Agr. 2.3). But by 98 or so when he writes these
words Domitian is dead and a new dynasty is in power. Silence (at least
about the past) is no longer necessary nor is forgetting so much to be desired.
T., now in middle age, nearly done with the senator's cursus honorum, devotes
himself henceforth to memoria. There will even be pleasure, he predicts, in
the story of the servitude that silenced senatorial speech, given the lively
contrast between that past and a present of (he says) princeps-guaranteed
libertas (Agr. 3.2). T. was well placed to write of both past and present.

1 THE SENATOR
*From Galba, Otho, and Vitellius I received neither benefit nor harm.
That my career was initiated by Vespasian, advanced by Titus, and carried
further by Domitian I do not deny’ (H. 1.1.3). Birth in A.D. 56 0r 57 is
deduced from the dates of the political offices alluded to in the foregoing
quotation (praetor in 88, suffect consul in 97, evidence that converges
with a reference to himself as *quite a young man' (D. 1.2 tuuents admodum)
at the dramatic date of the Dialogus, A.D. 74/5; see further Syme (1958)
59—74). T.’s father was perhaps the equestrian procurator of Gallia Belgica
mentioned as a contemporary by Pliny the Elder (Nat. 7.76). His family's
origin may lie in Transpadane Italy or, more probably, in Narbonese Gaul
(Syme (1958) 618—24), but the earliest years of his life were passed in (for us)
complete obscurity. Not even his praenomen is known with certainty: he
may be a Gaius or a Publius. By 74/5 he was in Rome, training himself
for a senatorial career by attending on the leading speakers of the day
(D. 2.1). T. was granted the /atus clauus (i.e. the right to wear a tunic with a
broad purple stripe as a badge of prospective senatorial rank) by Vespasian
(H. 1.1.3). The first (unattested) stages of his senatorial career must have
been membership in the vigintivirate in Rome followed by military service
as tnibunus laticlauius. In 77 he married into the senatorial family of Cn. Julius
Agricola (Agr. 9.6). T. is next attested in 88, when he was praetor and one of
the XV vin sacnris faiundis who, along with the emperor Domitian, organized
l
2 INTRODUCTION

the Secular Games in that year (A. 11.11.1). Abroad on public service when
Agricola died on 23 August 93 (Agr. 45.5), T. returned to Rome after an
absence of some three years to hold a suffect consulship in the second half
of 97. An inscription in Asia Minor informs us that T. reached the summit
of a senatorial career, the proconsulship of Asia, in 112/3 (OGIS 487, with
Syme (1958) 664—5 for the date). He cannot have died before the extension
of Roman dominion to the Red Sea, territory first conquered on Trajan’s
Parthian campaigns of 115/6, to which he refers at A. 2.61.2.'

2 THE ORATOR
By 98 T. had spent some two decades in service to the state. The Fla-
vian peace had established itself, imperial power had passed from father
to son and brother to brother. As one of the 'sad, submissive senators' of
Domitian’s reign he had had a share in the governance of the empire:
in elections, legislation, trials, religious business, provincial affairs (Talbert
(1984) 341—491; quotation from Syme (1958) 76). But for all this apparent
activity these were years of intellectual and moral inertia according to T.
(Agr. 3.1—2). After fifteen years of it Domitian's assassination gave the senate
a greater charge: to choose a new princeps. And one year into Nerva's reign
came T.’s suffect consulship (in September and October of g7, months that
revealed the necessity of equipping Nerva with an heir quickly; see 15.1n.
in .. . fertur). As consul T. also bade an official farewell to a survivor from
the past, Verginius Rufus, an important, if enigmatic, figure in the civil war
that brought the Flavian house to power (8.2n.). It was an honour befitting
T.’s high reputation as an orator (Plin. Ep. 2.1.6 laudator eloquentissimus,
cf. Ep. 1.20.24, 7.20.4, 9.23.2). In 100 he, with Pliny, successfully prose-
cuted an extortion case against a former governor of the province of Africa,
Marius Priscus (Plin. Ep. 2.11).

3 THE WRITER: AGRICOLA, GERMAMNIA,

DIALOGUS
With speaking came writing. In 98 he published the Agricola, a biography of
his father-in-law, which tries to reclaim something from the moral wasteland
' A recent re-examination of a long-known inscription (CIL v1 1574) may have
yielded further information on career and connections, but the identification of the
stone's subject and our author is not firmly established. See Alfbldy (1995).
 THE WRITER 3

of Domitian's principate (Agr. 42.4 saant. .. posse etiam sub malis princifnbus
magnos utros esse). In close sequence, before or after, came the Germama,
part ethnography of the Germani, Rome’s most troublesome neighbours
(G. 37.5 tnumphati magis quam uicti sunt), part meditation on the ills besetting
Rome. A third short work, the Dialogue on Orators, is variously dated (by
conjecture) between 96 and 103.? Though its format distances the work
from its author — it is ostensibly the report of a discussion heard by a young
and silent T. — the Dialogus 15 in fact one of his most personal works and
marks a crucial stage in his literary development.
T. announces the dialogue as a vehicle for explaining the decline of
Roman oratory but begins it with a vignette advertising the effectiveness of
poetry, specifically tragedy, as political commentary: the poet-provocateur
Maternus hones his Cato, which had already offended many, and gives
notice that his 7hyestes will be stronger still (D. 3.2—3). But despite its striking
picture of a contemporary poet, the defence of poetry as a genre in this work
is curiously superficial. There is no reply, for example, to the charge that
Maternus' tragedies cause offence without benefiting anyone, a charge that
]. himself advances against other recalcitrants (D. 9.2, 9.4, 10.6, cf. Agr. 42.5
in nullum rei publicae usum ambitiosa morte inclaruerunt).? 'The decline of oratory
receives more thorough scrutiny. Various causes are adduced; the final
explanation is a political one: oratory flourishes in a state where decisions
are collective because the orator's art enables him to sway assemblies, but
it i5 empty in a state whose important decisions were made by a ruler who
was saptentissimus et unus (D. 41.4).
The problem with oratory as a genre at the end of the first century A.D.
was fundamentally a problem of audience. To whom could one speak? Or,
more precisely, given the possible audiences, what was worth saying? The
plebs, no longer called upon to decide anything, was better ‘addressed’ via
beneficia (including *"bread and circuses": Juv. 10.78—81). The senate too often
refused to decide matters that came before it. À princeps was swayed not by
rhetorical skill but by associates — freedmen, family members, delatores, socii
laborum — equipped with a keen sense of psychology. The courtroom (more

? For discussion and bibliography see C. O. Brink, *Can the Dialogus be dated?
Evidence and historical conclusions', HSCP 96 (1994) 251 -80.
3 The point of such sallies might be clearer if we knew what happened to
Maternus between the dramatic date of the Dialogus (74/5) and its composition
(c. 96-103), but we do not: see T. D. Barnes, “The significance of Tacitus’ Dialogus de
Oratoribus , HSCP 90 (1986) 227—44.
4 INTRODUCTION

specifically, the Centumviral court) remained a venue for speech-making,

but if Pliny is an accurate guide it elicited a sadly diminished product.
Practical barristers were eager to get their cases over with as quickly as
possible (Ep. 6.2.5), ambitious ones hired claques to vaunt their praises
(Ep. 2.14.4—11). One observer announced the death of oratory (‘centumuin,
hoc artifiium perit', Ep. 2.14.11), another brought Cato’s famous definition
of the orator (utr bonus dicendt pentus) up to date by saying *orator est utr malus
dicendi imperitus! (Ep.. 4.7.5). Epictetus describes contemporary senatorial
utterance in terms that are perhaps appropnately bleak: ‘a cold, miserable
remnant suspended from idle argumentations by a hair' (Diss. 4.1.140). A
popular signet ring emblem at this period was the figure of Harpocrates,
who, according to Plutarch, 'keeps his finger on his lip in token of restrained
speech or silence' (Plut. Mor. 378c; see Plin. Nat. 33.41 for the ring;s).
The subject of the Dxalogus has been well described as *the proper rela-
tionship between existing literary forms and public life in a depoliticized
society' (Fantham (1996) 286). Rejecting poetry and oratory, two (but only
two) of the ‘existing literary forms’, the Dialogus leaves the way open for a
third genre, history.*

4 THE HISTORIAN
In the preface to H. T. maintains that the present is a happy age in which it
is permitted to feel what you wish and say what you feel’ (1.4). But he was
not so rash as to test the limits of permussibility by wrnting about the present,
a topic twice deferred (see n.). Instead, he offers a history of the period
that coincided with his own youth and rising career, the brief reigns of
Galba, Otho, and Vitellius, and the longer span of Flavian dominance,
twenty-eight years all told (69—96), covered in some twelve or fourteen
books.? We surmise from Pliny's letters on the A.D. 79 eruption of Vesuvius
that T. was at work on H. in ¢. 106 (Ep. 6.16, 20). It is presumed that he
completed H. before moving on to the Annals, a work that took him back
to the Julio-Claudian period. But the extant books (1-4 and twenty-six
* 'The choice of literary form also exercised Pliny, who saw history as the genre
most likely to yield its author lasting fame: itaque diebus ac noctibus cogito, si 'qua me
quoque posstm tollere humo' . . . quod prope sola historia polliceri uidetur (Ep. 5.8.3, cf. Ep. 9.27
on the numen histonae).
5 For the historiographical tradition in which T. was writing see M-W 1-10. For
discussion and bibliography on the number of books in the Histones see C. S. Kraus
and A. J. Woodman (1997). Latin Histerians. Oxford, 91-2.
 CVRA POSTERITATIS 5

chapters of Book 5) treat only the civil wars of 69 and the first few months
of Vespasian's reign.

5 CVRA POSTERITATIS
Questions of aim and method appear with particular urgency at the
outset of an author's work in a new genre. Some are answered by the
programmatic preface to H.; for others elucidation comes from the narra-
tive itself.
Book 1 begins on a sombre note. The histories of the period since the
battle of Actium are a disappointing lot: the authors were small talents
hampered by political ignorance and by the passions and pressures of life
under a frinceps. 'Truth suffered, and so did posterity, for subservience and
hatred were selfish indulgences in an historian. There is a promise implicit
in this brief paraphrase of 1.1-3 that T. will do better. He enunciates a
general principle: integrity requires an historian to present the figures who
appear in the narrative without favour or hatred (1.3 tncorruptam fidem professis
neque amore quisquam et sine odio dicendus est). The opening paragraph of his
work thus presents history as a literary form with the potential to succeed
where, according to the Dialogus, oratory and poetry fail: the truth can be
told.
But the truth will benefit posterity only if it gets read, so the table
of contents contained in the second and third paragraphs of the preface
promises both exciting material (assassinations, civil war, natural disasters,
human havoc) and broad coverage (in the empire, provinces from Britain
to Parthia; in the natural world, land, sea, and sky; in society, ranks from
noble to slave). The content of the projected work is closer to Thucydides'
catalogue of suffering in the human and natural spheres (1.23) than to
Herodotus' 'great and amazing deeds of both Greeks and barbarians' (1.1).
But if Ts chosen period is not happy, it is significant: even the adulteries
are magna adulteria (2.2). There will be the occasional patch of something
brighter (3.1 bona exempla), but as a whole the narrative will, he claims,
illustrate an important fact, that ‘it is not our peace that is of concern to
the gods, but our punishment’ (3.2 non esse curae deis secuntatem nostram, esse
ultionem).
Woodman argues that this table of contents advertises a disaster narra-
tive with all the ingredients of ‘pleasurable historiography’ ((1988) 165—7).
He makes the important point that T. is writing as a survivor in a state
6 INTRODUCTION

that survived all of the disasters he is about to relate, which means that the
darkness of his chosen period is set off by the brighter frame of a glorious
past and a happy present. But to say that 'his interest in the disasters centres
primarily on their capacity to furnish gripping narrative material' (167) is
to ignore the note of moral seriousness first sounded in cura postentatis and
heard on every page of T.’s historical work.
The inadequacy of the ‘pleasure principle’ for explaining T.’s achieve-
ment can be seen in one of the most gripping narratives in Book 1, the story
of the collective mad-scene in chapters 80-5, where the praetorian rank-
and-file runs amok and threatens, Ajax-like, to slaughter Otho's senatorial
dinner guests. Disaster is in fact averted and the status quo is altered but hittle
as a result of the uprising, yet T. gives the story full-dress treatment over
more than five chapters, including a long speech, several fine epigrams, and
memorable scenes such as that of senators and their wives creeping through
the back streets of Rome in quest of anonymity, and a teary-eyed emperor
standing on a dining couch to address frantic and blood-stained guards-
men. Here, if anywhere in Book 1, is an event told for its lively qualities. But
it would be a mistake so to describe it. Although the year 69 gets more space
than any other year covered by T. (three full books; A.D. 15 with forty-nine
chapters in Annals 1 is the next fullest), T. has made a careful selection from
the possible matenal (see below for omissions). The praetorian riot earned
admission not only for its innate drama, but also for its connection to the
single most prominent theme in the narrative of that "long and single year',
the collapse of military discipline. The uprising poses a challenge to the
principle that Otho articulates at 83.9: s2, cur tubeantur, quaerere singulis liceat,
pereunte obsequio etiam tmpenrium intercidit. By his own standards Otho's auctonitas
will prove insufficient in Book 2, and understanding why he fails is essential
preparation for understanding why Vespasian succeeds.

6 RATIO CAVSAEQVE
Besides telling the truth and offering an exciting story about a significant,
if depressing, period, the historian aims to show cause and effect (4.1). To
sample the quality of T.s explanations we will look at one small and three
large historical questions posed by the events narrated in Book 1.
The small question first: Why did the legions of Upper Germany de-
spise their legate, Hordeonius Flaccus? To this question we have answers
from both T. and Plutarch. According to T., old age, ill-health, and a weak
 RATIO CAVSAEQVE 7

character were Flaccus’ undoing: 9.1 Flaccum spernebat, senecta ac debilitate

pedum inualidum, sine constantia, sine auctontate. In place of age and charac-
ter Plutarch cites inexperience: G. 18.4 ‘Flaccus, physically incapacitated
by acute gout and without practical experience, was a complete cipher to
them.' These two sentences clearly reflect a single model and agree on
the role of illness, but their content is not quite the same, indeed old age
and inexperience might seem to be mutually exclusive (see further $$10, 18
below). The similarity of sentence structure suggests that the source both re-
ported the soldiers' scorn and explained it. If T. reflects the source faithfully,
then the source's explanation is fully borne out by Flaccus' behaviour in 69
and 70, which T. reports in great detail. On the other hand, if Plutarch's
explanation, inexperience, is that of the source, then T. has discarded the
source's 1implausible explanation - Flaccus commanded three legions in
an important military zone — and added two new ones, one of which, old
age, makes Flaccus resemble his principal, Galba, while the other, weak
character, is justified by a damning train of events. (If neither author reflects
the source all we can say is that T.'s story is internally consistent and well
connected to the larger narrative.)
Character is also T.'s explanation for the first of the three larger questions
we will consider, namely, why did Galba fall? In chh. 4-20 T. shows that
Galba failed at the crucial task of building support for his rule: he did
nothing to undo the alienation of the German legions arising from their
conflict with his supporter Vindex (8.2), he threw away the nascent loyalty
of the praetorians by refusing them a donative (18.3), he forfeited his ude
to moral leadership by allowing his associates free rein (6.1), and he chose a
successor who brought him no new support (15.1n. in... fertur). The essence
of T.'s explanation appears in his famous epigram on Galba, 49.4 consensu
omnium capax impeni nisi tmperasset — he was not up to the job.
The second question is why Otho succeeded. To this T. gives a different
sort of answer: it was not primarily character that brought Otho to the
throne but external circumstances. Otho saw the discontent that Galba's
inadequacy engendered and the breakdown of military discipline that civil
discord allowed and capitalized on both problems, cultivating the goodwill
of the praetorians and any other soldiers to whom he had access (chh. 23—4)
and encouraging sedition (ch. 25). Not crippled by an out-of-date moral
code, he suited his actions to the current situation and rose to the top on
the strong shoulders of the praetorians. Intelligence had something to do
with his success, and indeed his grasp of political realities allowed him to
8 INTRODUCTION

weather several crises once he was in power, but without the circumstances
of discontent and indiscipline he would have achieved little.
A third question T.'s narrative prompts us to ask is why the German
legions revolted. To this question, which was a crucial one given the mili-
tary underpinnings of the pninceps’ power, T.’s answer is complex and rich
in detail. The attitude of the legions is one factor: a recent easy victory had
aroused their confidence and whetted their appetite for the rewards of vic-
tory (51.1). The difficulty of maintaining military discipline when loyalty was
bought and sold and betrayal unpunished is another (51.2). Long-standing
hostlities between Galhc tribes in the vicinity fed the legions’ eagerness for
a fight (51.4, 53.3), and the legions' insecurity about Galba's intentions for
them kept the situation unsettled (51.5, 53.2). There was also the rivalry
between the two armies of Germany (53.2), which was exacerbated by the
selfish disloyalty of individual officers who had nothing to hope for in a
stable state (52.3). Such men worked their will on the weak character of
Vitellius (52.4), who had inherited a dignitas bigger than he could manage
(9.1n.). Then one has to consider human nature: T. cites the ease with
which bad men come together for violent ends (54.3). And this is just the
introduction to the narrative; further circumstantial factors are given as the
story proceeds.
Comparison with Plutarch's explanation is again instructive. According
to Plutarch, the German legions share the empire-wide disappointment
over Galba's failure to pay a donative and are partcularly offended by
the fallout from Vindex' revolt (e.g. Galba's removal of Verginius Rufus
from the German command and the rewards and honours that accrued to
Vindex' memory and supporters, G. 22). Where the biographer mentions
triggers specific to this occasion, the historian, while including specifics
(and many more of them), looks beyond them to systemic conditions (civil
war, inter-tribal and inter-army rivalries, personal ambition) that loosen
the military discipline upon which the peace of the empire depends.
Causae for events of lesser moment in Histonies 1 include human nature
(12.2, 18.3, 32.1, 34.2, 38.3, 54.3, 55-1, 55-4, 56.2, 80.2, 87.2, 90.3) and,
very occasionally, chance ( forte at 7.1 and 31.1, fortuitis. . . causts at 86.3). As
a general explanation for the miseries of the Flavian period as a whole T.
mentions divine punishment in the preface, but this theme is absent from
the narrative so far as we have it. Fate is never cited except as a belief of his-
torical figures (18.1 n. fato manent) or qualified by uelut (50.1, 71.2). There are
also explanations that are strikingly modern in their attention to economic
 RATIO CAVSAEQVE 9

factors (46.2—4nn.) and natural causes (Tiber flood 86.2-3nn.). Some re-
grettable incidents are in the end inexplicable, particularly where human
behaviour is involved, the behaviour of the Vitellian army commanded by
Fabius Valens upon arrival in Divodurum, for example. Received amicably,
they slaughter some four thousand Gauls and are with difficulty prevented
from destroying the entire city. The monstrosity of their act defies rational
explanation: 63.1 non ob praedam aut spoliandi cufnidtne, sed furore et rabte et causis

Apart from this last case, which has few parallels in Histories 1, the ex-
planations that we have seen so far are by and large rational: evidence and
explanation agree. Style, while it may enhance the impact of an explana-
tion (as in the epigram on Galba), does not stand in for evidence. Some of
T.’s other explanations, however, seem to demand assent rather than un-
derstanding. A single example will suffice here; the topic will be discussed
more fully below. At 59.1 T. reports Vitellius' execution of four centurions.
Nomen and cognomen are tolled for each. Then comes the explanation:
they were *Àcondemned for the crime of loyalty' (damnatos fide: cmine). 'To
the question, why were they killed? the neutral answer would have been
‘because they were loyal to Galba’, a fact that was documented at 56.1
cum protegerent Galbae tmagines. In T.’s answer style — an oxymoron — weighs
in to charge those responsible for the centurions' deaths with a perverse
morality in which fides is a crtmen. Here the explanation goes well beyond the
evidence provided. Stylistic effects such as this are reserved for moments
of special bitterness, where explanation is not enough.
At 2.101.1 T. himself points out an incident in the work of his prede-
cessors where assertions pose as explanations. Apropos of the desertion of
Vitellius for Vespasian by two key commanders, he says ‘writers who com-
posed histories of this war while the Flavian house was in power put this
down as concern for peace and love of country, but these causes have been
fabricated to please’ (corruptas in adulatwnem causas). These corruptae causae
involve the attribution of motive (ret publicae cura, amor) and are themselves
explained as pursuit of favour in their authors. T.'s professions of impar-
tiality — implicit here but explicit in his prologues — have provoked many
readers (see Luce (1989)). Is he so naive as to believe that the causes of bias
are limited to past or potential advantage or injury to the historian himself ?
And if he is not so naive, how, given the manifesty engagé character of his
narrative, can we avoid charging him with hypocrisy? But in Histornes 1,
at least, T.'s explanations are for the most part qualitatively different from
 10 INTRODUCTION

these corruptae causae. His passions come through rather in the colouring (see
below). T.'s confidence in the historian's ability to explain is at a high-water
mark here at the outset of the Fiistories; several passages in the Annals suggest
a significant retreat (e.g. 3.18.4 ludibna rerum mortahum, 6.22.1 miht haec ac
talia audientt in incerto iudicium est fatone res mortalium et necessitate tmmutabili an
forte uoluantur).
Some of T.'s explanations rely heavily on the reader. For example, the
reader of Histories 1 needs to perceive the extent to which the description of
the sedition given by Galba's advisors in sections 32-3 diverges from that
given by T. himself in the preceding chapters in order to realize that T.
means their advice to seem flawed. Readers of H. need to be particularly
alert to repeated incidents, for Vespasian was preceded by three emperors
who got as far as he did but failed to keep their footing there. In essence T.
has to tell the stories of fall (Galba, Otho, Vitellius) and rise (Otho, Vitellius,
Vespasian) three tmes each, and the mistakes of Vespasian's predecessors
help explain Vespasian's success.
The events leading up to each emperor's proclamation, for example, re-
flect the claimants: Otho’s is characterized by subterfuge and small numbers
(chh. 24—7), Vitellius' by his passivity and the troops' disorder (55—57.1),
Vespasian's by his own careful deliberations and the honest enthusiasm
of his men (2.74—5, 2.79-80.1). Supporters can also be compared: Otho’s
are of low status (Maevius Pudens, Onomastus, and duo manipulares, 24—5),
Vitellius' have rank but also crime and character flaws (Caecina Alienus,
Fabius Valens), while Vespasian relies on Mucianus (whose record was
mixed but in whom this enterprise brought out the best: 10.1nn.) and
his own son Titus. (Vespasian does end up with unsavoury supporters —
Antonius Primus, for example (2.86.1 legibus nocens), and Cornelius Fuscus
(he had a taste for noua, ambigua, and ancipitia: 2.86.3) — but these are oppor-
tunists who sign up once movement is under way, not the inner circle.) When
they actually begin the business of governing, Otho and Vitellius are shown
so subservient to their troops that they are unable to oppose the soldiers’
(bloodthirsty) wishes except by guile (58.2n. occidere. . . fallendo); Vespasian’s
imtia reveal an expert in the practical business of running a campaign:
2.82.1 conscription, recall of veterans, arrangements for weapons man-
ufacture and coinage, 2.82.3 foreign borders secured, 2.84.1—2 revenue;
in short, ea cuncía per tdoneos ministros suis quaeque locts festinabantur (2.82.1).
And finally there are mistakes that Vespasian does not make: absent from
the account of Vespasian's start are the statue-smashing (41.1, 55.3; indeed
 CHRONOLOGY 1l

Antonius Primus has :magines of Galba re-erected at 3.7.2), the deaths of

loyal centurions (43.1, 59.1), the paranoia (25.2, 51.5, 54.1), and the greed
(24.1, 51.4; at 2.82.2 Vespasian's men get an appropriate donative but no
inducement to hanker after more). Vespasian's party does not remain (and
perhaps never was) a paragon, of course, but by T.'s account it begins well,
and Book 1's account of the reigns that preceded his is crucial for showing
how it did so. (Incidents that allow a comparison between two or more of
the emperors of 69 are listed in App. 3.)

; EXEMPLA
A fourth element of Ts historiographical programme is moral evaluation.
Exempla are promised in the preface to H., and by the time T. was writing
the Annals giving memory's due to virtues and making warnings of crimes
had come to seem of primary importance (4. 3.65.1 quod praecipuum munus
annalium reor, ne utrtutes sileantur utque prauis dictis factisque ex postentate et infamia
metus sit; see Luce (1991) and, for a different view, Woodman (1995)). In all of
'T^s work mala exempla are more numerous than bona; this is particularly true
of Histones 1. Of the virtuous acts listed in ch. 3 — mothers accompanying
exiled children, wives accompanying exiled husbands, loyal assistance from
friends, relatives, and even slaves, death bravely met - only the last figures
in Book 1, and that only once. It gets suitable fanfare: 43.1 insignem illa die
utrum Sempronium Densum aetas nostra uidit. Mala exempla, being so much more
numerous, are woven into the narrative with greater subtlety (see below).

8 CHRONOLOGY
It remains to mention a matter that T. does not address explicitly in. H.
but that can be inferred from his practice. Chronological precision per se
was clearly not a priority for T. Chronology matters in his account of
Galba's decision to adopt Piso and in his version of the encounter of Julius
Atticus and Galba, so he provides the necessary temporal indications (12.1 n.
paucts. . . diebus, 35.2n. lultus Atticus speculator). But he leaves modern histo-
rians groping for the dates of the Vitellian crossings of the Alps (66.3n.
sic. . . peruentum, 70.3n. hibernis adhuc Alpibus), the departure of Otho's naval
expedition (87.1n. .Narbonensem. . . statuit), the praetorian riot (Bo-5n.), and
more. In the case of the last incident, which was discussed above, it is clear
why: in Ts view the story illustrates the consequences of thc collapse of
12 INTRODUCTION

military discipline and for that purpose its date is irrelevant. Modern histo-
rians want to use the incident for other purposes (e.g. to fix the date of the
departure of the navy for Narbonensis; see Chilver ad loc.) and are hindered
by not knowing its date (see also 20.1n. proxtma pecuniae cura).

9 DEINOSIS
T.’s first major historical work is shaped both by the historiographical pri-
orities just listed and by his attitude towards the world he has chosen to
portray. Reason may tell him that the principate was a good or necessary
system, but it does not console him for the system's effects. In the words
of Eduard Norden, *he glows with inner fervour' ((1909) 326). In those
of Ronald Mellor (1993), *The future is where historians exercise power,
and T. revels in it' (2). As a result, mala exempla are not simply mala, but
pesstma. To convey his fervour and to exercise his power T. employs a style
that eschews complacency. Diction is elevated to new levels of seriousness,
syntax's boundaries are challenged, and the arrangement of words and
clauses confounds expectations and becomes a major carrier of meaning,
The effect of T.'s style is felt in every paragraph of his work and its elements
are too various to be discussed in full here. An introductory example and a
glance at some elements of style that are particularly effective in Histories 1
will suffice to prepare the reader for T.'s powerful prose.?

1o ELEVATION
Here again is the opening sentence of chapter g together with its parallel
in Plutarch (discussed above):
superior exercitus legatum Hordeonium Flaccum spernebat, senecta
ac debilitate pedum inualidum, sine constantia, sine auctoritate.
Flaccus, physically incapacitated by acute gout and without prac-
tical experience, was a complete cipher to them. (Plut. G. 18.4)
A small detail to begin with: where Plutarch specifies the disease's name,
Toddaypa, T. specifies its effect, debilitate pedum, making his expression both

® Word choice and arrangement will receive more attention here than syntax
since T.’s syntax reflects the usage of his day as well as his own stylistic choices. For
an overview of T.'s syntax see the introduction to Furneaux (1884—g1), and Draeger
(1882) passim.
 DICTION 13

more decorous and more relevant to his argument.” Other characteristi-

cally Tacitean touches are the compactness of the expression superior exercitus
as a reference to the legions of Upper Germany, and the abstract nouns
(senecta, debilitate, constantia, auctonitate). 'Yhe concluding anaphora illustrates
both T.'s deft hand with rhetorical special effects (Plutarch uses a some-
what muddy chiastic antithesis, literally ‘incapacitated in body and of af-
fairs inexperienced’) and the liberties he takes with loosely attached ablative
phrases. T.’s tualidum is more precise than Plutarch’s &buvarov (Flaccus
was not incapacitated, since he did act); it is also a member of Ts favourite
class of adjectives, those compounded with privative :n- (see below). And
finally, the sentence structure consisting of a dense main clause followed by
a longer and more elaborate appendix is distinctively Tacitean (Plutarch
uses a regular verb-final period).
Put together, these elements yield a unique style that Pliny, speaking
of T.’s oratorical style, labelled ‘solemn’ (Ep. 2.11.16 oeuvds). Its most im-
portant constituents — elevated diction and figured speech — are examined
further below.

11 DICTION
An elevated diction opens up to the reader the larger significance of the
particulars at hand. Adjectives and nouns compounded by the privative
prefix -, for example, both describe something and point to a standard
from which 1t deviates. They appear in great abundance in T.; there are
more than sixty in Book 1 alone, ranging from the familiar inops, inimicus,
and infelix to the more recherché inexorabilis and infructuosus.® The effect

7 'Thefollowing analysis takes Plutarch's version not as a stand-in for the common
source, from which T. can then be shown to have deviated, but as another way of
developing the same information. If T. s in fact following the source verbatim here
(which seems extremely improbable), then the verbal artistry we appreciate is not
that of Cornelius Tacitus but of the source author.
8 Adjectives and adverbs: ignarus, ignauus, ignorans, ignotus, illaesus, immemor,
zmmmsw immoderatus, immodicus, immotus, impar, tmpatzms impenetrabilis, tmpentus, :mptger
zmpnus, improuidus, zmpudwus impune, intempestus, inanimus, tnauditus, incautus, incertus, in-
corruptus incruentus, incunosus, indecorus, indefensus, inermis, iners, tnexorabilis, inexpertus,
infamis, infaustus, infelix, infidus, tnfructuosus, ingratus, 1nhonestus, inimicus, 1nnocens, inoff-
ensus, tnops, inquietus, tnsatiabilis, inscius, insolitus, intrepidus, intutus, inualidus (3), irnitus;
nouns: ignaua, :gnorantia, impudentia, impunitas, incolumitas, inertia, infirmitas, iniuna, iofna,
inscitia, intempenes.
14 INTRODUCTION

may be studied at 6.1 and 6.2, where T. uses inualidus, ignautssumus, inauditus,
indefensus, innocens, inermis, infaustus, and inertia.
A larger category of words that insist on the general in the particular con-
sists of abstract nouns. Especially characteristic is T.'s use of abstract nouns
as subjects of active verbs, as at 80.2 obsequia meliorum nox abstulerat. Although
the pluperfect abstulerat makes this explanation particular to the occasion
(contrast the sententiae discussed below), nox, which encompasses notions
ranging from darkness and confusion to danger and licence, gives it a cer-
tain amplitude. At 49.1 Galbae conpus diu neglectum et licentia tenebrarum plurimis
ludibrus uexatum the ablative licentia tenebrarum expresses some (but only some)
of what 1s implicit in nox at 80.2. (The tone of 80.2 is further elevated by
the moral note provided by obsequia and meliorum.) Even in more common
constructions such as /icentia tenebrarum, abstract nouns, because of their
frequency, realize the past as the interplay of large-scale forces. In the fairly
typical ch. 12 T. uses reuerentia, arbitrium, seditio, adoptio, sermo, licentia, libido,
aetas, iudicium, amor, spes, odium, actus, fortuna, cupiditas, facilitas, metus, and
praemium.9? Abstract nouns are more numerous in passages of analysis and
characterization and less numerous in narrative proper - ch. 51, with thirty
lines of analysis, has thirty-one abstract nouns, chh. 49-50.1, with thirty
lines of character sketch, have thirty, ch. 79, with thirty lines of narrative,
has eleven - but there is no paragraph in Histories 1 entirely without them.
On rare occasions they provide more elevation than a situation calls for, as
at 79.2 lubrico itinerum adempta equorum pernicitate, which describes an almost
farcical scene of horses slipping on ice. À similar expansiveness of reference
is provided by impersonal passives and substantive neuter adjectives.

12 METAPHOR
Metaphors, which imply an analogy, are another element of style that allows
T. to expand the particular.'^ They are frequently found in combination
with other elevation-producing expressions, as at 26.1 tnfecit ea tabes legronum
quoque et auxiltorum motas 1am mentes, bostquam uulgatum erat labare Germanici
exercitus fidem. Here 'I. uses two abstract nouns as subjects for active verbs
(tabes, fidem), an impersonal passive (uulgatum erat), and three metaphorical
verbs (infecit, motas, labare). Despite the accumulation, this is not a sentence
9 See further Walker (1976) 116.
!? For general lists of common Tacitean metaphors see Draeger (1882) $248 and
Furneaux (1884-91) $66.
 SENTENTIAE 15

that draws attention to itself; rather, it is of a piece with the surrounding

narrative. It is in fact the very ordinariness of metaphors in T. that is so
distinctive: what in other prose authors would be ornaments introduced in
suitable settings T. uses as basic building blocks. (Unusual metaphors are
listed in the index s.v.)

13 SENTENTIAE
A more elaborate figure of speech that provides a generalizing and elevat-
ing effect is the sententia. Ts contemporary Quinulian defines the sententia
as a uox untiuersalis that is applicable and interesting beyond the particular
context of an utterance (/nst. 8.5.3). A modern scholar, more concerned
with tone than type, attributes to T.'s many sententiae the impression the his-
torian gives of being *master of all he surveys' (Sinclair (1995) 147). T. uses
the sententia primarily to enunciate the principles governing the (bad) be-
haviour of groups and individuals. It is one component of what Mellor
calls his *rhetoric of exposure', his programme of revealing truths that had
been hidden or simply lost sight of." The groups in question are large
(55.1 wnsita mortalsbus natura), small (44.2 tradito principrbus more), and in be-
tween (1.3 tncorruptam fidem professis, 54.3 facilwore inter malos consensu, 90.3 ut in
JSamalus). Quintihian’s chapter on the sententia owes its length to the figure's
populanty (8.5.1—35). He likens sententiae to eyes (ocult eloquentiae) even as
he urges restraint in their use: ‘I don’t want eyes all over the body, nor do
I want the other limbs to lose their function’ (8.5.34). An historian has to
exercise particular caution because the figure tends to bring the narrative
to a full stop (8.5.27). T: is properly abstemious, and most of his sententiae
punctuate as well as illuminate (see index s.v).'^ But T.’s sententiae are not
quite the sparkling brilliants that Quintilian seems to have in mind: what
their light exposes is all too often a grim truth. Among T.'s themes are
punishment (3.2, 41.2), crime (12.3, 39.2), misfortune (15.3), suspicion and
hatred (21.1), danger (21.2, 56.3, 62.1), failure (39.1), violence (54.3), reluc-
tance (55.1), and self-interest (15.4, 90.3). Master he may be, but his domain
'' Mellor (1993) 126. Quintilian's favourite metaphor for the figure is that of light:
lumtna. . . praecipueque in. clausulis posita (2, cf. 28, 34), nutere (19), scintillae (29), oculos
eloquentiae (34), clarescit (19).
7 For example, the sentences after the following sententiae are not connected to
what precedes: 3.2 non esse. .. ultionem, 12.3 apud infirmum. . . peccaretur, 15.3 secundae
res . . . corrumpimur, 39.1 oplima.
.. effugerat, 44.2 tradito...ultionem, 56.3 mnore discn-
mine . . . quaer, 62.1 nl i discordüs. . . esset, 90.3 priuata. . . decus publicum.
16 INTRODUCTION

appalls him. Some authors, including Quintilian himselfin a later part of

his chapter, treat epigrams (i.e. expressions of conspicuous verbal neatness,
such as 25.1 suscepere duo manipulares imperium populi Romani transferendum et
transtulerunt) as sentenhae. Many epigrams, however, including this one, lack
the elevating effect of uoces uniuersales. For a list of both types see App. 2.
As we have seen, the various elements of Tacitean elevation are generally
used to emphasize the darker side of the Roman world in A.p. 69. Ancient
rhetorical theory designates this procedure detnosis, or *malang terrible' (see
Cousin (1951)). Quintilian defines it as ‘style adding force to things that
are undeserved, harsh, or hateful’ (Inst. 6.2.24); its relevant emotions are
anger, hatred, fear, jealousy, and grief (6.2.20). An orator uses it to involve
a judge's passions, particularly in prooemia and epilogues (6.2.20). T. uses
it throughout. It is obvious, perhaps too obvious, in a passage such as 40.2:

igitur milites Romani, quasi Vologaesum aut Pacorum auito

Arsacidarum solio depulsuri ac non imperatorem suum inermem et
senem trucidare pergerent, disiecta plebe, proculcato senatu, truces
armis, rapidi equis forum irrumpunt. nec illos Capitol aspectus
et imminentium templorum religio et priores et futuri principes
terruere quo minus facerent scelus cuius ultor est quisquis successit.

The analogy between the Roman emperor and one of the interchangeable
foreign dynasts, the venerability and vulnerability of the victim, the violent
action (disiecta, proculcato, trrumpunt), the contempt for cultural touchstones
(Capitol, temples, past and future principes), the moral labels (scelus, ultor), all
of these elements plainly convey outrage. But the most effective medium
for Tacitean detnosis is much more subtle.

i4 APPENDIX SENTENCES
À sentence structure considered characteristic of T. consists of a pithy main
clause complete in itself, followed by a subordinate appendix that over-
whelms the main clause in length and complexity. There are some fifty-five
such sentences in Histonies 1, or about 13 per cent of its 432 sentences. A few
examples will show how much such a structure can contribute to the im-
pact of T.’s narrative. Consider this sentence, which follows the night-time
expulsion of some civilians from a legionary camp (|| marks the end of the
main clause):
 APPENDIX SENTENCES 17

54.2 inde atrox rumor, || affirmantibus plerisque interfectos, ac ni

sibi ipsi consulerent, fore ut acerrimi militum et praesentia conquest
per tenebras et inscitiam ceterorum occiderentur.
The main clause, three short words, conveys the quality (atrox ‘horrifying’
‘alarming’) of the soldiers’ talk. What they actually said to one another
is reported in the subordinate ablative absolute. atrox prepares the reader
to interpret the inference the soldiers draw from the rumoured execution
as evidence of the near-panic conditions of the camp.? A common varia-
tion on this structure reserves characterization for the appendix, as in the
description of the Helvetii at 67.1:
irritauerant turbidum ingenium Heluetii, || Gallica gens olim armis
uirisque, mox memoria nominis clara, de caede Galbae ignari et
Vitellii imperium abnuentes.'
In the examples just given the appendix supports the interpretation
or attitude expressed in the main clause. Alarm, anger, ignorance, and
obstruction all suit T^s view of the period and this unsettling sentence
structure combines with the other elements of style we have examined
to give them due prominence. But at 55.1 he uses the same structure to
undermine an apparent statement of facts:
inferioris tamen Germaniae legiones sollemni kalendarum
Ianuariarum sacramento pro Galbae adactae, || multa cunctatione
et raris primorum ordinum uocibus, ceteri silentio proximi cuiusque
audaciam exspectantes, insita mortalibus natura propere sequi quae
piget inchoare.
That is, the legions of Lower Germany declared themselves loyal on
1 January, but the declaration meant little given its manner and cause
(hesitation, expectant silence, nascent audacity, herd instinct).^
'3 [n a similarly built sentence at 6.1 the appendix explains /ardum et cruentum,
likewise at 8.2 (solliciti et irati), 9.1 (spernebal), 13.4 (spem. . . raptebat), 20.1 (uix decuma
portione), 31.2 (diffidebatur).
'¢ Cf. 18.1 contemptorem . . . uitantur, 26.2 ignarus... peruicax, 31.2 infestae. .. Galba,
45.2 industriae
. . . infensi, 50.1 anle. .. crederetur, 51.4 super...iactabant, 66.2 accensis...
prodigus, 71.3. eandem
. . . irascebantur, 79.1. ad...intenta, 90.2. crebro. . sonans. Sull
another vanation is seen in sentences that seem to end, then offer a comment, either
via a noun in apposition (44.2n. munimentum . . . ulhonem) or a free-floating adverb
(65.1n. crebnus. . . uf).
I5 Cf. 47.1n. adnitentibus cunctis.
18 INTRODUCTION

The connection between sentence structure and tone is perhaps best

illustrated by contrasting two sentences of similar content but different
type. The weakening of military discipline is an important theme of the book
and T. devotes a number of passages to analysing its causes in specific inci-
dents. The first such occurs at 5.1:
miles urbanus longo Caesarum sacramento imbutus et ad destituen-
dum Neronem arte magis et impulsu quam suo ingenio traductus,
postquam neque dari donatiuum sub nomine Galbae promissum
neque magnis meritis ac praemiis eundem in pace quem in bello
locum praeuentamque gratiam intellegit apud principem a legio-
nibus factum, pronus ad nouas res scelere insuper Nymphidii Sabini
praefecti imperium sibi molientis agitatur.
This is an ordinary historical period: it begins with its subject, ends with
its verb, and packs a series of subordinate explanations between the two
(embutus, traductus, postquam. . . intellegit, pronus). The sentence is an efhcient
and fairly matter-of-fact statement of and explanation for the unsettled
state of the praetorian guard. There are indeed some slight shadings of
black (the selfishness of praeuentam gratiam, the moral label scelere, the ironic
juxtaposition of praefecti and tmpenum), but there are also brighter tones (e.g.
the antithesis meritis- praemiis, which reflects an accepted moral code, and
the premise of real loyalty — :ngento — to the Julio-Claudian house). The
assessment is balanced.
À more negative picture of unsettled loyalties occurs at 31.3:
Germanica uexilla diu nutauere, || inualidis adhuc corporibus et pla-
catis animis, quod eos a Nerone Alexandriam praemissos atque inde
rursus longa nauigatione aegros impensiore cura Galba refouebat.
The main clause here characterizes the behaviour neutrally (see on nutauere),
but the ablative absolute explains the soldiers' not very creditable reasons
for not joining their confréres in abandoning Galba and the causal clause
details the attentions they had received from Galba. Despite the element
of balance inherent in nutauere, then, the appendix only explains why the
troops favoured Galba; their inclination for revolt is taken for granted. It
would have been possible to accommodate the contrast between nutauere
and refouebat with a concessive clause (‘although Galba was reviving the
troops, their loyalty wavered’). T.’s sentence, disconcertingly, does not
acknowledge that there is anything to explain away.
 VARIATIO 19

A majority of the appendix sentences give vivid expression to T.'s gener-

ally pessimistic view of the past. But like sententiae, these stylistically powerful
structures can also provide punctuation, as at 47.2, which concludes the
report of the first day of Otho's principate:
Pisonem Verania uxor ac frater Scribonianus, Titum Vinium
Crispina filia composuere, || quaesitis redemptisque capitibus, quae
uenalia interfectores seruauerant.

The ablative absolute, chronologically anterior to the main clause, contains

the more arresting material and more pungent expression (heads for sale,
killers saving); in its posterior position it has a show-stopping effect.
Although appendix sentences are no more numerous than other types,
their power is disproportionate. Two reasons may be suggested. First, the
looseness of the syntactic connection between the main clause (which re-
quires no supplement) and the appendix demands that the reader deter-
mine how the two are related in content: do they agree? conflict? contrast?
Where Cicero would supply conjunctions and Caesar or Livy temporal
indicators, T. leaves the reader to make sense of his juxtapositions. The
reader who does so has been drawn into the text. Harder to analyse, but no
less important, is the unsettling effect of having so often to qualify a main
clause after the fact. However satisfying a main clause such as trnitauerant
turbidum ingentum Heluetii may seem in itself, it proves insufficient to the com-
plexity that T. wants to convey, which contrasts glory past and future with
a present of blind error (67.1, quoted above). These elements could have
been presented in a regular period, neatly subordinated to the main event,
irritauerant. As 'T. writes it, however, while the main event gets due promi-
nence at the beginning of the sentence, blind error weighs just as heavily
at the end and changes the significance of the main event substantially. As
a rule in T., the more pithily expressed his main clause is, the more likely it
is to be qualified before the sentence comes to an end; the style insists that
first thoughts and initial appearances rarely suffice.

15 VARIATIO
Hüstores 1 is not a story of unrelieved gloom. Bona exempla are few, but
rational analysis takes over at times (as at 5.1, quoted above). The four long
speeches in Book 1 are also written in styles very different from that of the
narrative (see their introductory notes). In fact, after elevation, vanety is
20 INTRODUCTION

probably the most striking characteristic of ‘I’s style. As we have seen, even
the most distinctive sentence type only accounts for some 13 per cent of his
sentences.
The pursuit of variety is perceptible at every level of Tacitean com-
position from the smallest phrase — he uses both ut mos est and ut mons est
(7.3n.), for example, and refers to the praetorian prefect with at least six
different titles (46.1 n.) - to paragraphs-long type-scenes (4.2n. finis Neronus).
Vanatio’s most familiar manifestations occur where content and prior usage
lead the reader to expect parallel phrases or clauses, as after seu (9.1n.)
or in adverbial expressions modifying a single verb. Plentiful examples of
verbal inconcinnity can be found, neatly categorized, in Sórbom (1935) (for
passages from Book 1 see index s.v. uanatw). Less numerous, but perhaps
more significant for the tone of T.’s narrative, are expressions that display
what might be called inconcinnity of thought, that is, expressions in which
an innocuously parallel form contains two (or more) substantially different
kinds of content. À simple (and frequent) type sets a concrete term in paral-
lel with an abstraction, as in plausus et immodica studia (35.2) or strepitus telorum
et facies bells (85.1). More subtle is a statement about the armies of Illyricum,
nec witits nec utnbus miscebantur (9.3), where the alliteration reinforces the par-
allelism established by nec. . . nec but uires, when used of armies, denotes not
(or not only) moral qualities (which would constitute a proper parallel to
uitia), but strategic clout. More complex still is the description of Galba on
15 January: :nofia uen et consensu errantuum uictus. Though :nopia and consensu
are parallel ablatives of cause explaining Galba's decision, Galba himself
only experiences the consensus errantium; T. is the one who perceives tnofia ueni.
The effect ofthese non-parallel parallels is to roughen the surface of the nar-
rative, to give the reader pause, to offer equivalencies that require thought.
And that is really the essential point: T.’s style makes you think. He has been
likened to both Cassandra (Mellor (1993) 112) and Oscar Wilde (Cousin
(1951) 234), but neither comparison is perfect. T. is no divine mouthpiece,
nor does he write to shock. This senator, who had witnessed the beginning
of Rome's third dynasty and much else besides, wrote Latin with the depth
and texture that were appropriate to the public act of writing history.

16 HISTORIES 1
With its story of the struggles of the short-lived emperors Galba, Otho,
and Vitellius, and its hints about the off-stage Vespasian, Histories 1 is an
 HISTORIES 1 21

exciting tale. Highlights are Galba’s rationale for adopting a successor

(chh. 15-16; this was the policy that replaced dynastic succession in the
period when T. was wriüng), the ill-omened presentation of his heir to
the troops (ch. 18), the growth of Otho's sedition (chh. 21—31), an advising
scene replete with all the nastiness of court politics (chh. 32—3), the murder
of Galba and his closest associates with the populace looking on as if it were
a show (chh. 40-1), the distress of the senate in the face of rapid changes
of rulers (chh. 45, 47), the first description of Vitellius, whose character
plainly disgusted T. (ch. 62), and the unstoppable two-pronged crossing of
the Vitellian armies into northern Italy (chh. 63—70). The book ends on a
tense note, with Vitellius’ forces north of the Po and Otho on his way to
confront them.
The structure of Histories 1 is complex but always clear; it provides
surprise and suspense, but also satisfactory endings. The book opens with
a three-part preface: ch. 1 introduces the author, 2—4.1 the content, 4.2-11
the background to the narrative. The retrospective in chh. 4-11, which
covers the period between Nero's suicide in June of 68 and 1 January 69,
itself has two clearly articulated parts, the first intent on Rome (chh. 4-7),
the second offering a broad sweep through the provinces of the empire
(chh. 8-11). The concluding sentence is a miniature marvel: Aic fuit rerum
Romanarum status cum Seruius Galba iterum Titus Vimus consules inchoauere annum
stbt ultimum, rei publicae prope subremum. 'This one sentence brings together
what was diffused throughout the retrospective (rerum Romanarum), closes
the introduction by returning it to its beginning (Seruius Galba iterum Titus
Vinius consules, cf. 1.1), launches the narrative on 1 January, and alerts the
reader as to what was at stake (ret publicae prope subremum).
The first large panel of the narratve (chh. 12—21) opens with a reminder
of the unrest in Germany (12.1), but focuses on Rome and Galba. It 1s a
story of failure, justifying T.'s negative assessment of Galba (49.4, quoted
above). Galba's successor, Otho, makes a surprise appearance in ch. 13,
which prepares the way for Otho's success story in chh. 21—6. The final
clash between Galba and Otho, the work of a single day, yields a long and
dramatic panel (chh. 27—47). Galba's story is brought to an end by obit-
uaries, first his associates' (ch. 48), then, in more detail, his own (ch. 49).
Ch. 50 reopens the German narrative from the perspective still of Rome
(50.1 trepidam urbem. . . nouus insuper de Vitellio nuntius exterruit). It also reintro-
duces Vespasian, who will move into full view at the beginning of Book 2.
But before Vespasian come Vitellius and the restless legions of Germany
22 INTRODUCTION

(chh. 51—70). This section begins with an analysis of causes and a muster of
strength (chh. 51—4); it ends with the German armies moving inexorably
towards Italy with Vitellius following ominously behind (61.2 tota mole bellt
secuturus). At ch. 71 we leave the Vitellians on the move and return to Rome
and Otho's principate (chh. 71—90), a section that balances chh. 1221
on Galba's acta: where Galba failed completely, Otho makes the best of
a bad situation. The more positive tone here is set in relief by the storm
approaching from the North. Though Otho himself remains in Rome until
the end of this section, events bring many areas of the empire back into the
narrative (in ch. 76 Illyricum, Spain, Gaul, Judaea, Syria, Egypt, Africa; in
ch. 78 Spain, Cappadocia, Asia; in ch. 79 Moesia). The book ends with a
concentration of focus: the date is 14 March 69 and Otho sets out for war
(ch. 90).

17 THE SOURCES
The events of Book 1 took place when T. was about thirteen years old.
When he came to write it c. A.D. 100 he was able to draw upon contempo-
rary documents and some three decades' worth of retellings both oral and
written.
The first category was probably the least important. Research in docu-
mentary archives is assumed of him for H. by Pliny, who had been consulted
about an A.D. 93 trial in which he had played a prominent role (Ep. 7.33.3
diligentiam tuam fugere non possit, cum sit in publicis actis), but would have yielded
little towards the narrative of Book 1. The items most likely to have come
from official sources, especially senatorial archives, are the military uacationes
(46.2n.), the senatorial embassies (19.2, 74.2), the restoration of senatorial
rank to three men (77.3), the re-erection of Poppaea’s statues per senatus
consultum (78.2), the successful campaign against the Sarmatae (79.5n. con-
sularibus ornamentis donantur), and the date of Otho’s last acts in Rome (go.1n.
pndie Idus Martias commendata patribus res publica), none of which appears in
any other extant source. But the significant events of A.p. 69 did not occur
at official meetings.
It is difficult to gauge the importance of oral report for this book. T.
mentions eyewitness accounts for other books of H. (3.65.2, 4.81.3); at
least some of these will have been oral only (90.2n. erant qui. . . noscerent).
Suetonius, who wrote not long after T., has information from his father,
who fought at Otho's defeat (Suet. O. 10.1). Plutarch, who probably wrote
 THE SOURCES 23

rather earlier, had spoken to an ex-consul who had tried to ‘read’ the
battlefield shortly after that same battle (Plut. O. 14.1—2). Of people named
in connection with the events of Book 1, some were active well into the
gos (Verginius Rufus 8.2n., Verania Gemina 47.2n.; possibly Pompeius
Longinus 31.2n.) and at least one, Arrius Antoninus, seems to have survived
into the period of the book's composition (77 .2n.). But T. cites none of these
nor any other oral source. It is possible, however, that he owes the story
of Otho's naval expedition to Narbonensis (87.1—2nn.) to his father-in-
law, Agricola, who lost his mother in that campaign and spent time in
the area shortly after it (Agr. 7.1—2); the expedition is treated by no other
source.'®
As for written sources, Josephus, an older contemporary of T., tells
us that the period from Nero's suicide to Vespasian's accession had been
treated by many authors both Greek and Roman (B7 4.492-6). But all
indications in /7Zisteres 1 suggest that T. used a single written source as the
basis of his narrative. He does have more information than the authors of
the parallel tradition (discussed below), but his narrative of the events of
1 January-14 March is also the longest." As we shall see, where the accounts
overlap they are generally in agreement on events and they sometimes even
share details of language; there are no significant differences in matters of
fact. If T. did supplement the common source with documentary evidence
or oral tesimony or with material from another written source, his supple-
ments bulk rather small.'?^ The identity of the common source remains a
matter of scholarly dispute and need not detain us here; T. considered none
of his predecessors in the field satisfactory (1.1, cf. 2.101.1, quoted above).'?
It is more productive to examine the parallel tradition to learn how T. used
this source.

'® There is a bare mention in Dio (preserved at Zonaras 11.15: 'Otho sent a force
by land and by sea’).
!7 Chh. 12-90 have 44.5 large-format Teubner pages, Plutarch has 24 small-
format Teubner pages (G. 16-29 and O. 1—5.2), Suetonius 8.5 small pages (G. 11.2-23,
O. 43—8 Vit. 7.3-9), Dio 4 small pages (64.4—64.10.1).
For items that may derive from a second written source see 6.1n. Cornelius
Laco, 27.2n. innixus liberto, 31.1n. insidüs et simulatione, 41.2n. uarie prodidere, 43.1n.
insignem. . . uidit, 73.1n. Caluia Crispinilla.
'9 Possible sources (and their principal supporters) are Cluvius Rufus (Mommsen
(1870); see also Townend (1964)), Fabius Rusticus (Groag (1897)), and Pliny the Elder
(Fabia (1893), Hardy (1890)). For discussion see Syme (1958) App. 29; he calls the
source ‘Ignotus’.
24 INTRODUCTION

18 THE PARALLEL TRADITION

There are three parallel accounts of the events T. describes in Book r:
Plutarch's Zives of Galba and Otho, Suetonius’ Lwes of Galba, Otho, and
Vitellius, and the excerpts and epitomes of Dio, Book 64. By careful com-
parison among the four one is able to see more clearly here than anywhere
else in T.’s historical work the choices he makes in the selection, arrange-
ment, and presentation of his material.?® (The most significant parallel
passages are printed in Appendix 1 and will be referred to by T.’s chapter
and sentence number here.)
Where the separate accounts show parallels of language and even sen-
tence structure it is clear that each author has followed the common source
closely.?' Some such passages plainly involve must-have anecdotes and bons
mots: Galba’s famous phrases (5.2, 35.2, 41.2), Claudius' clever revenge on
the despicable Vinius (48.3), Otho's tears (82.1). For some of these items
two or more accounts are essentially the same (22.1b, 24.1, 24.2, 25.1,
25.1b, 27.1-2, 27.2, 41.2, 41.2b, 44.2, 49.1, 57.1 (T. and Plutarch, but not
Suetonius), 72.1, 74.1, 77.2). For example, all four authors know about the
elaborate plan that Otho and his associates concocted to extract him from
the palace on the morning of the coup and three of them report it step-
by-step, even though none of the steps was particularly important to the
outcome (see on ch. 27 in App. 1). T., Plutarch, and Suetonius each begin
with Galba sacrificing and the seer's warning, each brings out the irony
of Otho's presence and explains the property-inspection ruse. They even
trace the route by which Otho made his way out of the palace, and de-
scribe his destination in nearly identical terms: in Velabrum, inde ad miltanum
aureum sub aedem Saturni pergit (27.2), ‘He came to the forum, where stands
the gilded column at which all the roads that cut across Italy terminate'
(Plut. G. 24.2), in foro sub aede Saturni ad miliarium aureum (Suet. O. 6.2).
Close attention to the source is also apparent on a smaller scale. At 57.1,
for example, T. and Plutarch report the same sequence of ideas:

superior exercitus speciosis senatus populique Romani nominibus

relictis tertium nonas Ianuarias Vitellio accessit.
20 The discussion in Martin (1981) 189-96 is judicious but draws primarily on
material from Book 2.
2! [t is unlikely that T. used Plutarch as a principal source or that Plutarch used
T. or that Suetonius so used either. Dio's sources are more difficult to ascertain. See
Hardy (1890) xxiv-xxxv, lvi-lx.
 THE PARALLEL TRADITION 25

And straight away Flaccus’ force cast aside their fine and demo-
cratic oaths of allegiance to the senate and swore to Vitellius that
they would do what he commanded. (Plut. G. 22.8)

The two versions share the identification of the military forces, the specious
oaths, the declaration for Vitellius, the scornful tone. There are differences
of detail — T.'s date is more precise than 'straight away’ and accessit is more
compact than 'swore to do what he commanded' - but there has been no
major rethinking in either. Suetonius omits the scorn.
Another category of close parallels shows shared ornaments of style:
antithesis (22.1, 88.1), metaphor and simile (12.1, 13.3, 32.1, 37.5, 40.1),
epigram (19.1, 45.1, 49.2, 72.1b, 74.1, 81.1). The epigram at 81.1, cum ttmeret
Otho timebatur, for example, adds no essential information to the story of the
praetorian riot, but its felicity won it acceptance from Plutarch as well as
T.: O. 3.5 'Fearing for these men he himself was fearful to them.'
Other parallel narratives have been adapted to their context in either
content (5.2, 13.4, 28, 35.2, 41.3, 43.1, 89.3) or phrasing (48.3, 71.2, 77.3,
82.1). Thus T.’s version of a disreputable anecdote about Vinius, although
it contains the same basic elements as Plutarch's, is noticeably neater in
expression:
seruili deinceps probro respersus est, tamquam scyphum aureum in
conuiuio Claudio furatus, et Claudius postera die soli omnium Vinio
fictilibus ministrari iussit. (48.3)
Dining with Claudius Caesar he carried off a silver cup. When
Claudius heard, he invited him back to dinner the next day, and
when Vinius came he ordered the servants to bring out and set
before him nothing silver but only earthenware. (Plut. G. 12.2 )
solt ommium Vinto is more pointed than *when Vinius came', and the im-
personal passive mintstran allows T. to leave out the superfluous servants.??
T. also makes the diagnostic value of the anecdote clear at the outset:
seruili probro respersus est. Occasionally T., Plutarch, and Suetonius will use a
successful expression differently: with general and specific applications, for
example (7 .3n. tamquam . . . festinantes), or in connection with different events
(8.1n. tamquam . . . multitudie, 19.1 n. quadriduo, 45.1n. aliud. . . populum, 47 .2n.
eruento . . . iacentium, etc. For further examples see App. r).
?? "The material of the stolen cup differs in the two accounts. Suetonius, in a
different context, tells the story with a gold cup (CL 32), which suggests that Plutarch
normalized the cup's material.
26 INTRODUCTION

An adaptation of content can be seen in the reports about the prodigies

heralding Otho's loss of control:
in uestibulo Capitolii omissas habenas bigae cui Victoria institerat.
(86.1)
Everyone saw that in the Capitolium the reins of the Nike standing
on a chariot had been loosed from her hands as if she was no longer
able to control it. (Plut. O. 4.4)
statuam Diui Iuli in insula Tiberini amnis sereno et immoto die
ab occidente in orientem conuersam. (86.1 b)
The statue of Gaius Caesar on the island in the river Tiber, with-
out the occurrence of either seismic movement or wind, turned from
west to east. (Plut. O. 4.4)
statuam Diui Iuli ad orientem sponte conuersam. (Suet. Ves. 5.7)
These and other prodigies are reported by T. with annalistic fullness (86n.),
but Plutarch selects and analyses (‘Everyone saw...’). T. and Suetonius
give different dates for the statue prodigy (see n.). But the language used to
report the signs remains very close: omussas habenas ~ t&s fyias . . . &epévas,
statuam D Iul . . . conuersam 72 statuam Dsui lul . . . conuersam.?? Similarly, the
language with which T. and Plutarch herald Sempronius Densus' heroics
(insignem tlla die utrum Sempronium Densum aetas nostra uidit; Plut. G. 26.4-5 *No
one kept them off or supported him except one man, the only one among
the thousands seen by the sun who was worthy of the Roman empire.
He was Sempronius Densus, a centurion?) is closely related even though
the content differs: in Plutarch he dies defending Galba, while T. has him
defending Piso (43.1).
The parallels examined so far give the impression that T. weighed each
sentence in the source and eitlier adopted its essence (for points that didn't
merit his special handling), or took it as it was (for signal stylistic successes),
Or recast or reset it, depending on whether form or context or both needed
redoing, The most striking example of retained language and content is
perhaps that at 41.3:
de percussore non satis constat: quidam Terentium euocatum, alii
Laecanium, crebrior fama tradidit Camurium quintac decimae
legionis militem.

?3 For a more extensive passage in which T. uses a more lively rhetoric than
Plutarch does for the same material see 45.2nn. Manum.. . subtraxit.
 THE PARALLEL TRADITION 27

The man who killed him, according to most writers, was a certain
Camurius from Legio xv. Some report that it was Terentius, others
Lecaenius, still others Fabius Fabullus, who they also say cut off
Galba's head and carried it wrapped in a cloak, since its baldness
made it difficult to hold. (Plut. G. 27.2)

Included in the shared material here is what looks like a claim by both T.
and Plutarch to have checked numerous sources, but that job must in fact
have been done (or fabricated) at an earlier stage of the tradition.^* The
content of the statement - that Galba's assassin was variously identified -
may well be true, but there is nothing to suggest that either T. or Plutarch
verified it for himself. Which is not to say that the passage was adopted
without thought. In fact, P. has dropped the military rank of one of the
possible assassins (euocatum), and T. has omitted one of the four names and
the rather gruesome story that went with it (49.1n. plunrimis. . . uexatum). But
source criticism, even the rudimentary sort that T. applies immediately
above (41.2 ut cutque odium aut admiratio fuit, uane prodidere), would have been
counterproductive here, for the assassination is chilling precisely because
almost any Roman soldier could have done it and done it quite casually.
Indeed fully 120 people claimed rewards from Otho for services rendered
in connection with the assassination of his predecessor (44.2). Loyalty such
as that shown by Sempronius Densus, not betrayal, was the surprising thing
on 15 January in 69.?5
Differences on plain matters of fact do occur, but the information is
generally of small importance (see App. 4). In some cases - that concern-
ing the number of members on Galba's property reclamation board, for
example, where Suetonius says fifty, T. thirty (21.1n.) - we lack independent
evidence for deciding which is correct. For others we have reason to believe
that T. gives the correct version.
À more significant sort of difference may be illustrated by the abortive
plan to proclaim Otho before 15 January. Both T. and Suetonius report
such a plan, but the details are rather different (26.1, Suet. O. 6.1). Suetonius
dates it to immediately following (stattm) Piso's adoption (which took place
on the 10th) and says that it was called off as a courtesy to the praetorian

24 At 41.2 he shares a similar claim with Suetonius: plures prodidere (see n.).
25 Suetonius' expectations were more sanguine: G. 20.1 illud mirum admodum fuent,
neque praesenhum quemquam opem imperaloni ferre conatum et omnes qui arcesserentur spreuisse
nuntium excepta Germanianorum uexillatione.
28 INTRODUCTION

cohort on guard duty that day and further delayed on the advice of a seer.
In T. the proclamation was set for the evening of the 14th but postponed
until the following morning because of the potential for confusion in the
darkness when the troops were drunk and dispersed in their separate camps.
The significant difference between the two accounts is not so much the
date — Suetonius’ statim is too vague to be taken as a reference to the day
of Piso's adoption, as some have done (sce Murison (1991 b) ad l«.) - but
rather the explanation for the plan’s cancellation, the causa: Suetonius’ Otho
defers to (presumed) praetorian sensibility, while T. cites more practical
considerations.?®
An historian who goes looking for explanations will not always find suf-
ficient ones. Another measure of T.’s quality as an historian (and another
source of differences between T. and the parallel tradition), is that unresolv-
able dubieties are declared as such. The principal vehicles are alternative
questions and disquieting rumours (App. 4). The different sources' treat-
ment of Fonteius Capito, for example, is instructive. Capito, commander of
the legions of Lower Germany, was executed in 68, ostensibly in Galba's in-
terest if not at his behest (7 .1). All ofthe sources tell a simple story, according
to which Capito was a rebel and was executed by a loyal Galba supporter,
Fabius Valens. But T. is suspicious: he knows that Valens has backed and
then betrayed other coup attempts, and that the winners of conflicts get to
write the records, so he mentions another version of what happened, intro-
ducing it with the words fuere qui crederent (7 .2). Besides preserving a second
explanation of Capito's death, this sentence contributes to the theme of
the disinformation that circulated during a period of civil war. Much has
been written deprecating T.'s use of loaded alternatives and rumour-based
innuendo in the Annals, but here at least, because the reasoning behind the
alternative is so clear, there is hittle to criticize.
Still other differences between T.’s account and the rest of the tradition
arise from his omissions. Thé most significant omissions stem from his
choice of starting date (App. 4), but some occur during his chosen period as
well. Many are plainly due to his sense of generic decorum: the biographers
report things beneath history's notice, such as the name of the condition
from which Hordeonius Flaccus suffered (gout: 9.1n. debilitate pedum), the
amount of Otho's debt (200 million sesterces: Plut. G. 21.1), the sum Vinius'
daughter paid for her father's head (47 .2n.), Tigellinus shaving (Plut. O. 2.3),
and the sensational details of the abuse of Galba's head (49.1n. plurimis
ludibriis uexatum). Suetonius, whose focus is more strictly biographical than
?6 See further 39.2n. agilasse. . . dicitur, 55.4n. non . . . locutus.
 THE PARALLEL TRADITION 29

Plutarch’s (cf. Plut. G. 2.3), also provides information about Galba’s eating
habits (Suet. G. 22.1), omens of his fall (Suet. G. 18.3, 19.1), dreams (Suet.
G. 18.2, O. 7.2), and more sums of money (Suet. O. 5.2, 7.1). Much of this
we are glad to learn, but we do not learn it from T.
Finally, some differences are due to T.’s inclusion (or creation) of material
absent from the other sources. There are several categories. The material
possibly owed to senatorial archives or to oral report has already been
mentioned. Ánother important category is names of individuals. In chh.
29—31, for example, T. describes the measures taken in response to the first
news of Otho's proclamation: supporters were sent to secure the allegiance
of troops dispersed throughout the city. Plutarch has the same incident in
G. 25.4. Where Plutarch gives two names (Piso and Marius Celsus), T. gives
seven with details to match (including a speech by Piso and reports about
the missions of the rest). At 7.1 and 43.2 T. has two names to Plutarch's
one (G. 15.2 and 27.4). Other names are omitted by all sources but T.:
Otho's praetorian prefects (46.1) and speech writer (90.2), Calvia Crispinilla
(73.1), three men restored to the senate (77.3), four tribunes discharged
from the urban troops (20.1), and a scout aided by Otho (24.1). Many
others occur in connection with provincial affairs (see below). T. is also
more generous in describing the emotional state of the city of Rome (e.g.
32.1, 35.1, 36.1—2, 40.1, 45.1, 50, 85.1—3, 88.2—89.2, 90.2-3), descriptions
that have no parallels in Plutarch or Suetonius.
The two most significant categories of material absent from the paral-
lel tradition are speeches and provincial activity. Plutarch does have one
short speech (G. 22.4—5; 55.4n. non...locutus), but nothing equivalent to
the speeches in Historzs 1. Plutarch mentions both Piso's address to the
speculatores (G. 26.4) and Otho's post-riot speech (O. 3.8), but T. makes the
men speak for nearly two chapters each (29.2—-30, 83.2—84). Suetonius gives
the gist of Otho’s first address in the praetorian camp in a few short words
(O. 6.3 nihil magis pro contione testatus est, quam id demum se habiturum, quod sibi
illi reliquissent); T. again devotes two chapters (37—38.2). Galba's adoption
speech (15-16) is not even mentioned elsewhere. These are all free composi-
tions that contribute to the historian's analysis and delineation of character
(see introductory notes).??
The parallel sources show a minimal interest in events occurring in or
policies pertaining to Rome's provinces. T. establishes the theme with the

27 T. passes up at least one occasion for a speech in the senate: Suet. O. 7.1 ingressus
senatum positaque breui oratione quast raptus de publico et suscipere tmpertum us coactus gesturusque
communi omntum arbuno.
30 INTRODUCTION

geographical survey in chh. 8-11 (see introductory note for its uniqueness).
The provinces are surveyed again, more briefly, in ch. 76, and 78.1 is devo-
ted to measures affecting the provinces. Ch. 79, a long chapter, covers a
foreign attack on Moesia and the province's successful defence. Bulking still
larger is the Vitellian panel (especially chh. 56—70), which has, as we have
seen, an inadequate counterpart in Plutarch's G. 22 (among other things,
Plutarch omits four names: 56.1n. quattuor centuriones). There is nothing
equivalent in Suetonius and only a tantalizing hint in Dio (a single mention
of Fabius Valens at 64.10).
Ronald Martin's excellent chapter on T.'s use of his sources in H. was
mentioned at the beginning of this section; his concluding words ((1981)
198) may be given now:
Whatever the source or sources from which he has gathered his ma-
terial, Tacitus has imposed on it his own over-view ofthe events, their
causes, and their interrelationship. Moreover, the treatment of the
whole section bears his own unmistakable imprint, in which moral
judgment and dramatic impact unite to give a peculiarly Tacitean
emphasis and profile to the narrative.

19 THE TEXT
The fundamental source for our text of H. is a single eleventh-century
manuscript, Laurentianus 68.2.?? This manuscript, referred to by the
siglum M, is now preserved in the Biblioteca Mediceo-Laurentiana in
Florence. It was written in Beneventan script at Montecassino and con-
tains, besides H., Books 11—16 ofthe Annals and the major works of Apuleius;
Histones 1—5, in fact, is presented as Books 17—21 of the Annals, following
the chronology of the subject matter rather than that of composition. Some
900 years had passed since T.'s writing; in that period his text was copied
into different scripts with different degrees of diligence. At each stage errors
entered. Two stages of the transmission prior to M can be identified from
errors found in M: there was once a copy in minuscules, before that one in
rustic capitals. The latter was a copy made in late antiquity; closer to T.’s
own text we cannot get.
M. was itself copied. From its copies and their descendants (the
‘recentiores’) one can fill in the gaps that arose in M owing to physical damage

28 The following is largely derived from the account of Tarrant (1983) 407-9.
 THE TEXT 31

subsequent to the copying (e.g. 1.69-75.2, 1.86.2—2.2.2). Establishing the

text of M. was the first stage of producing our modern text. Some of the
errors that centuries of copyists generated in M have been emended by
further centuries of readers and scholars.
The text printed here adopts the paragraph and sentence numeration
of the Teubner text of H. Heubner (Stuttgart, 1978), but differs from both
that edition and the OCT of C. D. Fisher (Oxford, 1911) in spelling, punc-
tuation, and occasionally paragraphing. Where the text is substantively
different from that in these standard editions the notes explain (15.4 et 1am,
18.1 dirumpendis, 30.3 berinde, 31.1 apud signa, 33.2 proinde, 46.4 ex fisco suo, 49.1
e prionbus, 52.2 awditate imperandi, 53.1 cito, 55.4 [tn modum contionis aut], 58.2
satiatis, 58.2 sanguine se, 70.1 excifi, 74.1 quietis locum, 77.3 TSaeuino PromquoT,
87.2 Timmutatus|, 88.3 ac). Spelling has been regularized according to the
OLD (e.g prepositional prefixes are assimilated to initial consonants) and
minuscule ‘v’ has been replaced by consonantal ‘u’. The principles of punc-
tuation are as follows. Semicolons separate syntactically complete antithe-
ses. Colons precede indirect statement and text that refers explicitly back
to what precedes the colon. Commas set off appositions and ablative ab-
solute phrases, especially at the end or in mid-sentence. They also set off
phrases that are T.’s comments on the text. They are omitted when par-
ticles or other structures (e.g. relative clauses, purpose clauses, anaphora,
etc.) punctuate sufficiently.
CORNELI TACITI HISTORIARVM
LIBER PRIMVS
 CORNELI TACITI HISTORIARVM
LIBER PRIMVS

Initium mihi operis Seruius Galba iterum Titus Vinius consules x

erunt. nam post conditam urbem octingentos et uiginti prioris
aeui annos multi auctores rettulerunt, dum res populi Romani me-
morabantur, pari eloquenta ac libertate; postquam bellatum apud
Actium atque omnem potentiam ad unum conferri pacis interfuit,
magna illa ingenia cessere. simul ueritas pluribus modis infracta,
primum inscitia rei publicae ut alienae, mox libidine assentandi
aut rursus odio aduersus dominantes. ita neutris cura posteritatis
inter infensos uel obnoxios. sed ambitionem scriptoris facile ?
auerseris, obtrectatio et liuor pronis auribus accipiuntur. quippe
adulationi foedum crimen seruitutis, malignitati falsa species liber-
tatis inest. mihi Galba Otho Vitellius nec beneficio nec iniuria cog- 3
niti. dignitatem nostram a Vespasiano inchoatam, a Tito auctam, a
Domitiano longius prouectam non abnuerim, sed incorruptam fi-
dem professis neque amore quisquam et sine odio dicendus est.
quod si uita suppeditet, principatum diui Neruae et imperium 4
Traiani, uberiorem securioremque materiam, senectuti seposul,
rara temporum felicitate ubi sentire quae uelis et quae sentias
dicere licet.
Opus aggredior opimum casibus, atrox proeliis, discors sedi- 2
tionibus, ipsa etiam pace saeuum. quattuor principes ferro
interempti. trina bella ciuilia, plura externa ac plerumque per-
mixta. prosperae in Oriente, aduersae in Occidente res: turba-
tum Illyricum, Galliae nutantes, perdomita Britannia et statim
missa. coortae in nos Sarmatarum ac Sueborum gentes, nobih-
tatus cladibus mutuis Dacus, mota prope etiam Parthorum arma
falsi Neronis ludibrio. iam uero Italia nouis cladibus uel post lon 2
gam saeculorum seriem repetitis afflicta. haustae aut obrutae urbes
fecundissima Campaniae ora. et urbs incendiis uastata, consumptis
antiquissimis delubris, ipso Capitolio ciuium manibus incenso. pol-
lutae caerimoniae, magna adulteria. plenum exiliis mare, infecti
35
 36 CORNELI TACITI

caedibus scopuli. atrocius in urbe saeuitum: nobilitas, opes, omissi

gestique honores pro crimine, et ob uirtutes certissimum exitium.
nec minus praemia delatorum inuisa quam scelera, cum alii sacer-
dotia et consulatus ut spolia adepti, procurationes alii et interiorem
potentiam, agerent uerterent cuncta odio et terrore. corrupti in
dominos serui, in patronos liberti. et quibus deerat inimicus per
amicos Oppressi.
Non tamen adeo uirtutum sterile saeculum ut non et bona
exempla prodiderit. comitatae profugos liberos matres, secutae
maritos in exilia coniuges. propinqui audentes, constantes generi,
contumax etiam aduersus tormenta seruorum fides. supremae
clarorum uirorum necessitates, ipsa necessitas fortiter tolerata et
laudatis antiquorum mortibus pares exitus. praeter multiplices
rerum humanarum casus caelo terraque prodigia et fulminum
monitus et futurorum praesagia, laeta tristia, ambigua manifesta.
nec enim umquam atrocioribus populi Romani cladibus magis-
ue iustis indiciis approbatum est non esse curae deis securitatem
nostram, esse ultionem.
Ceterum antequam destinata componam, repetendum uidetur
qualis status urbis, quae mens exercituum, quis habitus prouin-
ciarum, quid in toto terrarum orbe ualidum, quid aegrum fuerit,
ut non modo casus euentusque rerum, qui plerumque fortuiti sunt,
sed ratio etiam causaeque noscantur.
Finis Neronis ut laetus primo gaudentium impetu fuerat ita
uarios motus animorum non modo in urbe apud patres aut po-
pulum aut urbanum militem sed omnes legiones ducesque conci-
uerat, euulgato imperii arcano posse principem alibi quam Romae
fieri. sed patres laeti, usurpata statim libertate licentius ut erga
principem nouum et absentem; primores equitum proximi gaudio
patrum; pars populi integra et magnis domibus adnexa, clientes
libernque damnatorum et exulum in spem erecti; plebs sordida et
circo ac theatris sueta, simul deterrimi seruorum, aut qui adesis
bonis per dedecus Neronis alebantur, maesti et rumorum auidi.
5 Miles urbanus longo Caesarum sacramento imbutus et ad
destituendum Neronem arte magis et impulsu quam suo ingenio
 HISTORIARVM LIBER PRIMVS 37

traductus, postquam neque dari donatiuum sub nomine Galbae

promissum neque magnis meritis ac praemiis eundem in pace
quem in bello locum praeuentamque gratiam intellegit apud
principem a legionibus factum, pronus ad nouas res scelere insu-
per Nymphidii Sabini praefecti imperium sibi molientis agitatur.
et Nymphidius quidem in ipso conatu oppressus, sed quamuis 2
capite defectionis ablato manebat plerisque militum conscientia,
nec deerant sermones senium atque auaritiam Galbae increpan-
tium. laudata olim et militari fama celebrata seueritas eius angebat
aspernantes ueterem disciplinam atque ita quattuordecim annis a
Nerone assuefactos ut haud minus uitia principum amarent quam
olim uirtutes uerebantur. accessit Galbae uox pro re publica ho-
nesta, ipsi anceps, legi a se militem, non emi. nec enim ad hanc for-
mam cetera erantinualidum senem Titus Vinius et Cornelius 6
Laco, alter deterrimus mortalium alter ignauissimus, odio flagitio-
rum oneratum contemptu inertiae destruebant.
Jardum Galbae iter et cruentum, interfectis Cingonio Varrone
consule designato et Petronio Turpiliano consulari. ille ut
Nymphidii socius hic ut dux Neronis inauditi atque indefensi
tamquam innocentes perierant. introitus in urbem trucidatis 2
tot milibus inermium militum infaustus omine atque ipsis etiam qui
occiderant formidolosus.
Inducta legione Hispana, remanente ea quam e classe Nero
conscripserat, plena urbs exercitu insolito. multi ad hoc numeri
e Germania ac Britannia et Illyrico, quos idem Nero electos prae-
missosque ad claustra Caspiarum et bellum quod in Albanos para-
bat opprimendis Vindicis coeptis reuocauerat. ingens nouis rebus
materia, ut non in unum aliquem prono fauore ita audenti parata.
Forte congruerat ut Clodi Macri et Fontei Capitonis caedes 7
nuntiarentur. Macrum in Africa haud dubie turbantem Trebonius
Garutianus procurator iussu Galbae, Capitonem in Germania, cum
similia coeptaret, Cornelius Aquinus et Fabius Valens legati
legionum interfecerant antequam iuberentur. fuere qui crederent 2
Capitonem ut auaritia et libidine foedum ac maculosum ita cogita-
tione rerum nouarum abstinuisse, sed a legatis bellum suadentibus,
 38 CORNELI TACITI

postquam impellere nequiuerint, crimen ac dolum ultro composi-

tum, et Galbam mobilitate ingenii, an ne altius scrutaretur, quo-
quo modo acta, quia mutari non poterant, comprobasse. ceterum
utraque caedes sinistre accepta, et inuiso semel principi seu bene
seu male facta parem inuidiam afferebant.
3 . Venalia cuncta, praepotentes liberti, seruorum manus subitis
auidae et tamquam apud senem fesunantes, eademque nouae aulae
mala, aeque grauia, non aeque excusata. ipsa aetas Galbae irrisui
ac fastidio erat assuetis iuuentae Neronis et imperatores forma ac
decore corporis, ut est mos uulgi, comparantibus.
8 . Et hic quidem Romae, tamquam in tanta multitudine, habi-
tus animorum fuit. e prouinciis Hispaniae praeerat Cluuius Rufus,
uir facundus et pacis artibus, bellis inexpertus. Galliae super
memoriam Vindicis obligatae recent dono Romanae ciuitatis et
in posterum tributi leuamento. proximae tamen Germanicis ex-
ercitibus Galliarum ciuitates non eodem honore habitae, quaedam
etiam finibus ademptis, pari dolore commoda aliena ac suas in-
2 jurias. metiebantur. Germanici exercitus, quod periculosissi-
mum in tantis uiribus, solliciti et irati, superbia recentis uictoriae
et metu tamquam alias partes fouissent. tarde a Nerone desciue-
rant, nec statim pro Galba Verginius. an imperare noluisset dubium;
delatum ei a milite imperium conueniebat. Fonteium Capitonem
occisum etiam qui queri non poterant tamen indignabantur. dux
deerat, abducto Verginio per simulationem amicitiae. quem non
remitti atque etiam reum esse tamquam suum crimen accipiebant.
9 Superior exercitus legatum Hordeonium Flaccum sperne-
bat, senecta ac debilitate pedum inualidum, sine constantia, sine
auctoritate. ne quieto quidem milite regimen; adeo furentes infir-
mitate retinentis ultro accendebantur. inferioris Germaniae legiones
diutius sine consulari fuere, donec missu Galbae A. Vitellius aderat,
censoris Vitellii ac ter consulis filius. id satis uidebatur.
2 . [n Britannico exercitu nihil irarum. non sane aliae legi-
ones per omnes ciuilium bellorum motus innocentius egerunt, seu
quia procul et Oceano diuisae, seu crebris expeditionibus doc-
3 tae hostem potius odisse. quies et Illyrico, quamquam excitae a
 HISTORIARVM LIBER PRIMVS 39

Nerone legiones, dum in Italia cunctantur, Verginium legationi-

bus adissent. sed longis spatiis discreti exercitus, quod saluberri-
mum est ad continendam militarem fidem, nec uitiis nec uiribus
miscebantur.
Oriens adhuc immotus.Syriam et quattuor legiones obti-
nebat Licinius Mucianus, uir secundis aduersisque iuxta famosus.
insignes amicitias iuuenis ambitiose coluerat. mox attritis opibus,
lubrico statu, suspecta etiam Claudii iracundia, in secretum Asiae
sepositus tam prope ab exule fuit quam postea a principe. lux-
uria industria, comitate arrogantia, malis bonisque artibus mixtus.
nimiae uoluptates, cum uacaret; quotiens expedierat, magnae uir-
tutes. palam laudares, secreta male audiebant. sed apud subiectos
apud proximos apud collegas uariis illecebris potens, et cui expedi-
tius fuerit tradere imperium quam obtinere. bellum Iudaicum
Flauius Vespasianus (ducem eum Nero delegerat) tribus legioni-
bus administrabat. nec Vespasiano aduersus Galbam uotum aut
animus. quippe Titum filium ad uenerationem cultumque eius mi-
serat, ut suo loco memorabimus. occulta fati et ostentis ac respon-
sis destinatum Vespasiano liberisque eius imperium post fortunam
credidimus.
Aegyptum copiasque quibus coerceretur iam inde a diuo
Augusto equites Romani obtinent loco regum. ita uisum expedire,
prouinciam aditu difficilem, annonae fecundam, superstitione ac
lasciuia discordem et mobilem, insciam legum, ignaram magis-
tratuum, domui retinere. regebat tum Tiberius Alexander, eiusdem
nationis. Africa ac legiones in ea interfecto Clodio Macro contenta
qualicumque principe post experimentum domini minoris. duae
Mauretaniae Raetia Noricum Thracia et quae aliae procuratoribus
cohibentur ut cuique exercitui uicinae ita in fauorem aut odium
contactu ualentiorum agebantur. inermes prouinciae atque ipsa in
primis Italia, cuicumque seruitio exposita, in pretium belli cessurae
erant.
Hic fuit rerrum Romanarum status cum Seruius Galba iterum
Titus Vinius consules inchoauere annum sibi ultimum, rei publicae
prope supremum.
40 CORNELI TACITI

Paucis post kalendas lanuarias diebus Pompei Propinqui

procuratoris e Belgica litterae afferuntur: superioris Germaniae
legiones rupta sacramenti reuerentia imperatorem alium flagitare
et senatui ac populo Romano arbitrium eligendi permittere quo
seditio mollius acciperetur.
Maturauit ea res conslium . Galbae iam pridem de adoptione
secum et cum proximis agitantis. non sane crebrior tota ciuitate
sermo per illos menses fuerat, primum licentia ac libidine talia
loquendi, dein fessa iam aetate Galbae. paucis iudicium aut rei
publicae amor; multi stulta spe, prout quis amicus uel cliens, hunc
uel illum ambitiosis rumoribus destinabant, etiam in Tit Vinii
odium, qui in dies quanto potentior eodem actu inuisior erat. quippe
hiantes in magna fortuna amicorum cupiditates ipsa Galbae faci-
litas intendebat, cum apud infirmum et credulum minore metu et
maiore praemio peccaretur.
Potentia principatus diuisa in Titum Vinium consulem
Cornelium Laconem praetorii praefectum; nec minor gratia Icelo
Galbae liberto, quem anulis donatum equestri nomine Marcianum
uocitabant. hi discordes et rebus minoribus sibi quisque tendentes,
circa consilium eligendi successoris in duas factiones scindeban-
tur: Vinius pro M. Othone, Laco atque Icelus consensu non
tam unum aliquem fouebant quam alium. neque erat Galbae ig-
nota Othonis ac Titi Vinii amicitia; et rumoribus nihil silentio
transmittentium, quia Vinio uidua filia, caelebs Otho, gener ac
socer destinabantur. credo et rei publicae curam subisse, frustra
a Nerone translatae si apud Othonem relinqueretur. namque
Otho pueritiam incuriose adulescentiam petulanter egerat, gratus
Neroni aemulatione luxus. eoque Poppaeam Sabinam, principale
scortum, ut apud conscium libidinum deposuerat donec Octauiam
uxorem amoliretur. mox suspectum in eadem Poppaea uin
prouinciam Lusitaniam specie legationis seposuit. Otho comiter
administrata prouincia primus in partes transgressus nec segnis et,
donec bellum fuit, inter praesentes splendidissimus, spem adoptio-
nis statim conceptam acrius in dies rapiebat, fauentibus plerisque
militum, prona in eum aula Neronis ut similem.
 HISTORIARVM LIBER PRIMVS 41

Sed Galba post nuntios Germanicae . seditionis, quamquam 14

nihil adhuc de Vitellio certum, anxius quonam exercituum uis
erumperet, ne urbano quidem militi confisus, quod remedium
unicum rebatur, comitia impern transigit, adhibitoque super
Vinium ac Laconem Mario Celso consule designato ac Ducenio
Gemino praefecto urbis, pauca praefatus de sua senectute, Pisonem
Licinianum arcessiri iubet, seu propria electione siue, ut quidam
crediderunt, Lacone instante, cui apud Rubellium Plautum ex-
ercita cum Pisone amicitia. sed callide ut ignotum fouebat, et pros-
pera de Pisone fama consilio eius fidem addiderat. Piso M. Crasso
et Scribonia genitus, nobilis utrimque, uultu habituque moris an-
tiqui et aestimatione recta seuerus, deterius interpretantibus tristior
habebatur. ea pars morum eius quo suspectior sollicitis adoptanti
placebat.
Igitur Galba apprehensa Pisonis manu in hunc modum 15
locutus fertur: 'si te priuatus lege curiata apud pontifices, ut moris
est, adoptarem, et mihi egregium erat Cn. Pompei et M. Crassi su-
bolem in penates meos asciscere, et tibi insigne Sulpiciae ac Lutatiae
decora nobilitati tuae adiecisse. nunc me deorum hominumque
consensu ad imperium uocatum praeclara indoles tua et amor pa-
triae impulit ut principatum, de quo maiores nostri armis certa-
bant, bello adeptus quiescenti offeram, exemplo diui Augusti qui
sororis filium Marcellum dein generum Agrippam mox nepotes suos
postremo Tiberium Neronem priuignum in proximo sibi fastigio
collocauit.
‘Sed Augustus in domo successorem quaesiuit, ego in re publica,
non quia propinquos aut socios belli non habeam, sed neque ipse
imperium ambitione accepi, et iudicii mei documentum sit non
meae tantum necessitudines, quas tibi postposui, sed et tuae. est tibi
frater pari nobilitate, natu maior, dignus hac fortuna nisi tu potior
esses. ea aetas tua quae cupiditates adulescentiae iam effugerit, ea
uita in qua nihil praeteritum excusandum habeas.
‘Fortunam adhuc tantum aduersam tulisti; secundae res acrio-
ribus stimulis animos explorant, quia miseriae tolerantur, felicitate
corrumpimur. fidem libertatem amicitiam, praecipua humani 4
 42 CORNELI TACITI

animi bona, tu quidem eadem constantia retinebis, sed alii per obse-
quium imminuent. irrumpet adulatio blanditiae et pessimum ueri
affectus uenenum, sua cuique utilitas. et iam ego ac tu simplicissime
inter nos hodie loquimur; ceteri libentius cum fortuna nostra
quam nobiscum. nam suadere principi quod oporteat multi laboris,
assentatio erga quemcumque principem sine affectu peragitur.
‘Si immensum imperi corpus stare ac librari sine rectore
posset, dignus eram a quo res publica inciperet. nunc eo neces-
sitatis iam pridem uentum est ut nec mea senectus conferre plus
populo Romano possit quam bonum successorem nec tua plus
iuuenta quam bonum principem. sub Tiberio et Gaio et Claudio
unius familiae quasi hereditas fuimus; loco libertatis erit quod
eligi coepimus. et finita Iuliorum Claudiorumque domo optimum
' quemque adoptio inueniet. nam generari et nasci a principibus
fortuitum, nec ultra aestimatur; adoptandi iudicium integrum et, si
uelis eligere, consensu monstratur.
'Sit ante oculos Nero, quem longa Caesarum serie tumentem
non Vindex cum inermi prouincia aut ego cum una legione sed sua
immanitas sua luxuria ceruicibus publicis depulerunt. neque erat
adhuc damnati principis exemplum. nos bello et ab aestimantibus
asciti cum inuidia quamuis egregii erimus.
'Ne tamen territus fueris si duae legiones in hoc concussi orbis
motu nondum quiescunt. ne ipse quidem ad securas res accessi,
et audita adoptione desinam uideri senex, quod nunc mihi unum
obicitur. Nero a pessimo quoque semper desiderabitur; mihi ac tibi
prouidendum est ne etiam a bonis desideretur.
‘Monere diutius neque temporis huius, et impletum est omne
consilium si te bene elegi. utilissimus idem ac breuissimus bonarum
malarumque rerum dilectus est cogitare quid aut uolueris sub
alio principe aut nolueris. neque enim hic, ut gentibus quac reg-
nantur, certa dominorum domus et ceteri serui, sed imperaturus es
hominibus qui nec totam seruitutem pati possunt nec totam liber-
tatem.' et Galba quidem haec ac talia, tamquam principem faceret,
ceteri tamquam cum facto loquebantur.
Pisonem ferunt statim intuentibus et mox coniectis in eum
omnium oculis nullum turbati aut exsultantis animi motum
 HISTORIARVM LIBER PRIMVS 43

prodidisse. sermo erga patrem imperatoremque reuerens, de se

moderatus; nihil in uultu habituque mutatum, quasi imperare
posset magis quam uellet. consultatum inde, pro rostris an in
senatu an in castris adoptio nuncuparetur. iri in castra placuit: ho-
norificum id militibus fore, quorum fauorem ut largitione et ambitu
male acquiri ita per bonas artes haud spernendum. circumsteterat
interim Palatium publica exspectatio, magni secreti impatiens. et
male coercitam famam supprimentes augebant.
Quartum 1dus Ianuarias, foedum imbribus diem, tonitrua et
fulgura et caelestes minae ultra solitum turbauerant. obseruatum
id antiquitus comitiis dirumpendis non terruit Galbam quo minus
in castra pergeret, contemptorem talium ut fortuitorum, seu quae
fato manent, quamuis significata non uitantur. apud frequentem
militum contionem imperatoria breuitate adoptari a se Pisonem
exemplo diui Augusti et more militari quo uir uirum legeret pro-
nuntiat. ac ne dissimulata seditio in maius crederetur ultro asseuerat
quartam et duoetuicensimam legiones, paucis seditionis auctoribus,
non ultra uerba ac uoces errasse et breui in officio fore. nec ullum
orationi aut lenocinium addit aut pretium. tribuni tamen cen-
turionesque et proximi militum grata auditu respondent; per ceteros
maestitia ac silentium, tamquam usurpatam etiam in pace donatiui
necessitatem bello perdidissent. constat potuisse conciliari animos
quantulacumque parci senis liberalitate; nocuit antiquus rigor et
nimia seueritas, cui lam pares non sumus.
Inde apud senatum non comptior Galbae non longior quam
apud militem sermo; Pisonis comis oratio. et patrum fauor aderat:
multi uoluntate, effusius qui noluerant, medii ac plurimi obuio ob-
sequio, priuatas spes agitantes sine publica cura. nec aliud sequenti
quadriduo, quod medium inter adoptionem et caedem fuit, dictum
a Pisone in publico factumue.
Crebrioribus in dies Germanicae defectionis nuntiis et facili
ciuitate ad accipienda credendaque omnia noua cum tristia sunt,
censuerant patres mittendos ad Germanicum exercitum legatos;
agitatum secreto num et Piso proficisceretur, maiore praetextu, illi
auctoritatem senatus hic dignationem Caesaris laturus. placebat et
Laconem praetorii praefectum simul mitti. is consilio intercessit.
44 CORNELI TACITI

legati quoque (nam senatus electionem Galbae permiserat) foeda

inconstantia nominati excusati substituti, ambitu remanendi aut
eundi, ut quemque metus uel spes impulerat.
Proxima pecuniae cura. et cuncta scrutantibus iustissimum
uisum est inde repeti ubi inopiae causa erat. bis et uiciens miliens
sestertium donationibus Nero effuderat; appellari singulos iussit,
decima parte liberalitatis apud quemque eorum relicta. at illis uix
decimae super portiones erant, isdem erga aliena sumptibus quibus
sua prodegerant, cum rapacissimo cuique ac perditissimo non
agri aut faenus sed sola instrumenta uitiorum manerent. exactioni
triginta equites Romani praepositi, nouum officii genus et ambitu
ac numero onerosum. ubique hasta et sector, et inquieta urbs actio-
nibus. ac tamen grande gaudium quod tam paupcres forent quibus
donasset Nero quam quibus abstulisset.
Exauctorati per eos dies tribuni: e praetorio Antonius Taurus
et Antonius Naso, ex urbanis cohortibus Aemilius Pacensis, e uig-
ilibus Iulius Fronto. nec remedium in ceteros fuit sed metus ini-
tium, tamquam per artem et formidine singuli pellerentur, omnibus
suspectis.
Interea Othonem, cui compositis rebus nulla spes, omne
in turbido consilium, multa simul exstimulabant: luxuria etiam
principi onerosa, inopia uix priuato toleranda, in Galbam ira,
in Pisonem inuidia. fingebat et metum quo magis concupisceret:
praegrauem se Neroni fuisse, nec Lusitaniam rursus et alterius
exilii honorem exspectandum. suspectum semper inuisumque do-
minantibus qui proximus destinaretur. nocuisse id sibi apud senem
principem, magis nociturum apud iuuenem ingenio trucem et
longo exilio efferatum; occidi Othonem posse. proinde agen-
dum audendumque dum Galbae auctoritas fluxa, Pisonis nondum
coaluisset. opportunos magnis conatibus transitus rerum, nec cunc-
tatione opus ubi perniciosior sit quies quam temeritas. mortem
omnibus ex natura aequalem obliuione apud posteros uel gloria
distingui; ac s nocentem innoccntemque idem exitus maneat,
acrioris uiri esse merito perire.
Non erat Othonis mollis et corpori similis animus. et intimi
libertorum seruorumque, corruptius quam in priuata domo habiti,
 HISTORIARVM LIBER PRIMVS 45

aulam Neronis et luxus adulteria matrimonia ceterasque regno-

rum libidines auido talium, si auderet, ut sua ostentantes, quies-
centi ut aliena exprobrabant, urgentibus etiam mathematicis, dum
nouos motus et clarum Othoni annum obseruatione siderum affir-
mant, genus hominum potentibus infidum sperantibus fallax,
quod in ciuitate nostra et uetabitur semper et retinebitur. multos
secreta Poppaeae mathematicos, pessimum principalis matrimonii
instrumentum, habuerant. e quibus Ptolemaeus Othoni in Hispania
comes, cum superfuturum eum Neroni promisisset, postquam ex
euentu fides, coniectura iam et rumore senium Galbae et iuuentam
Othonis computantium persuaserat fore ut in imperium asciscere-
tur. sed Otho tamquam peritia et monitu fatorum praedicta
accipiebat, cupidine ingenii humani libentius obscura credendi. nec
deerat Ptolemaeus, iam et sceleris instinctor, ad quod facillime ab
eius modi uoto transitur.
Sed sceleris cogitatio incertum an repens. studia militum iam 23
pridem spe successionis aut paratu facinoris aflectauerat, in
itinere in agmine in stationibus uetustissimum quemque militum
nomine uocans ac memoria Neroniani comitatus contubernales
appellando; alios agnoscere, quosdam requirere et pecunia
aut gratia iuuare, inserendo saepius querelas et ambiguos de
Galba sermones quaeque alia turbamenta uulgi.labores itinerum,
inopia commeatuum, duritia imperii atrocius accipiebantur, cum
Campaniae lacus et Achaiae urbes classibus adire soliti Pyrenaeum
et Alpes et immensa uiarum spatia aegre sub armis eniterentur.
Flagrantibus iam militum animis uelut faces addiderat Maeuius 24
Pudens, e proximis Tigellini. is mobilissimum quemque ingenio
aut pecuniae indigum et in nouas cupiditates praecipitem alliciendo
eo paulatim progressus est ut per speciem conuiuii, quotiens Galba
apud Othonem epularetur, cohorti excubias agenti uiritim cen-
tenos nummos diuideret. quam uelut publicam largitionem Otho
secretioribus apud singulos praemiis intendebat, adeo animosus
corruptor ut Cocceio Proculo speculatori de parte finium cum
uicino ambigenti uniuersum uicini agrum sua pecunia emptum
dono dederit, per socordiam praefecti, quem nota pariter et occulta
fallebant.
 46 CORNELI TACITI

Sed tum e libertis Onomastum futuro sceleri praefecit. a

w

quo Barbium Proculum tesserarium speculatorum et Veturium

optionem eorundem perductos, postquam uario sermone calli-
dos audacesque cognouit, pretio et promissis onerat, data pecunia
ad pertemptandos plurium animos. suscepere duo manipu-
lares imperium populi Romani transferendum et transtulerunt.
in conscientiam facinoris pauci asciti. suspensos ceterorum ani-
mos diuersis artibus stimulant: primores militum per beneficia
Nymphidii ut suspectos, uulgus et ceteros ira et desperatione dilati
totiens donatiui. erant quos memoria Neronis ac desiderium prioris
licentiae accenderet. in commune omnes metu mutandae militiae
terrebantur.
Infecit ea tabes legionum quoque et auxiliorum motas 1am
mentes postquam uulgatum erat labare Germanici exercitus
fidem. adeoque parata apud malos seditio, etiam apud integros
dissimulatio fuit, ut postero iduum die redeuntem a cena Othonem
rapturi fuerint, ni incerta noctis et tota urbe sparsa militum cas-
tra nec facilem inter temulentos consensum timuissent, non rei
publicae cura, quam foedare principis su1 sanguine sobri para-
bant, sed ne per tenebras, ut quisque Pannonici uel Germanici ex-
ercitus militibus oblatus esset, ignorantibus plerisque, pro Othone
destinaretur.
Multa erumpentis seditionis indicia per conscios oppressa;
quaedam apud Galbae aures praefectus Laco elusit, ignarus milita-
rium animorum consiliique quamuis egregii, quod non ipse aflerret,
inimicus et aduersus peritos peruicax.
Octauo decimo kalendas Februarias sacrificanti pro aede
Apollinis Galbae haruspex Vmbricius tristia exta et instantes in-
sidias ac domesticum hostem praedicit, audiente Othone (nam
proximus astiterat) idque ut laetum e contrario et suis cogitationi-
bus prosperum interpretante. nec multo post libertus Onomastus
nuntiat exspectari eum ab architecto et redemptoribus, quae
significatio coeuntium iam militum et paratae coniurationis con-
uenerat. Otho, causam digressus requirentibus, cum emi sibi
praedia uetustate suspecta eoque prius exploranda finxisset, innixus
 HISTORIARVM LIBER PRIMVS 47

liberto per Tiberianam domum in Velabrum, inde ad miliarium

aureum sub aedem Saturni pergit. ibi tres et uiginti speculato-
res consalutatum imperatorem ac paucitate salutantium trepidum
et sellae festinanter impositum strictis mucronibus rapiunt. toti-
dem ferme milites in itinere aggregantur: alii conscientia plerique
miraculo, pars clamore et gladiis pars silentio, animum ex euentu
sumpturi.
Stationem in castris agebat Iulius Martialis tribunus. 15 magnitu-
dine subiti sceleris, an corrupta latius castra et, si contra tenderet,
exitium metuens, praebuit plerisque suspicionem conscientiae. an-
teposuere ceteri quoque tribuni centurionesque praesentia dubiis et
honestis, isque habitus animorum fuit ut pessimum facinus auderent
pauci, plures uellent, omnes paterentur.
Ignarus interim Galba et sacris intentus fatigabat alieni 1am 29
imperii deos, cum affertur rumor rapi in castra incertum quem
senatorem, mox Othonem esse qui raperetur, simul ex tota urbe,
ut quisque obuius fuerat, alii formidine augentes, quidam minora
uero, ne tum quidem obliti adulationis. igitur consultantibus placuit
pertemptari animum cohortis quae in Palatio stationem agebat,
nec per ipsum Galbam, cuius integra auctoritas maioribus remediis
seruabatur.
Piso pro gradibus domus uocatos in hunc modum allocutus
est: ‘sextus dies agitur, commilitones, ex quo ignarus futuri, et siue
optandum hoc nomen siue timendum erat, Caesar ascitus sum. quo
domus nostrae aut rei publicae fato, in uestra manu positum est, non
quia meo nomine tristiorem casum paueam, ut qui aduersas res ex-
pertus cum maxime discam ne secundas quidem minus discriminis
habere; patris et senatus et ipsius imperii uicem doleo s nobis aut
perire hodie necesse est aut, quod aeque apud bonos miserum est,
occidere. solacium proximi motus habebamus incruentam urbem
et res sine discordia translatas; prouisum adoptione uidebatur ut ne
post Galbam quidem bello locus esset.
'Nihil arrogabo mihi nobilitatis aut modestiae; neque enim 30

relatu uirtutum in comparatione Othonis opus est. uitia, quibus

solis gloriatur, euertere imperium, etiam cum amicum imperatoris
 48 CORNELI TACITI

ageret. habitune et incessu an illo muliebn ornatu mereretur

imperium? falluntur quibus luxuria specie liberalitatis imponit:
perdere iste sciet, donare nesciet. stupra nunc et comissationes et
feminarum coetus uoluit animo: haec principatus praemia putat,
quorum libido ac uoluptas penes ipsum sit, rubor ac dedecus penes
omnes. nemo enim umquam imperium flagitio quaesitum bonis
artibus exercuit.
*Galbam consensus generis humani, me Galba consentientibus
uobis Caesarem dixit. si res publica et senatus et populus uacua
nomina sunt, uestra, commilitones, interest ne imperatorem pes-
simi faciant. legionum seditio aduersus duces suos audita est ali-
quando; uestra fides famaque illaesa ad hunc diem mansit. et Nero
quoque uos destituit, non uos Neronem. minus triginta transfugae
et desertores, quos centurionem aut tribunum sibi eligentes nemo
ferret, imperium assignabunt? admittitis exemplum et quiescendo
commune crimen facitis? transcendet haec licentia in prouincias,
et ad nos scelerum exitus, bellorum ad uos pertinebunt. nec est
plus quod pro caede principis quam quod innocentibus datur, sed
perinde a nobis donatiuum ob fidem quam ab aliis pro facinore
31 accipietis. dilapsis speculatoribus cetera cohors non aspernata
contionantem, ut turbidis rebus euenit, timore magis et nullo ad-
huc consilio apud signa quam, quod postea creditum est, insidiis et
simulatione.
Missus et Celsus Marius ad . electos Illyrici exercitus Vipsania
In porticu tendentes; praeceptum Amullio Sereno et Domitio
Sabino primipilaribus: ut Germanicos milites e Libertatis atrio
arcesserent. legioni classicae diffidebatur, infestae ob caedem
commilitonum, quos primo statim introitu trucidauerat Galba.
pergunt etiam in castra praetorianorum tribuni Cetrius Seuerus,
Subrius Dexter, Pompeius Longinus, si incipiens adhuc necdum
adulta seditio melioribus consiliis flecteretur. tribunorum Subrium
et Cetrium adorti milites minis, Longinum manibus coercent
exarmantque quia non ordine miltiae sed e Galbae amicis
fidus principi suo et desciscentibus suspectior erat. legio classica
 HISTORIARVM LIBER PRIMVS 49

nihil cunctata praetorianis adiungitur. Illyrici exercitus electi

Celsum infestis pilis proturbant. Germanica uexilla diu nutauere,
inualidis adhuc corporibus et placatis animis, quod eos a Nerone
Alexandriam praemissos atque inde rursus longa nauigatione
aegros impensiore cura Galba refouebat.
Vniuersa iam plebs Palatium implebat, mixtis seruitiis et dissono 32

clamore caedem Othonis et coniuratorum exitium poscentium,

ut si in circo aut theatro ludicrum aliquod postularent. neque il-
lis iudicium aut ueritas, quippe eodem die diuersa pari certamine
postulaturis, sed tradito more quemcumque principem adulandi
licentia acclamationum et studiis inanibus.
Interim Galbam duae sententiae distinebant. Titus Vinius
manendum intra domum, opponenda seruitia, firmandos aditus,
non eundum ad iratos censebat. daret malorum paenitentiae, daret
bonorum consensui spatium: scelera impetu, bona consilia mora
ualescere. denique eundi ultro, si ratio sit, eandem mox facultatem,
regressus, si paeniteat, in aliena potestate.
Festinandum ceteris uidebatur, antequam cresceret inualida 33
adhuc coniuratio paucorum: trepidaturum etiam Othonem, qui
furtim digressus, ad ignaros illatus, cunctatione nunc et segnitia
terentium tempus imitari principem discat. non exspectandum ut
compositis castris forum inuadat et prospectante Galba Capitolium
adeat, dum egregius imperator cum fortibus amicis ianua ac li-
mine tenus domum cludit, obsidionem nimirum toleraturus. et
praeclarum in seruis auxilium, si consensus tantae multitudinis et,
quae plurimum ualet, prima indignatio languescat. proinde intuta
quae indecora; uel si cadere necesse sit, occurrendum discrimini.
id Othoni inuidiosius et ipsis honestum. repugnantem huic senten-
tae Vinium Laco minaciter inuasit, stimulante Icelo priuati odii
pertinacia in publicum exitium.
Nec diutius Galba cunctatus speciosiora suadentibus accessit. 34
praemissus tamen in castra Piso, ut iuuenis magno nomine, recenti
fauore et infensus Tito Vinio, seu quia erat seu quia irati ita uole-
bant. et facilius de odio creditur.
 50 CORNELI TACITI

Vixdum egresso Pisone occisum in castris Othonem uagus pri-

mum et incertus rumor. mox, ut in magnis mendaciis, interfuisse
se quidam et uidisse afhrmabant, credula fama inter gaudentes et
incuriosos. multi arbitrabantur compositum auctumque rumorem
mixtis iam Othonianis, qui ad euocandum Galbam laeta falso
uulgauerint.
35 ]um uero non populus tantum et imperita plebs in plausus et
immodica studia, sed equitum plerique ac senatorum, posito metu
incauti, refractis Palatn foribus ruere intus ac se Galbae osten-
tare, pracreptam sibi ultionem querentes, ignauissimus quisque
et, ut res docuit, in periculo non ausurus, nimii uerbis, linguae
feroces. nemo scire et omnes affirmare, donec inopia ueri et con-
sensu errantium uictus sumpto thorace Galba irruenti turbae neque
aetate neque corpore resistens sella leuaretur.
Obuius in Palatio Iulius Atticus speculator cruentum gla-
dium ostentans occisum a se Othonem exclamauit. et Galba
'commilito,' inquit 'quis iussit?" insigni animo ad coercendam
militarem licentiam, minantibus intrepidus, aduersus blandientes
incorruptus.
36 Haud dubiae iam in castris omnium mentes tantusque ardor
ut non contenti agmine et corporibus in suggestu, in quo
paulo ante aurea Galbae statua fuerat, medium inter signa
Othonem uexillis circumdarent. nec tribunis aut centurionibus
adeundi locus; gregarius miles caueri insuper praepositos iubebat.
strepere cuncta clamoribus et tumultu et exhortatione mutua, non
tamquam in populo ac plebe uariis segni adulatione uocibus, sed
ut quemque affluentium militum aspexerant, prensare manibus,
complectiarmis, collocare iuxta, praeire sacramentum, modo
imperatorem militibus, modo milites imperatori commendare.
Nec deerat Otho protendens manus adorare uulgum iacere
oscula et omnia seruiliter pro dominatione. postquam uniuersa clas-
sicorum legio sacramentum eius accepit, fidens uiribus, et quos
adhuc singulos exstimulauerat accendendos in commune ratus,
37 pro uallo castrorum ita coepit: ‘quis ad uos processerim, commili-
tones, dicere non possum, quia nec priuatum me uocare sustineo
 HISTORIARVM LIBER PRIMVS 51

princeps a uobis nominatus, nec principem alio imperante. uestrum

quoque nomen in incerto erit donec dubitabitur imperatorem
populi Romani in castris an hostem habeatis.
Auditisne ut poena mea et supplicium uestrum simul pos-
tulentur? adeo manifestum est neque perire nos neque saluos
esse nisi una posse. et, cuius lenitatis est Galba, iam fortasse
promisit, ut qui nullo exposcente tot milia innocentissimorum mil-
itum trucidauerit. horror animum subit quotiens recordor feralem
introitum et hanc solam Galbae uictoriam, cum in oculis urbis
decimari deditos iuberet, quos deprecantes in fidem acceperat. his
auspiciis urbem ingressus, quam gloriam ad principatum attulit
nisi occisi Obultronii Sabini et Cornelii Marcelli in. Hispania,
Betui Cilonis in Gallia, Fontei Capitonis in Germania, Clodii
Macri in Africa, Cingonii in uia, Turpiliani in urbe, Nymphidii in
castris? quae usquam prouincia, quae castra sunt nisi cruenta et ma-
culata aut, ut ipse praedicat, emendata et correcta? nam quae alii
scelera, hic remedia uocat, dum falsis nominibus seueritatem pro
saeuitia, parsimoniam pro auaritia, supplicia et contumelias uestras
disciplinam appellat.
'Septem a Neronis fine menses sunt, et iam plus rapuit Icelus
quam quod Polycliti et Vatinii et Aegiali petierunt. minore auari-
tia ac licentia grassatus esset T. Vinius si ipse imperasset: nunc et
subiectos nos habuit tamquam suos et uiles ut alienos. una illa
domus sufficit donatiuo quod uobis numquam datur et cotidie
exprobratur.
Ac ne qua saltem in successore Galbae spes esset arcessit ab
exilio quem tristitia et auaritia sui similimum 1udicabat. uidis-
tis, commilitones, notabili tempestate etiam deos infaustam adop-
tionem auersantes. idem senatus idem populi Romani animus est.
uestra uirtus exspectatur, apud quos omne honestis consiliis robur
et sine quibus quamuis egregia inualida sunt.
'Non ad bellum uos nec ad periculum uoco; omnium mili-
tum arma nobiscum sunt. nec una cohors togata defendit nunc
Galbam sed detinet. cum uos aspexerit, cum signum meum accepe-
rit, hoc solum erit certamen, quis mihi plurimum imputet. nullus
92 CORNELI TACITI

cunctationis locus est in eo consilio quod non potest laudari nisi

peractum.’
Aperire deinde armamentarium iussit. rapta statim arma
sine more et ordine militiae, ut praetorianus aut legionarius insig-
nibus suis distingueretur; miscentur auxiliaribus galeis scutisque,
nullo tribunorum centurionumue adhortante, sibi quisque dux et
instigator. et praecipuum pessimorum incitamentum quod boni
maerebant.
[am exterritus Piso fremitu crebrescentis seditionis et uocibus
in urbem usque resonantibus, egressum interim Galbam et foro
appropinquantem assecutus erat. iam Marius Celsus haud laeta
rettulerat, cum alii in Palatium redire al Capitolium petere
plerique rostra occupanda censerent, plures tantum sententiis alio-
rum contra dicerent, utque euenit in consiliis infelicibus, optima
uiderentur quorum tempus effugerat. agitasse Laco ignaro Galba
de occidendo Tito Vinio dicitur, siue ut poena eius animos mili-
tum mulceret, seu conscium Othonis credebat, ad postremum uel
odio. haesitationem attulit tempus ac locus, quia initio caedis orto
difficilis modus. et turbauere consilium trepidi nuntii ac proxi-
morum diffugia, languentibus omnium studiis qui primo alacres
fidem atque animum ostentauerant.
Agebatur huc illuc Galba uario turbae fluctuantis impulsu,
completis undique basilicis ac templis, lugubri prospectu. neque
populi aut plebis ulla uox, sed attoniti uultus et conuersae ad om-
nia aures; non tumultus, non quies, quale magni metus et magnae
irae silentium est. Othoni tamen armari plebem nuntiabatur; ire
praecipites et occupare pericula iubet.
Igitur milites. Romani, quasi Vologaesum aut Pacorum auito
Arsacidarum solio depulsuri ac non imperatorem suum inermem
et senem trucidare pergerent, disiecta plebe, proculcato senatu,
truces armis, rapidi equis forum irrumpunt. nec illos Capitolii
aspectus et imminentium templorum religio et priores et futuri
principes terruere quo minus facerent scelus cuius ultor est quisquis
successit.
Viso comminus armatorum agmine uexillarius comitatae
Galbam cohortis (Atilium Vercilionem fuisse tradunt) dereptam
 HISTORIARVM LIBER PRIMVS 53

Galbae imaginem solo afflixit. eo signo manifesta in Othonem

omnium militum studia, desertum fuga populi forum, destricta
aduersus dubitantes tela. iuxta Curtii lacum trepidatione ferentium
Galba proiectus e sella ac prouolutus est. extremam eius uocem,
ut cuique odium aut admiratio fuit, uarie prodidere. alii suppliciter
interrogasse quid mali meruisset, paucos dies exsoluendo donatiuo
deprecatum. plures obtulisse ultro percussoribus iugulum: ager-
ent ac ferirent, si ita e re publica uideretur. non interfuit occi-
dentium quid diceret. de percussore non satis constat: quidam
Terentium euocatum, ali Laecanium, crebrior fama tradidit
Camurium quintae decimae legionis militem impresso gladio iugu-
lum eius hausisse. ceteri crura bracchiaque (nam pectus tegebatur)
foede laniauere; pleraque uulnera feritate et saeuitia trunco iam
corpori adiecta.
litum inde Vinium inuasere, de quo et ipso ambigitur con- 4:

sumpseritne uocem eius instans metus an proclamauerit non esse

ab Othone mandatum ut occideretur. quod seu finxit formidine
seu conscientiam coniurationis confessus est, huc potius eius uita
famaque inclinat, ut conscius sceleris fuerit cuius causa erat. ante
aedem diui Iulii iacuit primo ictu in poplitem mox ab Iulio Caro
legionario milite in utrumque latus transuerberatus.
Insignem illa die uirum Sempronium Densum aetas nostra
uidit. centurio is praetoriae cohortis a Galba custodiae Pisonis
additus stricto pugione occurrens armats et scelus exprobrans ac
modo manu modo uoce uertendo in se percussores quamquam
uulnerato Pisoni effugium dedit. Piso in aedem Vestae peruasit,
exceptusque misericordia publici serui et contubernio eius abdi-
tus non religione nec caerimoniis sed latebra imminens exitium
differebat, cum aduenere missu Othonis nominatim in caedem
eius ardentis Sulpicius Florus e Britannicis cohortibus, nuper a
Galba ciuitate donatus, et Staius Murcus speculator, a quibus pro-
tractus Piso in foribus templi trucidatus. nullam caedem Otho 4
maiore laetitia excepisse nullum caput tam insatiabilibus oculis
perlustrasse dicitur, seu tum primum leuata omni sollicitudine
mens uacare gaudio coeperat, seu recordatio maiestatis in Galba
amicitiae in Tito Vinio quamuis immitem animum imagine tristi
 54 CORNELI TACITI

confuderat, Pisonis ut inimici et aemuli caede laetari ius fasque

credebat.
Praefixa contis capita gestabantur inter signa cohortium iuxta
aquilam legionis, certatim ostentantibus cruentas manus qui oc-
ciderant, qui interfuerant, qui uere qui falso ut pulchrum et mem-
orabile facinus iactabant. plures quam centum uiginti. libellos
praemium exposcentium ob aliquam notabilem illa die operam
Vitellius postea inuenit, omnesque conquiri et interfici iussit, non
honore Galbae sed tradito principibus more munimentum ad prae-
sens, in posterum ultionem.
Alium crederes senatum, alium populum: ruere cuncti in castra,
anteire proximos, certare cum praecurrentibus, increpare Galbam,
laudare militum iudicium, exosculari Othonis manum, quantoque
magis falsa erant quae fiebant tanto plura facere. nec aspern-
abatur singulos Otho, auidum et minacem militum animum uoce
uultuque temperans. Marium Celsum, consulem designatum et
Galbae usque in extremas res amicum fidumque, ad supplicium
expostulabant, industriae eius innocentiaeque quasi malis artibus
infensi. caedis et praedarum initium et optimo cuique perniciem
quaeri apparebat, sed Othoni nondum auctoritas inerat ad pro-
hibendum scelus; iubere iam poterat. ita simulatione irae uin-
ciri lussum et maiores poenas daturum afhirmans praesenti exitio
subtraxit.
46 Omnia deinde arbitrio militum acta. praetorii praefectos sibi
ipsi legere: Plottium Firmum e manipularibus quondam, tum uig-
ilibus praepositum et incolumi adhuc Galba partes Othonis se-
cutum; adiungitur Licinius Proculus, intima familiaritate Othonis
suspectus consila eius fouisse. urbi Flauium Sabinum praefe-
cere, iudicium Neronis secuti, sub quo eandem curam obtinuerat,
plerisque Vespasianum fratrem in eo respicientibus. flagitatum ut
uacationes praestari centurionibus solitae remitterentur. namque
gregarius miles ut tributum annuum pendebat. quarta pars mani-
puli sparsa per commeatus aut in ipsis castris uaga dum merce-
dem centurioni exsolueret, neque modum oneris quisquam neque
genus quaestus pensi habebat: per latrocinia et raptus aut seruilibus
3 ministeriis militare otium redimebant. tum locupletissimus quisque
 HISTORIARVM LIBER PRIMVS 35

miles labore ac saeuitia fatigari donec uacationem emeret. ubi

sumptibus exhaustus socordia insuper elanguerat, inops pro locu-
plete et iners pro strenuo in manipulum redibat, ac rursus alius
atque alius, eadem egestate ac licentia corrupti, ad seditiones et dis-
cordias et ad extremum bella ciuilia ruebant. sed Otho, ne uulgi
largitione centurionum animos auerteret, ex fisco suo uaca-
tiones annuas exsoluturum promisit, rem haud dubie utilem et a
bonis postea principibus perpetuitate disciplinae firmatam. Laco
praefectus, tamquam in insulam seponeretur, ab euocato quem ad
caedem eius Otho praemiserat confossus; n Marcianum Icelum ut
in libertum palam animaduersum.
Exacto per scelera die nouissimum malorum fuit laetitia. uocat
senatum praetor urbanus, certant adulationibus ceteri magistratus,
accurrunt patres. decernitur Othoni tribunicia potestas et nomen
Augusti et omnes principum honores, adnitentibus cunctis abolere
conuicia ac probra, quae promisce iacta haesisse animo eius nemo
sensit: omisisset offensas an distulisset, breuitate imperii in incerto
fuit.
Otho cruento adhuc foro per stragem iacentium in Capitolium
atque inde in Palatium uectus concedi corpora sepulturae cre-
marique permisit. Pisonem Verania uxor ac frater Scribonianus,
litum Vinium Crispina filia composuere, quaesitis redemptisque
capitibus, quae uenalia interfectores seruauerant.
Piso unum et tricensimum aetatis annum explebat, fama me- 41
hnore quam fortuna. fratres eius Magnum Claudius, Crassum
Nero interfecerant. ipse diu exul, quadriduo Caesar, properata
adoptione ad hoc tantum maion fratri praelatus est ut prior
occideretur.
litus Vinius quinquaginta septem annos uariis moribus egit.
pater illi praetoria familia, maternus auus e proscriptis. prima mili-
tia infamis. legatum Caluisium Sabinum habuerat, cuius uxor mala
cupidine uisendi situm castrorum per noctem militari habitu in-
gressa, cum uigilias et cetera militiae munia eadem lasciuia temp-
tasset, in ipsis principus stuprum ausa. et criminis huius reus
litus Vinius arguebatur. igitur iussu C. Caesaris oneratus cate-
nis, mox mutatione temporum dimissus, cursu honorum inoflenso
 56 CORNELI TACITI

legioni post praeturam praepositus probatusque seruili deinceps

probro respersus est, tamquam scyphum aureum in conuiuio
Claudii furatus. et Claudius postera die soli omnium Vinio fictilibus
ministrari iussit. sed Vinius proconsulatu Galliam Narbonensem
seuere integreque rexit; mox Galbae amicitia in abruptum trac-
tus. audax callidus promptus et, prout animum intendisset,
prauus aut industrius eadem ui. testamentum Titi Vinii magni-
tudine opum irritum, Pisonis supremam uoluntatem paupertas
firmauit.
Galbae corpus diu neglectum et licentia tenebrarum plurimis
ludibris uexatum dispensator Argius e prioribus seruis humili
sepultura in priuatis eius hortis contexit. caput per lixas calonesque
suffixum laceratumque ante Patrobii tumulum (libertus 1s Neronis
punitus a Galba fuerat) postera demum die repertum et cremato
iam corpori admixtum est.
Hunc exitum habuit Seruius Galba, tribus et septuaginta an-
nis quinque principes prospera fortuna emensus et alieno impe-
rio felicior quam suo. uetus in familia nobilitas, magnae opes. ipsi
medium ingenium, magis extra uitia quam cum uirtutibus. famae
nec incuriosus nec uenditator; pecuniae alienae non appetens, suae
parcus, publicae auarus; amicorum libertorumque, ubi in bonos
incidisset, sine reprehensione patiens, si mali forent, usque ad cul-
pam ignarus. sed claritas natalium et metus temporum obtentui, ut,
quod segnitia erat, sapientia uocaretur. dum uigebat aetas militari
laude apud Germanias floruit. pro consule Africam moderate, iam
senior citeriorem Hispaniam pari iustitia continuit, maior priuato
uisus dum priuatus fuit, et omnium consensu capax imperii, nisi
imperasset.
50 Trepidam urbem ac simul atrocitatem recentis sceleris simul
ueteres Othonis mores pauentem nouus insuper de Vitellio nuntius
exterruit, ante caedem Galbae suppressus ut tantum superioris
Germaniae exercitum desciuisse crederetur. tum duos omnium
mortalium impudicitia ignauia luxuria deterrimos uelut ad perden-
dum imperium fataliter electos non senatus modo et eques, quis
aliqua pars et cura rei publicae, sed uulgus quoque palam maerere.
 HISTORIARVM LIBER PRIMVS 57

nec iam recentia saeuae pacis exempla sed repetita bellorum ciuil-
ium memoria captam totiens suis exercitibus urbem, uastitatem
Italiae, direptiones prouinciarum, Pharsaliam Philippos et Perusiam
ac Mutinam, nota publicarum cladium nomina, loquebantur.
prope euersum orbem etiam cum de principatu inter bonos certare-
tur, sed mansisse C. Iulio, mansisse Caesare Augusto uictore im-
perium; mansuram fuisse sub Pompeio Brutoque rem publicam.
nunc pro Othone an pro Vitellio in templa ituros: utrasque impias
preces, utraque detestanda uota inter duos quorum bello solum
id scires, deteriorem fore qui uicisset.. erant qui Vespasianum et
arma Orientis augurarentur, et ut potior utroque Vespasianus, ita
bellum aliud atque alias clades horrebant. et ambigua de Vespasiano
fama, solusque omnium ante se principum in melius mutatus est.
Nunc initia causasque motus Vitelliani expediam. caeso cum 51

omnibus copiis Iulio Vindice ferox praeda gloriaque exercitus,

ut cui sine labore ac periculo ditissimi belli uictoria. euenisset,
expeditionem et aciem, praemia quam stipendia malebat. diu
infructuosam et asperam militiam tolerauerant ingenio loci caelique
et seueritate disciplinae, quam in pace inexorabilem discordiae
ciuium resoluunt, paratis utrimque corruptoribus et perfidia im-
punita. uiri arma equi ad usum et ad decus supererant. sed
ante bellum centurias tantum suas turmasque nouerant; exercitus
finibus prouinciarum discernebantur. tum aduersus Vindicem con-
tractae legiones, seque et Gallias expertae, quaerere rursus arma
nouasque discordias; nec socios, ut olim, sed hostes et uictos uoca-
bant. nec deerat pars Galliarum quae Rhenum accolit, easdem
partes secuta ac tum acerrima instigatrix aduersum Galbianos
(hoc enim nomen fastidito Vindice indiderant). igitur Sequanis
Aeduisque ac deinde prout opulentia ciuitatibus erat infensi, expug-
nationes urbium populationes agrorum raptus penatium hauserunt
animo, super auaritiam et arrogantiam, praecipua ualidiorum
uiia, contumacia Gallorum irritati, qui remissam sibi a Galba
quartam tributorum partem et publice donatos in ignominiam
exercitus iactabant. accessit callide uulgatum, temere creditum, de-
cimari legiones et promptissimum quemque centurionum dimitti.
58 CORNELI TACITI

undique atroces nuntii, sinistra ex urbe fama; infensa Lugdunensis

colonia et pertinaci pro Nerone fide fecunda rumoribus. sed plurima
ad fingendum credendumque materies in ipsis castris, odio metu et,
ubi uires suas respexerant, securitate.
Sub ipsas superioris anni kalendas Decembres Aulus Vitellius
inferiorem Germaniam ingressus hiberna legionum cum cura
adierat: redditi plerisque ordines, remissa ignominia, alleuatae
notae; plura ambitione, quaedam iudicio, in quibus sordes et auari-
tiam Fontei Capitonis adimendis assignandisue militiae ordinibus
integre mutauerat. nec consularis legati mensura sed in maius
omnia accipiebantur. et ut Vitellius apud seueros humilis, ita comi-
tatem bonitatemque fauentes uocabant quod sine modo sine iudicio
donaret sua largiretur aliena; simul auiditate imperandi ipsa uitia
pro uirtutibus interpretabantur.
Mulü in utroque exercitu sicut modesti quietique ita mali et
strenui. sed profusa cupidine et insigni temeritate legati legionum
Alienus Caecina et Fabius Valens. e quibus Valens infensus Galbae,
tamquam detectam a se Verginii cunctationem, oppressa Capitonis
consilia ingrate tulisset, instigare Vitellium, ardorem militum os-
tentans: ipsum celebri ubique fama, nullam in Flacco Hordeonio
moram; adfore Britanniam, secutura Germanorum auxilia; male
fidas prouincias, precarium seni imperium et breui transiturum.
panderet modo sinum et uenienti Fortunae occurreret. merito
dubitasse Verginium equestri familia, ignoto patre, imparem si
recepisset imperium, tutum si recusasset; Vitellio tres patris consula-
tus, censuram, collegium Caesaris et imponere iam pridem impe-
ratoris dignationem et auferre priuati securitatem. quatiebatur his
segne ingenium, ut concupisceret magis quam ut speraret. at in
superiore Germania Caecina, decorus iuuenta, corpore ingens, an-
imi immodicus, cito sermone, erecto incessu, studia militum illex-
erat. hunc iuuenem Galba, quaestorem in Baetica impigre in partes
suas transgressum, legioni praeposuit. mox compertum publicam
pecuniam auertisse ut peculatorem flagitari iussit. Caecina aegre
passus miscere cuncta et priuata uulnera rei publicae malis operire
statuit.
 HISTORIARVM LIBER PRIMVS 59

Nec deerant in exercitu semina discordiae, quod et bello aduer-

sus Vindicem uniuersus adfuerat, nec nisi occiso Nerone translatus
in Galbam atque in eo ipso sacramento uexillis inferioris Germaniae
praeuentus erat. et Ireueri ac Lingones quasque alias ciuitates atro-
cibus edictis aut damno finium Galba perculerat hibernis legionum
propius miscentur; unde seditiosa colloquia et inter paganos cor-
ruptior miles et in Verginium fauor cuicumque alii profuturus.
Miserat ciuitas Lingonum uetere instituto dona legionibus dex- 94
tras, hospitii insigne. legati eorum in squalorem maestitiamque
compositi per principia per contubernia modo suas iniurias modo
uicinarum ciuitatum praemia et, ubi pronis militum auribus
accipiebantur, ipsius exercitus pericula et contumelias conquer-
entes accendebant animos. nec procul seditione aberant, cum
Hordeonius Flaccus abire legatos, utque occultior digressus es-
set, nocte castris excedere iubet. inde atrox rumor, affirmantibus
plerisque interfectos, ac ni sibi ipsi consulerent, fore ut acerrimi mi-
litum et praesentia conquesti per tenebras et inscitiam ceterorum
occiderentur. obstringuntur inter se tacito foedere legiones, ascisc-
itur auxiliorum miles, primo suspectus tamquam circumdatis co-
hortibus alisque impetus in legiones pararetur, mox eadem acrius
uoluens, faciliore inter malos consensu ad bellum quam in pace ad
concordiam.
Inferioris tamen Germaniae legiones sollemni kalendarum 955
Ianuariarum sacramento pro Galba adactae, multa cunctatione et
raris primorum ordinum uocibus, ceteri silentio proximi cuiusque
audaciam exspectantes, insita mortalibus natura propere sequi quae
piget inchoare. sed ipsis legionibus inerat diuersitas animorum:
primani quintanique turbidi adeo ut quidam saxa in Galbae ima-
gines iecerint; quinta decima ac sexta decima legiones nihil ultra
fremitum et minas ausae initium erumpendi circumspectabant.
At in superiore exercitu quarta ac duoetuicensima legiones,
isdem hibernis tendentes, ipso kalendarum lanuariarum die
dirumpunt imagines Galbae, quarta legio promptius, duoet-
uicensima cunctanter, mox consensu. ac ne reuerentiam imperii
exuere uiderentur, senatus populique Romani oblitterata iam
60 CORNELI TACITI

nomina sacramento aduocabant, nullo legatorum tribunorumue

pro Galba nitente, quibusdam, ut in tumultu, notabilius turban-
tibus. (non tamen quisquam [in modum contionis aut] suggestu
locutus; neque enim erat adhuc cui imputaretur.) spectator flagitii
Hordeonius Flaccus consularis legatus aderat, non compescere
ruentes, non retinere dubios, non cohortari bonos ausus, sed
segnis pauidus et socordia innocens. quattuor centuriones duo-
etuicensimae legionis, Nonius Receptus, Donatius Valens, Romilius
Marcellus, Calpurnius Repentinus, cum protegerent Galbae ima-
gines, impetu militum abrepti uinctique. nec cuiquam ultra fides
aut memoria prioris sacramenti sed, quod in seditionibus accidit,
unde plures erant omnes fuere.
Nocte quae kalendas lanuarias secuta est in coloniam
Agrippinensem aquilifer quartae legionis epulanti Vitellio nuntiat
quartam et duoetuicensimam legiones proiectis Galbae imaginibus
in senatus ac populi Romani uerba iurasse. id sacramentum inane
uisum; occupari nutantem fortunam et oflerri principem placuit.
missi a Vitellio. ad legiones legatosque qui desciuisse a Galba su-
periorem exercitum nuntiarent: proinde aut bellandum aduersus
desciscentes aut, si concordia et pax placeat, faciendum impera-
torem. et minore discrimine sumi principem quam quaeri.
Proxima legionis primae hiberna erant et promptissimus ¢
legatis Fabius Valens. is die postero coloniam Agrippinensem
cum equitibus legionis auxiliariorumque ingressus imperatorem
Vitellium consalutauit. secutae ingenti certamine eiusdem prouin-
ciae legiones. et superior exercitus, speciosis senatus populique
Romani nominibus relictis, tertium nonas Ianuarias Vitellio acces-
sit; scires illum priore biduo non penes rem publicam fuisse.
Ardorem exercituum — Agrippinenses Treueri Lingones aequa-
bant, auxilia equos arma pecuniam offerentes ut quisque corpore
opibus ingenio ualidus. nec principes modo coloniarum aut cas-
trorum, quibus praesentia ex affluenti et parta uictoria magnae
spes, sed manipuli quoque et gregarius miles uiatica sua et bal-
teos phalerasque, insignia armorum argento decora, loco pecuniae
tradebant, instinctu et impetu et auaritia.
 HISTORIARVM LIBER PRIMVS 61

Igitur laudata militum alacritate Vitellius ministeria principa-

tus per libertos agi solita in equites Romanos disponit, uacationes
centurionibus ex fisco numerat, saeuitiam militum plerosque ad
poenam exposcentium saepius approbat, raro simulatione uin-
culorum frustratur. Pompeius Propinquus procurator Belgicae sta-
tim interfectus; Iulium Burdonem Germanicae classis praefectum
astu subtraxit. exarserat in eum iracundia exercitus tamquam
crimen ac mox insidias Fonteio Capitoni struxisset. grata erat
memoria Capitonis, et apud saeuientes occidere palam, ignoscere
non nisi fallendo licebat. ita in custodia habitus et post uictoriam
demum, satiatis iam militum odiis, dimissus est. interim ut pia-
culum obicitur centurio Crispinus; sanguine se Capitonis cruen-
tauerat eoque et postulantibus manifestior et punienti uilior fuit.
Iulius deinde Ciuilis periculo exemptus, praepotens inter Batauos, 59
ne supplicio eius ferox gens alienaretur. (et erant in ciuitate
Lingonum octo Batauorum cohortes, quartae decimae legionis
auxilia, tum discordia temporum a legione digressae, prout in-
clinassent, grande momentum sociae aut aduersae.) Nonium,
Donatium, Romilium, Calpurnium centuriones, de quibus supra
rettulimus, occidi iussit, damnatos fidei crimine, grauissimo inter
desciscentes.
Accessere partibus Valerius Asiaticus, Belgicae prouinciae
legatus, quem mox Vitellius generum asciuit, et Iunius Blaesus,
Lugdunensis Galliae rector, cum Italica legione e ala Taunana
Lugduni tendentibus. nec in Raeticis copiis mora quo minus sta-
tim adiungerentur. ne in Britannia quidem dubitatum. praeerat 60
Trebellius Maximus, per auaritiam ac sordes contemptus exerci-
tui inuisusque. accendebat odium eius Roscius Coelius legatus
uicensimae legionis, olim discors, sed occasione ciullium armorum
atrocius proruperant. Trebellius seditionem et confusum ordinem
disciplinae Coelio, spoliatas et inopes legiones Coelius Trebellio
obiectabat, cum interim foedis legatorum certaminibus modestia
exercitus corrupta eoque discordiae uentum ut auxiliarium quoque
militum conuiciis proturbatus et aggregantibus se Coelio cohortibus
alisque desertus Trebellius ad Vitellium perfugerit. quies prouinciae
 62 CORNELI TACITI

quamquam remoto consulari mansit; rexere legati legionum, pares

iure, Coelius audendo potentior.
Adiuncto Britannico exercitu ingens uiribus opibusque Vitellius
duos duces duo itinera bello destinauit. Fabius Valens allicere
uel, si abnuerent, uastare Gallias et Cottianis Alpibus Italiam ir-
rumpere, Caecina propiore transitu Poeninis iugis degredi iussus.
Valenti inferioris exercitus electi cum aquila quintae legionis et
cohortibus alisque, ad quadraginta milia armatorum data; triginta
milia Caecina e superiore Germania ducebat, quorum robur legio
unaetuicensima fuit. addita utrique Germanorum auxilia, e quibus
Vitellius suas quoque copias suppleuit, tota mole belli secuturus.
Mira inter exercitum imperatoremque diuersitas. instare miles,
arma poscere, dum Galhae trepident, dum Hispaniae cuncten-
tur: non obstare hiemem neque ignauae pacis moras; inuadendam
Italiam, occupandam urbem; nihil in discordus ciuilibus festina-
tione tutius, ubi facto magis quam consulto opus esset. torpe-
bat Vitellius et fortunam principatus inerti luxu ac prodigis epulis
praesumebat, medio diei temulentus et sagina grauis, cum tamen
ardor et uis militum ultro ducis munia implebat, ut si ades-
set imperator et strenuis uel ignauis spem metumue adderet. in-
structi intentique signum profectionis exposcunt. nomen Germanici
Vitellio statim additum; Caesarem se appellari etiam uictor pro-
hibuit.
Laetum augurium Fabio Valenti exercituique quem in bellum
agebat, ipso profectionis die aquila leni meatu prout agmen inced-
eret uelut dux uiae praeuolauit, longumque per spatium is gauden-
tium militum clamor, ea quies interritae alitis fuit ut haud dubium
magnae et prosperae rei omen acciperetur.
Et Treueros quidem ut socios securi adiere. Diuoduri (Medioma-
tricorum id oppidum est) quamquam omni comitate exceptos
subitus pauor terruit, raptis repente armis ad caedem innox-
lae ciuitatis, non ob praedam aut spoliandi cupidine sed furore
et rabie et causis incertis eoque difficilioribus remediis, donec
precibus ducis mitigati ab excidio ciuitatis temperauere. caesa
2 tamen ad quattuor milia hominum. isque terror Gallias inuasit
 HISTORIARVM LIBER PRIMVS 63

ut uenienti mox agmini uniuersae ciuitates cum magistratibus et

precibus occurrerent, stratis per uias feminis puerisque quaeque
alia placamenta hostilis irae non quidem in bello sed pro pace ten-
debantur.
Nuntium de caede Galbae et imperio Othonis Fabius Valens
in ciuitate Leucorum accepit. nec militum animus in gaudium
aut formidine permotus; bellum uoluebat. Gallis cunctatio exempta
est; in Othonem ac Vitellium odium par, ex Vitellio et metus.
Proxima Lingonum ciuitas erat, fida partibus. benigne excepti
modestia certauere, sed breuis laetitia fuit cohortium intemperie
quas a legione quarta decima, ut supra memorauimus, digressas
exercitui suo Fabius Valens adiunxerat. iurgia primum, mox rixa
inter Batauos et legionarios, dum his aut illis studia militum ag-
gregantur, prope in proelium exarsere, ni Valens animaduersione
paucorum oblitos iam Batauos imperii admonuisset.
Frustra aduersus Aeduos quaesita belli causa; iussi pecuniam
atque arma deferre gratuitos insuper commeatus praebuere.
quod Aedui formidine Lugdunenses gaudio fecere. sed legio
Italica et ala Tauriana abductae; cohortem duodeuicensimam
Lugduni, solitis sibi hibernis, relinqui placuit. Manlius Valens
legatus Italicae legionis, quamquam bene de partibus meritus,
nullo apud Vitellium honore fuit; secretis eum criminationibus
infamauerat Fabius ignarum et, quo incautior deciperetur, palam
laudatum.
Veterem inter Lugdunenses et Viennenses discordiam pro-
ximum bellum accenderat. multae in uicem clades, crebrius
infestiusque quam ut tantum propter Neronem Galbamque
pugnaretur. et Galba reditus Lugdunensium occasione irae in fis-
cum uerterat; multus contra in Viennenses honor. unde aemulatio
et inuidia et uno amne discretis conexum odium.
Igitur Lugdunenses exstimulare singulos militum et in
euersionem Viennensium impellere, obsessam ab illis coloniam
suam, adiutos Vindicis conatus, conscriptas nuper legiones in prae-
sidium Galbae referendo. et ubi causas odiorum praetenderant,
magnitudinem praedae ostendebant, nec iam secreta exhortatio sed
0% VUKINLELLI 1AUILI11

publicae preces: irent ultores, exscinderent sedem Gallici belli.

cuncta illic externa et hostilia; se, coloniam Romanam et partem
exercitus et prosperarum aduersarumque rerum socios, si fortuna
contra daret, iratis ne relinquerent. his et pluribus in eundem
modum perpulerant ut ne legati quidem ac duces partium restingui
posse iracundiam exercitus arbitrarentur, cum haud ignari discri-
minis sui Viennenses, uelamenta et infulas praeferentes, ubi agmen
incesserat, arma genua uestigia prensando flexere militum animos.
addidit Valens trecenos singulis militibus sestertios. tum uetustas
dignitasque coloniae ualuit et uerba Fabi salutem incolumitatemque
Viennensium commendantis aequis auribus accepta. publice tamen
armis multati priuatis et promiscuis copiis iuuere militem. sed fama
constans fuit ipsum Valentem magna pecunia emptum. is diu sor-
didus repente diues mutationem fortunae male tegebat, accensis
egestate longa cupidinibus immoderatus et inopi iuuenta senex
prodigus.
Lento deinde agmine per fines Allobrogum ac Vocontiorum
ductus exercitus, ipsa itinerum spatia et statiuorum mutationes
uenditante duce foedis pactionibus aduersus possessores agrorum
et magistratus ciuitatum, adeo minaciter ut Luco (municipium id
Vocontiorum est) faces admouent donec pecunia mitigaretur. quo-
tiens pecuniae materia deesset, stupris et adulteriis exorabatur. sic
ad Alpes peruentum.
Plus praedae ac sanguinis Caecina hausit. irmtauerant tur-
bidum ingenium Heluetii, Gallica gens olim armis uirisque mox
memoria nominis clara, de caede Galbae ignan et Vitellii imperium
abnuentes. initium bello fuit auaritia ac festinatio unaetuicensimae
legionis: rapuerant pecuniam missam in stipendium castelli quod
olim Heluetii suis militibus ac stipendiis tuebantur. aegre id passi
Heluetii, interceptis epistulis quae nomine Germanici exercitus ad
Pannonicas legiones ferebantur, centurionem et quosdam militum
in custodia retinebant.
Caecina belli auidus proximam quamque culpam, antequam
paeniteret, ultum ibat. mota propere castra; uastati agri; direp-
tus longa pace in modum municipii exstructus locus, amoeno
 HISTORIARVM LIBER PRIMVS 65

salubrium aquarum usu frequens; missi ad Raetica auxilia nuntii

ut uersos in legionem Heluetios a tergo aggrederentur.
Illi ante discrimen feroces, in periculo pauidi. quamquam 68
primo tumultu Claudium Seuerum ducem legerant, non arma
noscere, non ordines sequi, non in unum consulere. exitiosum
aduersus ueteranos proelium, intuta obsidio dilapsis uetustate
moenibus; hinc Caecina cum ualido exercitu, inde Raeticae alae
cohortesque et ipsorum Raetorum iuuentus, sueta armis et more
militiae exercita.
Undique populatio et caedes. ipsi medio uagi, abiectis armis,
magna pars saucii aut palantes, in montem Vocetium perfugere.
ac statim immissa cohorte Thracum depulsi et consectantibus
Germanis Raetisque per siluas atque in ipsis latebris trucidati. multa
hominum milia caesa, multa sub corona uenundata. cumque dirutis
omnibus Auenticum gentis caput infesto agmine peteretur, missi qui
dederent ciuitatem, et deditio accepta. in Iulium Alpinum e prin-
cipibus ut concitorem belli Caecina animaduertit; ceteros ueniae
uel saeuitiae Vitellii reliquit.
Haud facile dictu est, legati Heluetiorum minus placabilem 6g
imperatorem an militem inuenerint. ciuitatis excidium poscunt, tela
ac manus in ora legatorum intentant. ne Vitellius quidem uerbis
et minis temperabat, cum Claudius Cossus, unus e legatis, notae
facundiae sed dicendi artem apta trepidatione occultans atque eo
ualidior, militis animum mitigauit. ut est mos, uulgus mutabile
subitis et tam pronum in misericordiam quam immodicum saeuitia
fuerat; effusis lacrimis et meliora constantius postulando impuni-
tatem salutemque ciuitati impetrauere.
Caecina paucos in. Heluetiis moratus dies dum sententiae 79

Vitelli certior fieret, simul transitum Alpium parans, laetum ex

Italia nuntium accipit alam Silianam circa Padum agentem sacra-
mento Vitellii accessisse. pro consule Vitellium Siliani in Africa
habuerant; mox a Nerone, ut in Aegyptum praemitterentur, exciti et
ob bellum Vindicis reuocati ac tum in Italia manentes, instinctu de-
curionum, qui Othonis ignari Vitellio obstricti robur aduentantium
legionum et famam Germanici exercitus attollebant, transiere in
66 CORNELI TACITI

partes et ut donum aliquod nouo principi firmissima Transpadanae

regionis municipia, Mediolanum ac Nouariam et Eporediam et
Vercellas, adiunxere. id Caecinae per ipsos compertum. et (quia
praesidio alae unius latissima Italiae pars defendi nequibat) prae-
missis Gallorum Lusitanorumque et Britannorum cohortibus et
Germanorum uexillis cum ala Petriana, ipse paulum cunctatus
est num Raeticis iugis in Noricum flecteret aduersus Petronium
Vrbicum procuratorem, qui concitis auxiliis et interruptis fluminum
pontibus fidus Othoni putabatur. sed metu ne amitteret prae-
missas iam cohortes alasque, simul reputans plus gloriae retenta
Italia et, ubicumque certatum foret, Noricos in certa uictoriae
praemia cessuros, Poenino itinere subsignanum militem et graue
legionum agmen hibernis adhuc Alpibus transduxat.
Otho interim contra spem omnium non deliciis neque desidia
torpescere. dilatae uoluptates, dissimulata luxuria et cuncta ad
decorem imperii composita, eoque plus formidinis afferebant falsae
uirtutes et uitia reditura.
Marium Celsum consulem designatum, per speciem uinculorum
saeuitiae militum subtractum, acciri in Capitolium iubet; clemen-
tiae titulus e uiro claro et partibus inuiso petebatur. Celsus consta-
nter seruatae erga Galbam fidei crimen confessus, exemplum ultro
imputauit. nec Otho quasi ignosceret sed ne hostem metueret con-
ciliationes adhibens statim inter intimos amicos habuit et mox
bello inter duces delegit, mansitque Celso uelut fataliter etiam pro
Othone fides integra et infelix. laeta primoribus ciuitatis, celebrata
in uulgus Celsi salus ne militibus quidem ingrata fuit, eandem
uirtutem admirantibus cui irascebantur.
Par inde exsultatio disparibus causis consecuta impetrato
Tigellini exitio. Ofonius Tigellinus obscuris parentibus, foeda pueri-
tia, impudica senecta, praefecturam uigilum et praetorii et alia
praemia uirtutum, quia uelocius erat, uitiis adeptus, crudelitatem
mox, deinde auaritiam, uirilia scelera, exercuit, corrupto ad omne
facinus Nerone, quaedam ignaro ausus, ac postremo eiusdem deser-
tor ac proditor. unde non alium pertinacius ad poenam flagitauere,
diuerso affectu, quibus odium Neronis inerat et quibus desiderium.
 HISTORIARVM LIBER PRIMVS 67

apud Galbam 'it Vini potentia. defensus, praetexentis ser-

uatam ab eo fiham. (haud dubie seruauerat, non clementia, quippe
tot interfectis, sed effugium in futurum, quia pessimus quisque diffi-
dentia praesentium mutationem pauens aduersus publicum odium
priuatam gratiam praeparat. unde nulla innocentiae cura sed uices
impunitatis.) eo infensior populus, addita ad uetus Tigellini odium
recenti Titi Vini inuidia, concurrere ex tota urbe in Palatium ac
fora et, ubi plurima uulgi licentia, in circum ac theatra effusi sedi-
tiosis uocibus strepere, donec Tigellinus, accepto apud Sinuessanas
aquas supremae necessitatis nuntio, inter stupra concubinarum et
oscula et deformes moras sectis nouacula faucibus infamem uitam
foedauit etiam exitu sero et inhonesto.
Per idem tempus expostulata ad supplicium Caluia Crispinilla 73
uariis frustrationibus et aduersa dissimulantis principis fama pe-
riculo exempta est. magistra libidinum Neronis, transgressa in
Africam ad instigandum in arma Clodium Macrum, famem pop-
ulo Romano haud obscure molita, totius postea ciuitatis gratiam
obtinuit, consulari matrimonio subnixa et apud Galbam Othonem
Vitellium illaesa, mox potens pecunia et orbitate, quae bonis ma-
lisque temporibus iuxta ualent.
Crebrae interim et muliebribus blandimentis infectae ab Othone 74
ad Vitellium epistulae offerebant pecuniam et gratiam et quem-
cumque quietis locum prodigae uitae legisset. paria Vitellius
ostentabat, primo mollius, stulta utrimque et indecora simula-
tione; mox quasi rixantes stupra ac flagitia inuicem obiectauere,
neuter falso. Otho, reuocatis quos Galba miserat legatis, rursus
ad utrumque Germanicum exercitum et ad legionem Italicam
easque quae Lugduni agebant copias specie senatus misit. legati
apud Vitellium remansere, promptius quam ut retenti uiderentur;
praetoriani, quos per simulationem officii legatis Otho ad-
iunxerat, remissi antequam legionibus miscerentur. addidit epis-
tulas Fabius Valens nomine Germanici exercitus ad praetorias
et urbanas cohortes de uiribus partium magnificas et concor-
diam offerentes. increpabat ultro quod tanto ante traditum
Vitellio imperium ad Othonem uertissent. ita promissis simul ac 75
 68 CORNELI TACITI

minis temptabantur, ut bello impares, in pace nihil amissuri; neque

ideo praetorianorum fides mutata. sed insidiatores ab Othone
in Germaniam, a Vitellio in urbem missi. utrisque frustra fuit,
Vitellianis impune, per tantam hominum multitudinem mutua ig-
norantia fallentibus; Othoniani nouitate uultus, omnibus inuicem
gnaris, prodebantur. Vitellius litteras ad Titianum fratrem Othonis
composuit, exitium ipsi filioque eius minitans ni incolumes sibi
mater ac liberi seruarentur. et stetit domus utraque, sub Othone
incertum an metu; Vitellius uictor clementiae gloriam tulit.
Primus Othoni fiduciam addidit ex Illyrico nuntius iurasse
in eum Dalmatiae ac Pannoniae et Moesiae legiones. idem ex
Hispania allatum laudatusque per edictum Cluuius Rufus; et sta-
tim cognitum est conuersam ad Vitellium Hispaniam. ne Aquitania
quidem, quamquam ab Iulio Cordo in uerba Othonis obstricta,
diu mansit. nusquam fides aut amor; metu ac necessitate huc
illuc mutabantur. eadem formido prouinciam Narbonensem ad
Vitellium uertit, facili transitu ad proximos et ualidiores. long-
inquae prouinciae et quicquid armorum mari dirimitur penes
Othonem manebat, non partium studio, sed erat grande momen-
tum in nomine urbis ac praetexto senatus, et occupauerat animos
prior auditus. Iudaicum exercitum Vespasianus, Syriae legiones
Mucianus sacramento Othonis adegere. simul Aegyptus omnesque
uersae in Orientem prouinciae nomine eius tenebantur. idem
Africae obsequium, initio Carthagine orto neque exspectata
Vipstani Aproniani proconsulis auctoritate. Crescens Neronis li-
bertus (nam et hi malis temporibus partem se rei publicae faciunt)
epulum plebi ob laetitiam recentis imperii obtulerat, et populus ple-
raque sine modo festinauit. Carthaginem ceterae ciuitates secutae.
77 Sic distractis exercitibus ac prouincis Vitellio quidem ad
capessendam principatus fortunam bello opus erat, Otho ut in
multa pace munia imperii obibat, quaedam ex dignitate rei
publicae, pleraque contra decus ex praesenti usu properando.
consul cum Titiano fratre in kalendas Martias ipse, proximos
menses Verginio destinat ut aliquod exercitui Germanico dele-
nimentum. iungitur Verginio Pompeius Vopiscus praetexto ueteris
 HISTORIARVM LIBER PRIMVS 69

amicitiae; plerique Viennensium honori datum interpretabantur.

ceteri consulatus ex destinatione Neronis aut Galbae mansere,
Caelio ac Flauio Sabinis in Iulias, Arrio Antonino et Mario Celso in
Septembres, quorum honoribus ne Vitellius quidem uictor interces-
sit. sed Otho pontificatus auguratusque honoratis iam senibus
cumulum dignitatis addidit, aut recens ab exilio reuersos nobiles
adulescentulos auitis ac paternis sacerdotiis in solacium recoluit.
redditus Cadio Rufo, Pedio Blaeso, {Saeuino Promquof senatorius
locus. repetundarum criminibus sub Claudio ac Nerone ceciderant.
placuit ignoscentibus uerso nomine, quod auaritia fuerat, uideri
maiestatem, cuius tum odio etiam bonae leges peribant.
Eadem largitione ciuitatum quoque ac prouinciarum animos
aggressus Hispalensibus et Emeritensibus familiarum adiectiones,
Lingonibus uniuersis ciuitatem Romanam, prouinciae Baeticae
Maurorum ciuitates dono dedit; noua iura Cappadociae, noua
Africae, ostentata magis quam mansura. inter quae necessitate
praesentium rerum et instantibus curis excusata ne tum quidem
immemor amorum statuas Poppaeae per senatus consultum repo-
suit. creditus est etiam de celebranda Neronis memoria agitauisse
spe uulgum alliciendi. et fuere qui imagines Neronis proponerent.
atque etiam Othoni quibusdam diebus populus et miles, tamquam
nobilitatem ac decus astruerent, Neroni Othoni acclamauit. ipse in
suspenso tenuit, uetandi metu uel agnoscendi pudore.
Conuersis ad ciuille bellum animis externa sine cura habe- 79
tbantur. eo audentius Rhoxolani, Sarmatica gens, priore hieme
caesis duabus cohortibus, magna spe Moesiam irruperant, ad
nouemn milia equitum, ex ferocia et successu praedae magis quam
pugnae intenta. igitur uagos et incuriosos tertia legio adiunctis aux-
iliis repente inuasit. apud Romanos omnia proelio apta; Sarmatae
dispersi cupidine pracdae aut graues onere sarcinarum et lubrico
itinerum adempta equorum pernicitate uelut uincti caedebantur.
namque mirum dictu ut sit omnis Sarmatarum uirtus uelut extra
ipsos. nihil ad pedestrem pugnam tam ignauum; ubi per turmas
aduenere uix ulla acies obstiterit. sed tum umido die et soluto
gelu neque conti neque gladii, quos praelongos utraque manu
 70 CORNELI TACITI

regunt, usui, lapsantibus equis et catafractarum pondere. (id prin-

cipibus et nobilissimo cuique tegimen, ferreis lamminis aut prae-
duro corio consertum, ut aduersus ictus impenetrabile ita impetu
hostium prouolutis inhabile ad resurgendum.) simul altitudine et
mollitia niuis hauriebantur. Romanus miles facilis lorica et mis-
sili pilo aut lanceis assultans, ubi res posceret leui gladio inermem
Sarmatam (neque enim scuto defendi mos est) comminus fodiebat,
donec pauci qui proelio superfuerant paludibus abderentur.
ibi saeuitia hiemis aut uulnerum absumpti. postquam id Romae
compertum, M. Aponius Moesiam obtinens triumphali statua,
Fuluus Aurelius et Iulianus Tettius ac Numisius Lupus, legati le-
gionum, consularibus ornamentis donantur, laeto Othone et glo-
riam in se trahente tamquam et ipse felix bello et suis ducibus suisque
exercitibus rem publicam auxisset.
Paruo interim initio, unde nihil timebatur orta seditio prope
urbi excidio fuit. septimam decimam cohortem e colonia Ostiensi
in urbem acciri Otho iusserat. armandae eius cura Vario Crispino
tribuno e praetorianis data. is quo magis uacuus quietis castris
iussa exsequeretur, uehicula cohortis incipiente nocte onerari aperto
armamentario iubet. tempus in suspicionem, causa in crimen,
affectatio quietis in tumultum eualuit, et uisa inter temulentos
arma cupidinem sui mouere. fremit miles et tribunos centuri-
onesque proditionis arguit, tamquam familiae senatorum ad per-
niciem Othonis armarentur, pars ignari et uino graues, pessimus
quisque in occasionem praedarum, uulgus, ut mos est, cuiuscumque
motus noui cupidum; et obsequia meliorum nox abstulerat. re-
sistentem seditioni tribunum et seuerissimos centurionum obtrun-
cant. rapta arma, nudati gladii. insidentes equis urbem ac Palatium
petunt. |
Erat Othoni celebre ' conuiuium primoribus feminis uirisque,
qui trepidi fortuitusne militum furor an dolus imperatoris, manere
ac deprehendi an fugere et dispergi periculosius foret, modo con-
stantiam simulare modo formidine detegi, simul Othonis uul-
tum intueri. utque euenit inclinatis ad suspicionem mentibus,
2 cum timeret Otho, timebatur. sed haud secus discrimine senatus
 HISTORIARVM LIBER PRIMVS 71

quam suo territus et praefectos praetorii ad mitigandas militum iras

statim miserat et abire propere omnes e conuiuio iussit. tum uero
passim magistratus proiectis insignibus, uitata comitum et seruorum
frequentia, senes feminaeque per tenebras diuersa urbis itinera, rari
domos, plurimi amicorum tecta et, ut cuique humillimus cliens, in-
certas latebras petiuere.
Militum impetus ne foribus quidem Palati coercitus quo
minus conuiuium irrumperent, ostendi sibi Othonem expostu-
lantes, uulnerato Iulio Martiale tribuno et Vitellio Saturnino
praefecto legionis dum ruentibus obsistunt. undique arma et mi-
nae, modo in centuriones tribunosque modo in senatum uniuersum,
lymphatis caeco pauore animis et, quia neminem unum destinare
irae poterant, licentiam in omnes poscentibus, donec Otho con-
tra decus imperii toro insistens precibus et lacrimis aegre cohibuit,
redieruntque in castra inuiti neque innocentes.
Postera die uelut capta urbe clausae domus, rarus per uias
populus, maesta plebs; deiecti in terram militum uultus ac plus tristi-
tiae quam paenitentiae. manipulatim allocuti sunt Licinius Proculus
et Plotius Firmus praefecti, ex suo quisque ingenio mitius aut
horridius. finis sermonis in eo ut quina milia nummum singulis
militibus numerarentur. tum Otho ingredi castra ausus. atque illum
tribuni centurionesque circumsistunt, abiectis militiae insignibus
otium et salutem flagitantes. sensit inuidiam miles et compositus in
obsequium auctores seditionis ad supplicium ultro postulabat.
Otho, quamquam turbidis rebus et diuersis militum animis, 83
cum optimus quisque remedium praesentis licentiae posceret, uul-
gus et plures seditionibus et ambitioso imperio laeti per turbas
et raptus facilius ad ciuile bellum impellerentur, simul reputans
non posse principatum scelere quaesitum subita modestia et prisca
grauitate retineri, sed discrimine urbis et periculo senatus anx-
lus, postremo ita disseruit: ‘neque ut affectus uestros in amorem
mei accenderem, commilitones, neque ut animum ad uirtutem co-
hortarer (utraque enim egregie supersunt) sed ueni postulaturus
a uobis temperamentum uestrae fortitudinis et erga me modum
caritatis. tumultus proximi initium non cupiditate uel odio, quae
72 CORNELI TACITI

multos exercitus in discordiam egere, ac ne detrectatione quidem

aut formidine periculorum: nimia pietas uestra acrius quam con-
siderate excitauit. nam saepe honestas rerum causas, ni iudicium
adhibeas, perniciosi exitus consequuntur.
‘Imus ad bellum. num omnes nuntios palam audiri, omnia
consilia cunctis praesentibus tractari ratio rerum aut occasionum
uelocitas patitur? tam nescire quaedam milites quam scire oportet.
ita se ducum auctoritas, sic rigor disciplinae habet, ut multa etiam
centuriones tribunosque tantum iuberi expediat. si cur iubeantur
quaerere singulis liceat, pereunte obsequio etiam imperium inter-
cidit. an et illic nocte intempesta rapientur arma? unus alterue
perditus ac temulentus (neque enim plures consternatione proxima
insanisse crediderim) centurionis ac tribuni sanguine manus imbuet,
imperatoris sui tentorium irrumpet?
‘Vos quidem istud pro me; sed in discursu ac tenebris et rerum
omnium confusione patefieri occasio etiam aduersus me potest.
s1 Vitellio et satellitibus eius eligendi facultas detur, quem nobis
animum, quas mentes imprecentur? quid aliud quam seditionem et
discordiam optabunt, ne miles centurioni, ne centurio tribuno ob-
sequatur, ut confusi pedites equitesque in exitium ruamus? parendo
potius, commilitones, quam imperia ducum sciscitando res mi-
litares continentur, et fortissimus in ipso discrimine exercitus est qui
ante discrimen quietissimus. uobis arma et animus sit; mihi con-
silium et uirtutis uestrae regimen relinquite. paucorum culpa fuit,
duorum poena erit; ceteri abolete memoriam foedissimae noctis.
‘Nec illas. aduersus senatum uoces ullus usquam exercitus au-
diat. caput imperii et decora omnium prouinciarum ad poenam
uocare non hercule illi, quos cum maxime Vitellius in nos ciet,
Germani audeant. ulline Italiae alumni et Romana uere iuuentus ad
sanguinem et caedem depoposcerit ordinem cuius splendore et glo-
ria sordes et obscuritatem Vitellianarum partium praestringimus?
nationes aliquas occupauit Vitellius, imaginem quandam exerci-
tus habet; senatus nobiscum est. sic fit ut hinc res publica, inde
hostes rei publicae constiterint. quid? uos pulcherrimam hanc
urbem domibus et tectis et congestu lapidum stare creditis? muta
 HISTORIARVM LIBER PRIMVS 73

ista et inanima intercidere ac reparari promisca sunt; aeternitas re-

rum et pax gentium et mea cum uestra salus incolumitate senatus
firmatur. hunc auspicato a parente et conditore urbis nostrae insti-
tutum et a regibus usque ad principes continuum et immortalem,
sicut a maioribus accepimus, sic posteris tradamus. nam ut ex uobis
senatores, ita ex senatoribus principes nascuntur.'
Et oratio ad perstringendos mulcendosque militum animos 85
et seueritatis modus (neque enim in plures quam in duos an-
imaduerti iusserat) grate accepta compositique ad praesens qui
coerceri non poterant. non tamen quies urbi redierat: strepitus
telorum et facies belli, militibus ut nihil in commune turbantibus,
ita sparsis per domos occulto habitu et maligna cura in omnes
quos nobilitas aut opes aut aliqua insignis claritudo rumoribus
obiecerat. Vitellianos quoque milites uenisse in urbem ad studia par-
tium noscenda plerique credebant. unde plena omnia suspicionum
et uix secreta domuum sine formidine. sed plurimum trepidatio-
nis in publico, ut quemque nuntium fama attulisset animum uul-
tumque conuersis, ne difhidere dubus ac parum gaudere prosperis
uiderentur. coacto uero in curiam senatu arduus rerum omnium
modus, ne contumax silentium, ne suspecta libertas; et priuato
Othoni nuper atque eadem dicenti nota adulatio. igitur uersare sen-
tentias et huc atque illuc torquere, hostem et parricidam Vitellium
uocantes, prouidentissimus quisque uulgaribus conuiciis, quidam
uera probra iacere, in clamore tamen et ubi plurimae uoces, aut
tumultu uerborum sibi ipsi obstrepentes.
Prodigia insuper terrebant diuersis auctoribus uulgata: in 86
uestibulo Capitolii omissas habenas bigae cui Victoria institerat,
erupisse cella Iunonis maiorem humana speciem, statuam diui Iuln
in insula Tiberini amnis sereno et immoto die ab occidente in orien-
tem conuersam, prolocutum in Etruria bouem, insolitos animalium
partus et plura alia rudibus saeculis etiam in pace obseruata, quae
nunc tantum in metu audiuntur. sed praecipuus €t cum praesenti
exitio etiam futuri pauor subita inundatione Tiberis, qui immenso
auctu proruto ponte sublicio ac strage obstantis molis refusus non
modo iacentia et plana urbis loca sed secura eius modi casuum
74 CORNELI TACITI

impleuit. rapti e publico plerique, plures in tabernis et cubilibus in-

tercepti. fames in uulgus inopia quaestus et penuria alimentorum.
corrupta stagnantibus aquis insularum fundamenta, dein remeante
flumine dilapsa. utque primum uacuus a periculo animus fuit, id
ipsum quod paranti expeditionem Othoni campus Martius et uia
Flaminia iter belli esset obstructum, a fortuitis uel naturalibus causis
in prodigium et omen imminentium cladium uertebatur.
Otho lustrata urbe et expensis bello consilis, quando Poeninae
Cottiaeque Alpes et ceteri Galliarum aditus Vitellianis exercitibus
claudebantur, Narbonensem Galliam aggredi statuit classe ual-
ida et partibus fida quod reliquos caesorum ad pontem Muluium
et saeuitia Galbae in custodia habitos in numeros legionis com-
posuerat, facta et ceteris spe honoratae in posterum militiae. ad-
didit classi urbanas cohortes et plerosque e praetorianis, uires
et robur exercitus atque ipsis ducibus consilium et custodes.
summa expeditionis Antonio Nouello, Suedio Clementi pri-
mipilaribus, Aemilio Pacensi, cui ademptum a Galba tribunatum
reddiderat, permissa. curam nauium Moschus libertus retinebat
ad obseruandam honestiorum fidem jimmutatust. peditum equi-
tumque copiis Suetonius Paulinus, Marius Celsus, Annius Gallus
rectores destinati, sed plurima fides Licinio Proculo praetorii prae-
fecto. is urbanae militiae impiger, bellorum insolens, auctoritatem
Paulini, uigorem Celsi, matuntatem Galli, ut cuique erat, cri-
minando, quod facillimum factu est, prauus et callidus bonos et
modestos anteibat.
Sepositus per eos dies Cornelius Dolabella in coloniam
Aquinatem, neque arta custodia neque obscura, nullum ob crimen,
sed uetusto nomine et propinquitate Galbae monstratus.
Multos e magistratibus, magnam consularium partem Otho non
participes aut ministros bello sed comitum specie secum expedire
iubet, in quis et Lucium Vitellium, eodem quo ceteros cultu, nec ut
imperatoris fratrem nec ut hostis. igitur motae urbis curae, nullus
ordo metu aut periculo uacuus. primores senatus aetate inualidi et
longa pace desides, segnis et oblita bellorum nobilitas, ignarus mili-
tiae eques, quanto magis occultare et abdere pauorem nitebantur,
 HISTORIARVM LIBER PRIMVS 75

manifestius pauidi. nec deerant e contrario qui ambitione sto-

lida conspicua arma, insignes equos, quidam luxuriosos apparatus
conuiuiorum et irritamenta libidinum ut instrumentum belli mer-
carentur. sapientibus quietis et rei publicae cura, leuissimus quisque
et futuri improuidus spe uana tumens, multi afflicta fide in pace ac
turbatis rebus alacres, et per incerta tutissimi.
Sed uulgus et magnitudine nimia communium curarum ex-
pers populus sentire paulatim belli mala, conuersa in militum usum
omni pecunia, intentis alimentorum pretiis, quae motu Vindicis
haud perinde plebem attriuerant, secura tum urbe et prouinciali
bello, quod inter legiones Galliasque uelut externum fuit. nam
ex quo diuus Augustus res Caesarum composuit, procul et in
unius sollicitudinem aut decus populus Romanus bellauerat. sub
Tiberio et Gaio tantum pacis aduersa ad rem publicam pertinuere.
Scriboniani contra Claudium incepta simul audita et coercita. Nero
nuntiis magis et rumoribus quam armis depulsus. tum legiones clas-
sesque et, quod raro alias, praetorianus urbanusque miles in aciem
deducti, Oriens Occidensque et quicquid utrimque uirium est a
tergo. si ducibus aliis bellatum foret, longo bello materia. fuere
qui proficiscenti Othoni moras religionemque nondum conditorum
ancilium afferrent; aspernatus est omnem cunctationem ut Neroni
quoque exitiosam. et Caecina iam Alpes transgressus exstimulabat.
Pridie idus Martias commendata patribus re publica reliquias
Neronianarum sectionum nondum in fiscum conuersas reuocatis
ab exilio concessit, iustissimum donum et in speciem magnificum,
sed festinata iam pridem exactione usu sterile. mox uocata con-
tione maiestatemn urbis et consensum populi ac senatus pro se
attollens, aduersum Vitellianas partes modeste disseruit, inscitiam
potius legionum quam audaciam increpans, nulla Vitellii men-
tione, siue ipsius ea moderatio, seu scriptor orationis sibi metuens
contumelis in Vitellium . abstinuit, quando, ut in consiliis mili-
tiae Suetonio Paulino et Mario Celso, ita in rebus urbanis Galeri
lrachali ingenio Othonem uti credebatur. et erant qui genus
ipsum orandi noscerent, crebro fori usu celebre et ad implendas
populi aures latum et sonans. clamor uocesque uulgi ex more j
76 CORNELI TACITI

adulandi nimiae et falsae. quasi dictatorem Caesarem aut impe-

ratorem Augustum prosequerentur, ita studiis uotisque certabant,
nec metu aut amore, sed ex libidine seruitii, ut in familiis, pri-
uata cuique stimulatio, et uile iam decus publicum. profectus Otho
quietem urbis curasque imperii Saluio Titiano fratri permisit.
 COMMENTARY

I Initium mihi operis

The first chapter of the Histories is a masterpiece of indirection. It com-
municates the work's topic (Rome under the principate) and chronological
.scope (Galba to Domitian), the author's credentials and aspirations, and
his promises of concern for posterity and fidelity to truth, but his points will
be apparent only to readers who infer them from what T. says about other
authors, on other subjects, and in generalizations (see nn.). His affiliation to
the annalistic tradition is directly declared (1.1 n. consules), but even here the
message is oblique: the annalistic framework, with its presumption of the sig-
nificance of the republican yearly cycle, is in constant tension with the
imperial and dynastic realities of the period. From the outset, then, it is clear
that T.'s aim is not to illuminate (contrast Sal. fug. 5.3 quo ad cognoscendum
omnia illustria magis . . . sint, Liv. praef. Yo documenta in illustri posita monumento)
but rather to uncover.
Missing from this chapter are several of the standard prefatory topoi:
the magnitude ofthe task (e.g. Liv. praef. 4 res . . . tmmensi operis), the historian's
desire for personal glory (e.g. Sal. Cat. 1.3 memoria nostri, 3.5 honons cufndo, Liv.
praef- 3 mea fama, Plin. Ep. 5.8.1 aliorum . . famam cum sua extendere), and his
fears about the work's reception (e.g. Liv. praef. 4 legentium plenisque . . . minus
praebitura uoluptatss sint, Jos. Bf 1.12 ‘a critic too severe for pity', T. Agr. 1.4
narraturo mihi . . . uenia opus fuit, etc.); reticence is a mark of T.’s historiographi-
cal style.
As is brevity of his Latin style. In this first chapter we get a glimpse of its
power, its potential for breadth of implication (see 1.1 nn. magna . . . cessere, ut
alienae). In a felicitous phrase originally applied to Virgil but equally true of
our author, T. achieves a 'style precisely attuning syntactic ambiguity and
semantic richness' (Glenn Most, in Spence (2001) 189).
Recent discussions include Leeman (1973), Woodman (1988), Christes
(1995), Marincola (1999); for prefatory topoi see Herkommer (1968).

1.1 Seruius Galba iterum: his first consulship was in 33 under Tiberius
(A. 6.15.1; sources at PIR s 723). For his background, career, and character
see the obituary at 49.2—4. In 69 Galba was seventy-three (5.2n. sentum atque
W). T. Vinius, an undistinguished senator and commander of

77
78 COMMENTARY: 1.1

the single legion in Tarraconensis, was catapulted into power in 68 when

the province's governor, Galba, was proclaimed emperor. For his cursus see
Sumner (1976) and 6.1 n., for his obituary 48.2-4. consules: cf. Sal.
Hist. fr. 1.1 res popult Romani M. Lepndo Q. Catulo consulibus ac deinde. . . composus.
Like Sallust T. begins his Histories with a consular date, and like Livy he
marks the beginning of each year with the consuls’ names (42 of T.’s year-
beginnings are extant; 31 have an abl. abs. formula (e.g. A. 6.15.1 Ser. Galba
L. Sulla consulibus), the rest variations; see W—M ad A. 3.2.3. The only other
year-beginning in H. is 4.38.1 interea Vespasianus iterum ac Titus consulatum
absentes inierunt (A.D. 70). On the year 69 cf. also D. 17.3 illum Galbae et
Othonis et Vitellit longum et unum annum. On 1 January as a starting date (in
preference to Nero's suicide or the beginning of Galba's principate) see
Syme (1958) 145 (‘vital and inevitable’) and, for criticisms, Chilver ad loc.
erunt agrees with the predicate nouns (A&G §316b). nam...inest:
the sequence of thought has caused difficulty. It begins simply enough:
T. starts his history with the year 69, for (nam) many have told the story
of Rome's previous 820 years (roughly 753 B.c.—A.D. 69). What follows is
essentially parenthetic (dum. . . inesf): a discussion of the work, both good
and bad, of the historians of the earlier period (dum. . . obnoxtos) and advice
on how a reader can compensate for their various failings (sed . . . inest). At
1.3 T. returns to his own work, reviewing possible sources of one failing,
bias, and declaring his intention of avoiding it (mtt. . . dicendus est). The
logic of the sentence has seemed to some to require a starting date of
31 B.C. (when historical talent dried up) rather than A.p. 69; for full discus-
sion and bibliography see Chilver, Hellegouarc'h, and Marincola (1999).
Although T. does not mention the fact here, his chosen period already had
its historians (2.101.1). post conditam urbem depends on annos; cf.
11.2n. Afnica.. . . contenta. octingentos et uiginti . . . annos: 821 years
separate Rome's foundation (on Varro's date, 753 B.c.) and A.p. 69. T.
uses the same round figure for the period of Rome's existence at 4.58.6.
For another cf. 4.74.3 octingentorum annorum fortuna, as well as D. 17.3 cen-
tum et uiinti (for 117). rettulerunt ‘related’ OLD 18. res populi
Romani 'the history of the Republic’ (Chilver), so defined by the an-
tithesis with post-Actium history. For the gen. cf. Tiberii Gaique et Claudit ac
Neronis res (A. 1.1.2), the subject of the Annals. On histories of the Republic
see also A. 1.1.2 uetens popult Romani prospera uel aduersa clans scniptoribus
memorata sunt. Both Sallust (fr. 1.1, quoted above) and Livy (praef. 1 51 a
primordio urbis res bopuli Romani perscripsertm) define their subjects with this
 COMMENTARY: 1.1 79

phrase. pari eloquentia ac libertate: for the association of elo-

quence and Republican /ibertas see Maternus' speech at D. 36-8, which
ends with this assessment of the principate: eloquentiam. . . depacauerat.
postquam bellatum: sc. est, impersonal pass. (2.3n. saeuitum). The battle
of Actium was fought on 2 September 31 B.cC. ad unum: on the
pninceps’ unique responsibility cf. 89.2 in unius sollicitudinem, D. 36.2 moderatore
uno, 41.4 saftentissimus et unus, A. 1.9.4 non aliud discordantis patriae remedium fuisse
quam ut ab uno regeretur. potentiam...conferri pacis interfuit:
interfuit 'it was expedient' (OLD 9b) is a non-committal author's minimum
of praise. For the abstract noun with interest cf. Plin. .Nat. 9.56 atunt et 5
teratur gurges, interesse capturae (sc. piscium), Plin. E. 9.13.25 interest. . . exempli,
ut uera widerentur. For the acc. + inf. subject cf. 3.86.2 rei publicae. . . intererat
Vitellum uinct. magna illa ingenia cessere: "lhese magna ingenia
are...not named, but they hardly needed to be; they were the great his-
torians of the Republican era, beginning with Cato, and going through to
Sallust and Livy' (Marincola (1999) 402). When writing the Annals T. found
the historiographical landscape of the Augustan period less bleak: A. 1.1.2
temporibusque Augusti dicendis non defuere decora ingenia, donec gliscente adulatione
deterrerentur (cf. on Livy A. 4.34.2 eloquentiae ac fidet praeclarus in primis). And
he is not uncomplimentary about individual historians writing under the
Julio-Claudians: on Cluvius Rufus see 8.1 nn., on Fabius Rusticus (and Livy)
Agr. 10.3 eloquentissimt, on Servilius Nonianus A. 14.19 tradendis rebus Romanis
celebns. However, ‘his concern is not with these immediate predecessors
at all' (Marincola (1999) 401), rather, like that of Sallust (who uses magna
ingenia of the giants of Greek historiography at Cat. 8.3), with the best ones,
as the echoes of their work throughout this preface show. cessere —
cesserunt. 'T. follows Sallust (following Cato) in using both -erunt and -ere in
prose. Cicero, Caesar, Nepos, and Quintilian, inter alios, avorded -ere (K-H
§163.2). The absolute use of cedere is poetic; here both ‘withdraw’ (OLD 3)
and ‘recede’ (OLD 4) are possible translations. ueritas. . .infracta:
sc. est; cf. Seneca describing the starting point of his father’s history, HRR
2.98 unde pnimum uentas retro abut, and Dio 53.19 on the unreliability of in-
formation available to historians of the empire. On infringo cf. Don. ad Ter.
Eun. 336 *infractos? . . . ualde fractos significat; T. uses it again with abstract nouns
at 2.99.2 utrtus, 3.42.2 fides, À. 4.19.2 tus, 15.21.4 auaritia. pluribus —
complunbus ‘several’, introducing primum . . . mox. ut alienae: cither quia
alena erat or ut si aliena esset; the brevity allows both. The former, which
implies that the res publica was now the res priuata (or propnia) of the princeps
80 COMMENTARY: 1.2-3

(cf. 29.1 altem. . . imperii, 89.2 res Caesarum, A. 1.1.2 cuncta (sc. Augustus) . . . sub
impenum accepit, A. 1.1.2 (quoted on res populi Romani above); Plin. Pan. 66.4 ubi
erat autem omnino res publica?), leaves little hope for historiography; the latter
suggests that a properly informed historian, 1.e. one who has had a pub-
lic career, can deliver uentas, within limits (see e.g. 7.2n. fuere. . . abstinuisse).
Over time T. became increasingly aware of the limits: A. 3.19.2 adeo max-
tma quaeque ambigua sunt with W-M ad loc. libidine assentandi:
crowd behaviour (12.2 libidine talia loquendi, 4.49.3 indiligenha ueri et adulandi
libidime). odio aduersus dominantes: on the delayed expression of
hatred for emperors cf. A. 1.1.2 res. . . postquam occiderant recentibus odus com-
positae sunt. neutris: sc. erat, looking forward to the tnfensi and obnoxi.
cura posteritatis: claimed, implicitly, for T. himself, cf. A. 4.11.3 for cura
nostra of the Annals. inter infensos uel obnoxios 'among the hostile
and the subservient’, the former motivated by odtum, the latter by hbido as-
sentand:. For inter cf. 34.2 inter gaudentes et incunosos, Agr. 32.9 tnter male parentes
et iniuste imperantes.
1.2 ambitionem...obtrectatio et liuor: this pair supplements
libidine assentandi . . . odio — love of flattery yields profit, hatred ‘envious dis-
paragement' (Alford) — and is further developed in the next sentence with
seruitus added to the first, species libertatis to the second. auerseris...
accipiuntur: for the uariatio see Sórbom (1935) 108-10. auerseris:
for the address to the reader see 10.2n. palam. .. audiebant. The potential
subj. refers to possible future encounters with a flattering narrative
(AGG 5446). pronis auribus: cf. Stat. Silu. 5.2.58—9 bibe talta pronis |
auribus, more vivid than the common aequts auribus (66.1) and its equiva-
lents promptis aunbus, propitus aunbus, secundis aunbus, etc. (TLL s.v. 1509.2—
1510.5). quippe typically introduces an explanatory clause or sentence
(here: why we reject laudatory histories and welcome hostile ones; cf. 12.3
quippe. . . intendebat) but with falsa 'T. incorporates a further point: we wel-
come hostile histories because we think they show /tbertas, but we are wrong
(they are just the product of human malignitas). The formal parallelism is
belied by the variation in content. On maügnitas as an explanation for his-
torical bias see Luce (1989) 24—5.
1.3 nec beneficio nec iniuria cogniti: authorial bias was generally
credited to material causes of the kind T. mentions here (cf. Sen. Apoc. 1.1
nijal nec offensae nec gratiae dabitur) rather than to abstract ones (e.g. differ-
ences of outlook on philosophical, political, or moral grounds, or emotions
resulung from personal experience); see Luce (1989). dignitatem
 COMMENTARY: 1.3-1.4 81

nostram ‘my career’. Membership in the governing elite — for T.'s cursus
see below - is a traditional prerequisite for writing history at Rome, with
Livy the principal exception. T^s work will not suffer from :nscitia ret publicae,
at least insofar as knowledge is available outside the imperial inner circle
(1.1n. ut alenae). inchoatam...auctam...prouectam: sc. esse.
The passives emphasize T.’s receipt (rather than pursuit) of benefits from
the Flavians. Dates for the various steps in T.'s career, particularly the early
ones (latus clauus, military tribunate, vigintivirate, quaestorship, tribunate
or aedileship) are uncertain. His praetorship belongs to Domitian’s reign,
A.D. 88, by which date he also held a priesthood in the XVom (A. 11.11.1). For
discussion see Chilver ad loc. and Syme (1958) 59-74. non abnuerim:
a more modest assertion (48G 8447 .1) than Sallust's declarations in Cat. (4.2
mihi a spe metu partibus rei publicae animus liber erat) and Hist. (fr. 1.6 neque me diuorsa
pars in ciuilibus armis moutt a uero). fidem professis . . . dicendus est:
professis (2 eis qui profitentur) i5 a compact dat. of agent. Implicit in this gener-
alization is the historian's own promise (OLD s.v. profiteor 3) of fidelity to the
truth. His comment about Livy's fides is quoted above (1.1 n. magna . . . cessere);
cf. also Josephus' more explicit *having set truth as my target’ (47 20.157
oxorróv TrpoOéuevoi Tr)v dAndeiav). T.’s phrase is imitated by Ammianus,
who claims an opus uentatem professum (27.4.2 and again at 31.16.9 in his
final sentence). neque amore quisquam et sine odio dicendus
est: T. abruptly abandons the rhetorical polish (parallel structures, tri-
colon crescendo) of the preceding sentences; here the amor~odium antithe-
sis is complicated by uariatio in the negative (neque. . . quisquam~et sine) and
abl. expressions (amore. .. sine odio). À. 1.1.3 stne ira et studio 1s more simply
expressed.
1.4 principatum diui Neruae et imperium Traiani: impenum
here may reflect Trajan’s military accomplishments (Irvine ad loc.) but it i5
paired with principatus rather casually at 56.3; see Chilver ad loc. for possible
contemporary resonances. uberiorem: 2.1 n. opimum castbus. se-
curiorem ... materiam: flattering to a ciuilis princeps, no doubt, but, as
T. would show in his account of the trial of Cremutius Cordus, who wrote
on the civil wars and principate of Augustus under Tiberius, the risk to the
historian came from the period in which he was writing, not from his subject
matter (A. 4.34—5). seposui: for Ts other announcements of fu-
ture topics see Agr. 3.3 (presumably Domitian to Trajan) and A. 3.24.3
(Augustus' principate); none camce to fruition. rara temporum
felicitate: similarly of the post-Domitian years at Agr 3.1 felicitatem
82 COMMENTARY: 2-3

temporum. Nerva himself mentions felicitas temporum in an edict quoted

by Pliny (Ep. 10.58.7). On the effect here cf. Woodman (1988) 167 ‘the
mere fact of referring to the happy present means that T. denies in ad-
vance that any permanent damage was done to the Roman constitu-
tion by the disasters which he is about to catalogue’. On the abl. abs.
see Intro. §14. ubi...licet: for the flattering sentiment cf. Plin. Pan.
66.4 wbes, quae sentimus, promere in medwum: proferemus. For chiasmus in a
terminal sentence see, in App. 2, 2.3, 45.2, 77.3; also 28 auderent pauci,
plures uellent.

2-3 Opus aggredior

After the general introduction of ch. 1, chh. 2-3 introduce the work's
particular themes: wars (internal, external, permixta), natural disasters, the
disintegration of the social fabric, human character (base and admirable),
and divine retribution. The thematic focus of this 'table of contents’ dis-
tinguishes it from other ancient content lists, which usually mirror the
organization of the books they introduce. The list in the Bellum fudatcum of
Josephus, for example, offers a précis of the narrative, mentioning events
in the order in which they occur in the work's seven books (BJ 1.19-29),
and Pliny's Natural History has a long table of contents indicating quid sin-
gulis contineretur. libris (praef. 33). Similar to these, but less detailed, is the
announcement of topics for the seventeen books of Appian's Roman History
(praef. 14—15). Ts thematic list is less informative but more colourful than
such lists and, as Woodman suggests, entices the reader ((1988) 167 ‘indeed
the whole of the second section of T.s preface .. . heralds a *disaster nar-
rative" of the most vivid and dramatic type'; Intro. 85). As befits a table of
contents, the syntax is simple. Only in the last sentence does T. return to a
fuller style.
The prevailing colours are dark. The tone set by the opening sentence
(atrox. . . discors. .. saeuum) 1s maintained by references to violence (interemptt,
perdomita, afflicta, saeuitum, spolia, oppressi, tormenta), disorder and disease
(turbatum, nutantes, pollutae, ifectt, scelera, agerent uerterent, corrupti, casus), and
destruction (cladibus (3x), haustae, obrutae, uastata, consumptis, exihum, exitus),
and fitangly capped by the final word, ultionem. To convey the disastrousness
of the period T. exaggerates negative and omits positive features reported
in other sources. The exaggerated negatives are mentioned in the notes,
the omissions, briefly, here.
 COMMENTARY: 2.1 83

Chief among the omitted positives is stability. With T.'s characterization

of the period as opimum casibus contrast Suet. Ves. 1.1 incertum diu et quasi uagum
impenum suscefnt firmauitque tandem gens Flauia, 8.1 per totum imperii tempus niül
habuit antiquius quam prope afflictam nutantemque rem p. stabilire primo, deinde et
ornare. (Suetonius’ ornare is also omitted by T.: there is nothing here on the
Flavian building programme, for which sce CAH? x1 967—71.) Stability was
secured, at least in part, by financial and administrative reforms (Ves. 8.4,
9.2, 10.1, 16.3, Dom. 8), by military discipline and an increase in military pay
(Ves. 8.3, Dom. 7.3, Dio 67.3.5), and by the proper functioning of the judicial
system (e.g. Plin. E. 7.33, cf. also Suet. Dom. 8.1). Flavian generosity to the
populace in the form of games was also a factor (Suet. Ves. 19.1, 7it. 7.3-8.2,
Dom. 4, Dio 66.15.2, 66.25, 67.8.1—9.6, cf. also Ves. 17), and was celebrated
by contemporary poets (e.g. Martial’s Liber spectaculorum on the opening of
the Colosseum); for Augustus' precedent see RG 22-3. Moral leadership,
something T. himself credits Vespasian with at A. 3.55.4, is also absent from
the positives here. For other omissions see 2.1n. aduersae in Occidente, 3.2n.
prodigia . . . praesagia.
T's overview of the period here is as dark as that given by Pliny in
the Panegyricus (see nn. and Bruére), but in Pliny Flavian gloom serves as
foil to the bright new day of Trajan's reign. The themes announced here
continue to engage T.'s attention in the Annals, which he characterizes
as a narrative of saeua tussa, continuas accusattones, fallaces amicitias, berniciem
innocentium (A. 4.33.3).

2.1 opus...opimum...atrox...discors...saeuum: the adjec-

tives increasingly suit the period better than they do opus. opimum
casibus: opimum is an emendation for M's opibus (itself corrected to plenum
by a later hand) found already in M’s descendants (sce Wellesley's app. crit.).
Though much beleaguecred (Wellesley lists eleven challengers, Chilver
obelizes, Syme (1987) 111 pronounces it ‘alien to the usage of Tacitus
and incongruous if yoked to casibus’), it is right; so Baldwin (1981) and
Hellegouarc’h ad loc. optmus (‘abounding in’ ‘abundant’ OLD 6) is commonly
applied to fields and their produce (7 LLs.v. 710.27 —52). The mctaphor here
is recalled at 3.1 stenle saeculum, which opens the second panel of the table
of contents; for a similar combination of metaphor and antithesis cf. Cic.
Att. 2.7.3 illa opima (sc. legatio) . . . epuloni Vatimio reseruatur, haec ieiuna . . . datur &
cutus, etc.). T. does not use opimus elsewhere, but cf. 1.4 uberiorem . . . materiam.
For opus with a similar adjective (indeed with one of the challengers to
84 COMMENTARY: 2.1

opimum) cf. Hor. Carm. 2.1.6 penculosae plenum opus aleae, and for a similarly
introductory phrase cf. Luc. 1.68 tmmensum. . . aperitur. opus. casibus
‘occurrences’; cf. 4.1 casus euentusque, 29.2 tnstiorem casum. casus often acquires
a more precise meaning from its context: *disasters' at 86.2 eius modi casuum
(it is used of other natural disasters at 4. 2.47.1 earthquake, 4.63.1 am-
phitheatre collapse, 16.13.3 fire), !chance event' at A. 1.70.3 niul. . . consilia
a casu differre, 'experiences' at Agr. 25.1 sua quisque facta, suos casus, ‘opportu-
nity’ at A. 1.13.2 Arruntium . . . s1 casus daretur, ausurum. Relevant to its meaning
here 1s its recurrence at the end of the table of contents (3.2 praeter multi-
plices rerum humanarum casus), where casus sums up everything in chh. 2-3,
res both prosperae and aduersae. *Disasters' might better suit the darkness of
the list that follows here (atrox. . . discors . . saeuum) and make a nice para-
dox with optmum (contrast e.g. Lucr. 1.728 insula rebus optma bonis and Liv.
3.7.3 agrum ofnmum cofnis), but it seems a shame to anticipate the concluding
paradox pace saeuum. pace saeuum: 50.2n. saeuae pacis. quat-
tuor principes ferro interempti: sc. sunt. Three principes were killed
in 69 (Galba on 15 January, Otho on 16 April, Vitellius on 20 December),
one in 96 (Domitian on 18 September). trina bella ciuilia: sc. erant;
two in 69 (Otho versus Vitellius, Vitellius versus Vespasian), a third un-
der Domitian, who faced a (modest) challenge in 89 from the governor
of Upper Germany, L. Antonius Saturninus (Suet. Dom. 6.2 bellum ciuile
motum a L. Antomwo; 10.5 cutlis bell); according to B. W. Jones (1992)
144—9 'the insurrection was brief and miscarried'. Forms of trini, -ae, -a,
used here for £na to avoid parallelism with quattuor, originally modified plu-
rals such as annales, ludi, catenae, hitterae, castra, and comitia (A&SG §137b, K-S
§121.5). Its usage expanded to other contexts (both cardinal, as here, and
distributive, as at 3.82.2 (rinis. . . praesidiis) largely owing to the experiments
of poets. plura externa: under the Flavians, war (coupled with diplo-
macy and followed by consolidation) extended the empire on many fronts,
the principal being N. Africa, Britain, the Rhine, the Danube, and the
border with Parthia. For Vespasian's wars sec Levick (1999) 156—69, for
Domitian’s see B. W. Jones (1992) 126—59. plerumque permixta:
notably the Batavian uprising, to which T. devotes a substantial narrative
in Books 4 and 5 (cf. 2.69.1 interno stmul externoque bello). 'The bellum ciuile
of Saturninus (see above on 4rina...ctuilia) was also labelled Germanicum
(ILS 1006, 2127, 2710), 1.e. foreign. See also 79.1n. ctuile bellum.. . externa.
prosperae in Oriente: foremost the Flavian success in Judaea, to the
crowning achievement of which, the capture of Jerusalem, T. must have
 COMMENTARY: 2.1 85

devoted a large part of Book 5: 5.2.1 famosae urbis subremum diem traditun
sumus. For other Flavian activity in the East see Levick (1999) 163—-9, B.
W.jJones(1992) 155-9. —— aduersae in Occidente res: sc. eant. The
reverses (turbatum Illyricum, etc.) are listed in roughly chronological order.
T. omits both the concomitant successes (see nn. below) and the areas that
remained calm and prospered (e.g. Spain and Africa, and the Rhine region
after the military zone was reorganized into regular provinces; see CAH*
XI 444—61, 514-46, 495-513 respectively). turbatum Illyricum:
Illyricum denotes (roughly) the Danubian provinces Dalmatia, Pannonia,
and Moesia, an area that under the Flavians superseded Germany as a
focus for military acüvity (CAH? x1 577—-85). Already in 68 it was gar-
risoned by seven legions (9.2n. excitae. . . legiones). The reference here may
be to the Danubian legions' declaration for Vespasian in the spring of 69
(2.85-6, ending momento. . . temporis flagrabat ingens bellum, Illyris exercitibus
palam desciscentibus; contrast 9.3 quies et Illynco, describing the local situation
in January 69) and the disturbances consequent upon it (3.46.1, an incur-
sion from Dacia). Subsequent disturbances seem to be covered by coortae in
nos Sarmatarum ac Sueborum gentes below. Galliae nutantes, here and
at 4.49.1, refers to the precarious situation in Gaul just before important
tribes abandoned Rome for Civilis and proclaimed an imperium Galliarum
complete with a Gallic Caesar (4.67.1; see further 8.1 n. proxtmae. . . ciuitates,
53.3n. Treuent ac Lingones). On nutantes see 31.3n. Ts choice of focus is in-
structive: what mattered was not that a Batavian rebelled (cf. 5.25.1 quotam
partem genens humam Batauos esse?) but that the rich and generally reliable
provinces of Gaul joined him. Gallic tribes are first solicited by Civilis at
4.28.1; the balance begins to tip in his favour with the news of the burn-
ing of the Capitol (4.54). His defeat, an operation requiring eight legions,
was an early Flavian success; T.’s narrative occupies thirty-nine chapters
(4.55—79, 85-6, 5.14—26) and is not quite complete when our text gives
out; for discussion see Levick (1999) 107—19. perdomita Britannia
et statim missa: T. uses perdomo again at Agr. 10.1 tum primum perdomita
est, but the conquest of Britain was never completed. stattm missa 'imme-
diately abandoned' (OLD 4) also overstates the speed and extent of the
Roman pull-back that followed rapid expansion under Agricola. What was
abandoned was the goal of complete subjugation of the island (cf. e.g. Agr.
27.1 penetrandam Caledoniam inueniendumque tandem Bntanniae terminum): the
island’s garrison was reduced and a fortress in the far north, Inchtuthil,
demolished within two or three years of Agricola’s departure (statim); the
86 COMMENTARY: 2.1

process continued throughout T.’s lifeime and after. The initial phase of
withdrawal T. ascribed to Domitian's jealousy and paranoia (4gr. 39, 41).
See further Chilver ad loc., B. W. Jones (1992) 131-5, CAH* x1 559-66.
coortae...Sarmatarum ac Sueborum gentes: sc. sunt. Early in 69
a Sarmatian tribe, the Iazyges, made a plundering raid into Moesia but was
repelled (79.1—5). Later that year Flavian leaders took precautions against
incursions by the Sarmatae and the Suebi (3.5.1), but 70 saw trouble both
rumoured (4.54.1) and real (Jos. B7 7.89-96 on a raid resulting in the death
of the governor of Moesia and prompting permanent reinforcement of the
provincial garrison; Levick (1999) 114-15). Trouble materialized again un-
der Domitian, who fought a campaign labelled Suebicum et Sarmaticum (CIL
m suppl. 1 6818 = ILS 1017; CIL x 135 — ILS 2719; Suet. Dom. 6.1; cf. Dio
67.5.2) and other less well-attested campaigns in this area (cf. Agr. 41.2
tot exercitibus in Moesia Daciaque et Germania et Pannonia . . . amissi with Ogilvie
and Richmond (1967) ad loc. and B. W. Jones (1992) 150-5). A victory was
marked in 93 by the dedication of a laurel wreath in the Capitoline temple
(Suet. Dom. 6.1) and pronounced *worthy of a triumph' by both Statius (Suu.
3.3.170—1) and Marual (8.15.5—6), but the area was still the focus of military
activity into the reigns of Nerva and Trajan (CAH? x1 577—85). Sar-
matarum: at C. 1.1 theterritory ofthe Sarmatae is distinguished from that
of the Germani, at 46.1—2 their culture is contrasted (unfavourably) with
that of the Germanti: they live :5 plaustro equoque, are filthy, and have inert
leaders (see Rives (1999) 101 for the territory, 322—4 on the textually difficult
46.1). Statius, too, refers to their nomadic life (3.3.170—1 uagos Sauromatas),
and Josephus calls them Scythians (B7 7.89). Sueborum: in T.'s ac-
count at G. 38.1 the Suebi are ‘a supra-tribal grouping' comprising ‘all the
tribes whom the Romans regarded as living beyond the Danube, rather
than beyond the Rhine’ (Rives (1999) ad loc.). nobilitatus cladibus
mutuis Dacus: in the extant books the advantage is decidedly with the
Romans (e.g. 3.46.3 adfuit, ut saepe ahas, fortuna popult Romant, on Mucianus’
defeat of a Dacian invasion), but Suet. Dom. 6.1 records two expeditions :n
Dacos resulting in Roman losses (cf. also Agr. 41.2 quoted above). Victories
leading to some seven imperatorial salutations, two triumphs (86, 89) and
an ecus maximus in the Forum (Stat. Si/u. 1.1) redressed the balance (B. W.
Jones (1992) 138—9, 141—3; Murison (1999) on Dio 67.6-10). Dacian cam-
paigns are closely connected with those against the Suebi and Sarmatae,
the western neighbours of Dacia (roughly modern Romania): ‘preparations
for war against the first two inevitably involved defensive measures against
 COMMENTARY: 2.1-2.2 87

the third' (B. W. Jones (1992) 135). nobilitatus: cf. Liv. 22.43.9 ad no-
bilitandas clade Romana Cannas, 42.49.7 Romano . . . nobilitatus bello (sc. Philippo),
Vell. 2.8.3 Cimbn et Teutoni. . . multis mox nostns suisque cladibus nobiles, 2.105.1
gentes utinam minus mox nostra clade nobiles, Tac. D. 37.8 nobilitata discnminibus
(sc. eloquentia). Paradox seems to adhere to nobilito (cf. Ter. Eun. 1021 qui
stultum adulescentulum nobilitas flagitiis), here it describes an enemy with whom
Rome was engaged as T. was writing (Trajan conducted numerous cam-
paigns in Dacia between 100 and the capture of its capital in 106: Dio
68.6—14). falsi Neronis ludibrio: both Dio (66.19.3b on an impos-
ture in Titus' reign; see Murison (1999) ad loc.) and Suetonius (Ner. 57.2 on
one in 88; see Bradley (1978b) ad loc.) mention false Neros with Parthian
support; at 2.8—9 T. mentions one who appeared in 69 (without Parthians)
and gives a forward reference to other discussions, presumably his narra-
tives of those that appeared under Titus and Domitian. See Tuplin (1989).
For ludibnum ‘imposture’ (OLD 4) cf. the metaphorical extensions of the
term at 4.15.2 Gatanarum expeditionum ludibrium, also per ludibrium at A. 1.10.5
consulti per ludibrium pontifices (on Octavian’s marriage to a pregnant Livia).
T. takes the impact of the first imposter, at least, as a sign of the times: 2.8.2
mult ad celebritatem nominis erecti rerum nouarum cufndine et odio praesentium.
2.2 iam uero connects and emphasizes the second (or later) item in a
list (OLD 8a); it is frequent in Cicero (see 7LL s.v. tam 123.6—-49) and appears
5 times in D., twice in Agr., once in G., only here in H., never in the Annals.
nouis cladibus: exemplified by the eruption of Vesuvius in 79. Pliny's fa-
mous letters (6.16, 6.20) on the eruption were solicited by T. as raw matenal
for H. The surviving books include no other natural disasters, but the Annals
have many: earthquakes (2.47.1, 15.22.2), storms (2.23—4, esp. 24.1 tlla clades
nouttate et magnitudine excessit, 15.46.2, 16.13.1), plague (16.13.1), fires (4.64,
13.57.3, 15.38—45, 16.13.3), cf. also the malum tmproutsum, an amphitheatre
collapse, at A. 4.62—3. On novelty as a historiographical topos see Woodman
(1988) 191 n. 17. repetitis: exemplified by the burning of the Capito-
line temple (see below). afflicta: sc. est. haustae aut obrutae:
sc. sunt, *were swallowed up or buried' OLD 7b and 3 respectively; cf. Sen.
Nat. 6.1.7 (of an earthquake) gentes totas regionesque . . . modo ruinis operit, modo in
altam uoraginem condit. urbes: the destruction of human life and habitat
in this eruption was much commented upon: e.g. Stat. Stlu. 4.4.81—3 cre-
detne utrum uentura propago, | cum segetes iterum, cum iam haec deserta uirebunt, | infra
urbes populosque premi? Plin. Ep. 6.16.2 ut popult ut urbes memorabile casu, Do
66.23.3 ‘it buried two entire cities, Herculaneum and Pompeir’. Therefore
88 COMMENTARY: 2.2

the inclination of some editors to delete urbes and take hausta aut obruta (thus
emended) with ora (scee Heraeus' and Wellesley's app. crit.) is misguided.
fecundissima .. . ora: nom. or abl.? A local abl. is more accurate his-
torically: Pompeii and Herculaneum suffered the permanent destruction
implied in Ahaustae aut obrutae, but the Campanian shore as a whole, both its
other cities (Misenum, Naples, Puteoli, even Stabiae (cf. Stat. Silu. 3.5.104
Stabias. . . renatas) and its countryside, recovered: Stat. Silu. 3.5.74 stant po-
pulisque uigent. Some editors put a comma after urbes, making ora nominative
and gaining emotional impact from the asyndeton (see Alford). For the
phrase cf. 3.60.2 pulchernmam Campaniae oram. urbs incendiis uas-
tata: sc. est. Fire destroyed the Capitoline temple in 69 (see below), and in 80
a fire that burned fer triduum totidemque noctes (Suet. Tit. 8.3) swept through ‘a
wedge-shaped area extending in a generally North-West direction from the
Capitol' destroying, among other buildings, the temple of Isis and Serapis,
the Saepta, the temple of Neptune, Agrippa's baths and Pantheon, the
Diribitorium, the theatre of Balbus, the stage building of Pompey's theatre,
the porticus Octanae together with their books, and the Capitoline temple
(again); the principal source is Dio 66.24.1 —3, on which see Murison (1999),
from whom the quotation is taken. Capitolio ciuium manibus in-
censo: described at 3.71 and lamented at 3.72: 14 facinus post condttam urbem
luctuosissimum foedisstmum rei publicae populi Romani accidit, etc. Fire destroyed
an earlier Capitoline temple in 83 B.c. (3.72.1). pollutae caerimo-
niae: sc. sunt, most notably by sexual activity among the Vestal Virgins,
four of whom were executed as incestae under Domitian (Suet. Dom. 8.4,
Plin. E. 4.11.6-9, Dio 67.3.3, cf. Stat. Silu. 1.1.32—6, Philostr. VA 7.6; see
B. W. Jones (1992) 101-2). There were two trials. At thc first, in 83, three of
the six priestesses were condemned; a fourth, acquitted on that occasion,
was condemned and executed more ueteri (by burial alive: Plut. Num. 10.4—7,
D.H. 2.67.3-4, 9.40.3) in 89 or 9o (for the dates see Sherwin-White (1966)
ad loc.). In Suetonius the executions come in a section of praise (Dom. 8.3
suscepta correctione morum. . .) and are followed (8.5) by reference to an ac-
tion undertaken ne qua religio deum tmpune contaminaretur, À Dio they illustrate
Domitian’s cruelty (‘he did not spare even the Vestal Virgins . . . ). T. focuses
on the religious observances, not the princeps. caenmoniae, though few in the
surviving portions of H. (4.53 on the restoration of the Capitoline temple
is the longest notice), are a regular topic in the Annals: 3.58 on the flamen
Dialis, 3.60-3 on asylum, 4.16 on the flamen Dialis again, 4.55—6 on impe-
rial cult, 11.11 on lud: saeculares (where T. says that he gave a more detailed
 COMMENTARY: 2.2 89

account in the Domitianic books of H.), 12.23—4 on the pomenum, etc. pollu-
tae caerimoniae (for the expression cf. A. 14.22.4 on Nero bathing in the aqua
Marcia utdebatur. . . potus sacros et caerimoniam loci corpore loto polluisse, and Cic.
$. Rosc. 113 qui . . . perfidia legationis ipsius caerrmoniam polluerit) were also a theme
for declamations (e.g. Sen. Contr. 1.2 and 1.4; see Woodman (1988) 166—7).
magna adulteria: sc. erant, including Domitian’s with his niece Julia (Plin.
Ebp. 4.11.6 ipse fratris filiam incesto . . . bolluisset; cf. Pan. 52.3, Suet. Dom. 22). Dio,
too, generalizes: 67.12.1 'Many persons of wealth, both men and women,
were punished for adultery.' Politically significant adultery is a subject in
the Ánnals (e.g. Julia- Sempronius Gracchus, Sejanus- Livilla, Messalina).
For magnus indicating the involvement of eminent folk cf. 2.53.1 magnis
inimicitis. plenum exiliis mare: Helvidius Priscus (Suet. les. 15)
was exiled under Vespasian; known exiles from Domitian's principate are
Acilius Glabrio (Suet. Dom. 10.2, cf. Dio. 67.14.3), Mettius Pompusianus
(to Corsica, Dio 67.12.2—3, cf. Suet. Dom. 10.3), Epaphroditus (Nero's killer,
67.14.4), Salvidienus Orfitus and Apollonius of Tyana (to unspecified is-
lands: Philostr. V4 7.8, cf. Suet. Dom. 10.2), Mettius Modestus (Plin. Ep.
1.5.5), Julius Bassus (Plin. Ep. 4.9.1), Baebius Massa (Plin. Ep. 7.33.4), the
father of Claudius Etruscus and his superior (the one to Campania, the
other hornda supra aequora. .. procul Itala rura, Stat. Silu. 3.3.160—4), Flavia
Domitilla and others accused of ‘atheism’ (Domitilla to Pandateria, Dio
67.14.2), the sexual partners of the Vestal Virgins tried in 83 (see above
and Plin. Ep. 4.11.1 on one sent to Sicily), philosophers (Suet. Dom. 10.3
philosophos omnes urbe Italiaque summoutt, cf. Plin. Ep. 3.11.2; Epictetus was one:
Arr. Efict. 1.2.19724), members of the *philosophic' opposition (Dio 67.13.3
with Murison (1999) ad loc. for names), and *many noble womcn! (Agr. 45.1
tot nobilisssmarum feminarum exilia et fugas, with Ogilvie and Richmond (1967)
ad loc. for names); others can be surmised (sec B. W. Jones (1992) 188-91, who
concludes, citing Dio 68.1.2, ‘ultimately, many of those exiled were recalled
by Nerva’; see below for the rest). The sentences of exile reported in the sur-
viving portion of H. (Octavius Sagitta and Antistius Sosianus at 4.44.2—3,
Antonius Flamma at 4.45.2) are deemed just by T., but also indicative ofthe
Flavian failure to rein in the really dangerous citizens, the delatores (4.45.3).
In the Annals the long catalogue of exiles (see Walker (1968) appendix 11 for
the Tiberian books) is a by-product of T.'s attention to relations between
pnrinceps and the senatorial ordo. For exiliis 7: exulibus cf. Luc. 5.784 . 5 notescent
litora clari nominis exilio; for other abstract nouns similarly used cf. 17.2 publica
exspectatio, 64.2 studia militum. infecti caedibus scopuli: cf. 3.70.2
90 COMMENTARY: 2.2-2.3

stratam innocentium caedibus celeberrrmam urbis partem, 2.55.1 quem locum Galba
moniens sanguine infecerat. The language has a strongly poetical tinge: cf. Ov.
Met. 3.143 mons erat infectus uanarum caede ferarum, Stat. Theb. 5.353 tnfectos
caedibus enses and TLL s.v. inficio 1412.30—50. Of the exiles listed above the
first five, at least, were eventually executed; similarly Cornelius Laco in 69
(46.5). Plin. Pan. 34.5 uses similar language to speak (gleefully) of delatores
suffering under Trajan the punishments, cliffs included, suffered by their
victims under Domitian: st quem (sc. delatorem) fluctus ac procellae scopulis reser-
uassent, hic nuda saxa et 1nhosfntale litus incoleret (he uses scopulos again at 35.1,
and cf. 35.2 quantum diuersitas temporum posset tum maxtme cognitum est cum tsdem
quibus antea cautibus innocentisstmus quisque, tunc nocentissimus affigeretur, cumque
insulas omnes, quas modo senatorum, iam delatorum turba compleret). Cf. also Juv.
13.246—7 manis Aegaet rupem scopulosque frequentes | exulibus magnis.
2.3 saeuitum: sc. est; cf. A. 4.20.1 saeuttum. . . tn bona. Impersonal pas-
sives are useful for rapid sketches (cf. 1.1 bellatum apud Actium, 31.2 praeceptum
and diffidebatur, 40.1 nuntiabatur, 59.2 dubitatum) and summaries, particularly
dark ones (cf. 12.3 peccaretur, 22.3 transitur, 46.2 flagitatum, 51.5. callide uul-
gatum, temere creditum). See also 1.2n. potentiam. . . interfuit, 85.1n. animaduerti.
nobilitas, opes, omissi gestique honores pro crimine: cf. 85.1 for
the dangers of distinction under Otho; for Nero's reign see Dio 62.26.1
"Thrasea and Soranus, at the pinnacle of birth and wealth and every
virtue . . . perished because they were such.' For the security of poverty see
4.42.3 le securum reliquerat exul pater et diuisa inter creditores bona, nondum honorum
capax aetas. nobilitas: in the Flavian period it was not so much no-
bilitas (14.2n. nobilts utrimgque) as impenal connections that were dangerous.
Connection by birth to the impenal house marked out two men even-
tually executed by Domitian (sons of his cousin Flavius Sabinus: 77.2n.),
connection by marriage another (L. Aelius Lamia (PIR? A 205); cf. Juv.
4.152 on Domitian: Lamiarum caede madenti). Connection with Galba en-
dangers Cornelius Dolabella (88.1 n.) and Otho warns his nephew Salvius
Cocceianus of the danger their connection will pose to him (2.48.2; for
the nephew's execution see below on ob utrtutes certissimum exitium). T. points
out the new attitude at A. 13.1.1 (on M. Junius Silanus) insontem, nobilem
et, quod tunc spectaretur, e Caesarum postenis (cf. 15.35.1 Torquatus Silanus mon
adigitur, quia suber Iuniae familiae claritudinem diuum. Augustum. abauum ferebat).
JNobiles of long standing were in fact few in number by this period (Hopkins
(1983), esp. 171-6), though some survived (and were deemed threaten-
ing) through the Julio-Claudian period (Galba was one: 49.2n.; see also
 COMMENTARY: 2.3 9]

14.1nn. Ptsonem Licinianum and. Rubellium Plautum). At [Sen.] Oct. 495-8 the
character Nero gives voice to the problem: seruare ciues prnincipt et patnae
graues, | claro tumentes genere quae dementia est, | cum liceat una uoce suspectos sibi |
mon wbere? The clash between emperor and elite, however defined, is a
theme in both of Ts historical works. opes: for the civil war period
cf. 4.1.2 nec deerat egentissimus quisque. . . prodere ultro dites dominos. Less violent
but equally deadly were the fiscally motivated convictions alleged against
both Vespasian (Suet. Ves. 16.2) and Domitian (Suet. Dom. 12.1 with 12.2
on delation for failure to make payments to the fiscus fudaicus; cf. Plin. Pan.
34.2, 35.3, 42.1, 50.5, Dio 67.4.5, and D. Chry. Or. 46.8). Particulars are
rare (see Suet. Dom. 12.2 for one), indeed Suetonius credits Vespasian with
indifference to at least one defendant's wealth (Ves. 13), Titus with respect
for property (71t. 7.3), and Domitian with restraining such cases early on
(Dom. 9.3 fiscales calumnias. . . repressit). But Nerva takes credit for reform in
coins of 96 with the legend fisci Judaici calumnia. sublata (see CAH? x1 74),
as does Trajan in a rescript (Dig. 48.22.1 (Pomponius)). For this theme in
the Annals cf. 4.20.1 saeuitum. . . tn bona, 11.1.1 and 12.59.1 (both on horti as
partial motivation for prosecutions), 12.22.2 materiam sceleri detrahendam, etc.
omissi gestique: for -que ‘or’ see OLD 7. In the first category Pliny places
Helvidius Priscus' son (Ep. 9.13.3 metu temporum nomen tngens paresque utrtutes
secessu tegebat), and Dio 67 .13.2 Herennius Senecio, who stopped his cursus at
the quaestorship though he was active in senatorial trials under Domitian.
T. himself reports that Agricola, after his command in Britain, refused the
proconsulship of Asia (Agr. 42.1—2). Political withdrawal may also underlie
the inertia alleged of Domitian's victims Flavius Clemens (Suet. Dom. 15.1)
and Salvidienus Orfitus (Philostr. VA 7.33, 8.7). Quint. /nst. 11.1.35 has a
scathing aside on the withdrawal of the self-styled *philosophers' from pub-
lic service, Pliny a comment on the risks they ran even so: Pan. 45.2 bonos
autem otio aut situ abstrusos et quasi sepultos non nist delationibus et periculis in lucem
et diem proferebant. In the Annals 'T. notes the existence of disengagement at
the end of the reigns of Tiberius (6.27.3) and Nero (16.27.2; cf. also 15.45.3
where Seneca's request for secessus is denied, 16.22.1—2 on Thrasea Paetus,
who absented himself from public ceremonies and senate meetings, and
H. 2.86.3 Cornelius Fuscus. . . quietis cupidine senatonum ordinem exuerat). For the
second category Suetonius gives a list of complures senatores, in us ahquot con-
sulares, who were executed, including one :n tpso Astae proconsulatu (Dom. 10.2)
and another while legate of Britain (Dom. 10.3). According to Dio 67.14.4
Domitian also indicted standing praetorian prefects. pro crimine:
92 COMMENTARY: 2.3

SC. erant. ob uirtutes certissimum exitium: the climax of the in-

dictment, emphasized by paradox (virtue causing death) and the clash of
abstract and concrete. For the charge cf. Agr. 1.4 saeua et infesta wirtutibus
tempora, 41.1 causa periculs. . . infensus wirtutibus prninceps, Plin. Pan. 45.1 et pn-
es quidem fmincpes . . uitits botius ciuium quam uirtulibus laetabantur, 90.5 ille
optimi cuiusque spoliator et carnifex; cf. also 4.50.2 on the delator Baebius Massa,
optimo cuique exihosus. Examples: fides characterizes Junius Blaesus, whose
famosa mors 'Y. relates at length (3.38—9), and kills outright the four centu-
rions whose names T. preserves for posterity (56.1n. quattuor. . . Repentinus)
as well as Sempronius Densus (43.1n. msignem...uidi); the same virtue
proves nearly fatal for Marius Celsus (14.1n., cf. also 59.1n. fidet crimtne).
pietas gets Salvius Cocceianus killed (Suet. Dom. 10.3 quod Othonis tmperatons
patrui sui diem natalem celebrauerat). According to the Panegyncus, Trajan, un-
like Domitian, provided incentives to virtue: 46.8 boni prouehuntur, cf. Pan.
44.6-8. praemia delatorum inuisa: sc. erant. In the Annals, which
have more on this theme than does the extant portion of H., T. regularly
reports the rewards of successful prosecutors (e.g. after the trial of Cn. Piso,
A. 3.19.1); see further below on alu. .. adepti. He introduces the theme in
that work at A. 1.74.1—2, a passage that echoes many features mentioned
here. scelera: delatores were responsible for exiles and executions in
both the Flavian and Julio-Claudian periods; Rutledge (2001) gives a good
overview of the individuals and activities involved. Revenge against them
was contemplated at the beginning of Galba's reign (4.6.2), pursued at the
beginning of Vespasian's (4.42—4), and achieved, in small measure, under
Titus (Suet. 7:4. 8.5), early Domitian (Suet. Dom. 9.3 quoting Domitian's mot
‘princeps qui delatores non castigat, irritat), Nerva (Plin. Ep. 9.13, etc.), and Trajan
(Plin. Pan. 34—5). T. was not impressed: A. 4.30.3 delatores, genus homnum pub-
lico exttto repertum et ne poenis quidem umquam satis coercitum per braemia eliciebantur.
He also extends blame for their scelera to the senatorial court in which the
cases were tried: Agr. 45.1 nostrae duxere Heluidium in carcerem manus, nos Mauria
Rusticique uisus, nos innocenti sanguine Senecio perfudu. alii sacerdotia et
consulatus . . . adepti: the statutory award for successful prosecutors in
maiestas cases was a quarter of the condemned man's property (4. 4.20.2; see
Rutledge (2001) 35-7), but political advancement (consulatus, procurationes; cf.
Á. 2.32.1 praeturae extra ordinem,A. 3.19.1 suffragium ad honores, 11.4.3 tnsignia
praeturae, 16.33.2 quaestoria insignia) and . priestly office (sacerdotia; cf. 4.42.4
sacerdoto fulgens) are also known (Rutledge (2001) 20—53). In the Dialogus the
worldly success of the delatores Eprius Marcellus and Vibius Crispus ‘proves’
 COMMENTARY: 2.3 93

the worth of rhetorical pursuits (8.3). For praemia as a motive for delation cf.
H. 4.42.4 libidine sanguinis et hiatu praemirum, A. 4.30.3 delatores . . . per praemia
eliwbantur, Phin. Ep. 9.13.23 reddat praemium sub optimo principe quod a pessimo
accepit. ut spolia: for thc equation of political success and sfolia cf.
Sal. fug. 84.1 sese consulatum ex uictis illis spolia cepisse; for the (bitter) analogy
between delation and military success cf. Agr. 45.1 una adhuc wictona Carus
Mettius (a Domitianic delator) censebatur, and Cic. S. Rosc. 89—go, where he
refers to delation under Sulla as a second pugna Cannensis. Traditional spolia
were displayed in the vestibules of victorious generals (e.g. Liv. 38.43.11 spo-
ha... fixurus in postibus suis); the ostentation implicit in the simile stands in
antithesis with znferiorem potentiam below. procurationes: for a delator
of equestrian rank who might have aspired to one of these equestrian posts
see 2.10.1 on Annius Faustus (with Rutledge (2001) 189—90). Accusers of less
than senatorial rank are also implied in Juvenal's (exaggerated) picture of
delatores lining the shores of the Adriatic (Sat. 4.47—52 with Courtncy (1980)
ad loc.); an infamous example from the Neronian period is the philosopher
P. Egnatius Celer, whose betrayal of his patron and friend Barea Soranus
was rewarded with *money and honours' (Dio 62.26.2; A. 16.32.2-3). Of
similarly modest rank were the men, including his son's tutor, who accused
Josephus (without avail) to Vespasian, Titus, and Domitian (Vita 424,
428—9). interiorem potentiam 'power behind the scenes' (Chilver);
for the position cf. 4. 3.30.2 (on Sallustius Crispus) praecipuus cut secreta tm-
peratorum inniterentur. 'The expression here has no exact parallel, but cf. Suet.
Cal. 19.3 tnterioribus aulicis (of courtiers with an inside story), Nep. Hann. 2.2
interioribus consilits and Liv. 42.17.4 amicitiae interioris (of intimacy with kings),
and, for Domitian's court, the last line of the surviving fragment of Statius'
epic on Domitian's wars, Caesareae confinis Acilius aulae. For the deadly use
of tnterior potentia cf. Juvenal’s description of an otherwise unknown courtier
Pompeius: saeutor illo | Pompeius tenui tugulos aperire susurro (4.109-10) and Plin.
Pan. 62.9 clandestinas existimationes. . . insudiantes susurros. For Flavian amici see
Crook (1955) 48-52; on the role and constitution of the inner circle more
generally see CAH? x1 195—213. agerent uerterent cuncta: ‘the
phrase is . . . made forcible by simplicity and vagueness’ (Alford); like Virgil's
uertere. . . cuncta (Aen. 2.652--3) and T.'s own agunt feruntque cuncta (D. 8.3, also
of delatores) and miscere cuncta (53.2n.), it expresses general upheaval rather
than particular actions. For the asyndetic pair expressing mob activity cf.
2.70.3 tntuer miran, 3.83.3 exsultabant fruebantur, 4.11.1 ambin colt, A. 1.41.3
orant obsistunt rediret maneret (with Goodyear’s comment “I. 1s again attempting
94 COMMENTARY: 2.3-3.1

to present the soldiers’ tumultuous excitement’), A. 2.19.1 wncursant turbant;

similarly Sal. Cat. 20.12 pecuniam trahunt uexant. cuncta: on the formal
and artificial tone of this synonym for omnia see Adams (1973) 129-31.
odio et terrore: abl. of manner, but of the victims of delation rather than
the delatores themselves; for adverbial ablatives external to the subject see
12.2n. licentia . . . Galbae. corrupti: cf. 85.2 utx secreta domuum sine formi-
dine. On the accusator domesticus under Domitian see Plin. Pan. 42 (e.g. 42.4
on Domitian as frincipem tllum in capita dominorum seruos subornantem) and (by
implication) Dio 68.1.2 *Nerva put to death all the slaves and freedmen who
had conspired against their masters and allowed such persons to lodge no
other sort of complaint against their masters.' The formal parallel between
corrubtt and oppressi, though the former refers to agents of destruction, the
latter to victims, suggests what Pliny states (above, principem. . . subornantem)
and Dio implies (‘conspired’), namely, that the pninceps or those acting on
his behalf actively encouraged domestic betrayal. quibus deerat
inimicus, per amicos oppressi: a sentenhia employing antithesis (cf. Cic.
Ver. 4.31 per amicum aliud aliud per inimicum inueniebant) and paradox ( per amicos
oppressi); cf. 4.1.2 alu ab amicts monstrabantur. Exemplified in the betrayal
of Dolabella (88.1 n.) by Plancius Varus (2.693.1 ex tntimis Dolabellae amicis),
and in charges laid against P. Egnatius Celer in 70 for the betrayal, under
Nero, of Barea Soranus (4.10.1 froditor corruptorque amicitiae; cf. À. 16.32.2
cliens. . . ad opprimendum amicum emptus, and 16.32.3 amicitiae fallaces); cf. A.
2.27—32 on the entrapment of Libo. Among Pliny's praises for Trajan is
reddita . . . amicis fides (Pan. 42.2).
3.1 uirtutum sterile saeculum: sc. fu. The metaphor stands in
antithesis to optmum casibus at 2.1 (see n., and cf. 9o.1 usu sterile); cf. Plin.
Pan. 56.2 (on Trajan’s reign) quod momentum, quod tmmo lemporis punctum, aut
beneficio sterile, aut uacuum laude? and Ep. 5.17.6 faueo enim saeculo, ne sit sterile et
effetum. For the gen. cf. Vell. 1.18.9 quae urbes . . . studiorum fuere steriles and OLD
2d. bona exempla: Pliny offers to T. one of his own actions from this
period as an exemplum simile antiquis (Ep. 7.33.9), but even Pliny concedes
that bona are rarer than mala: Ep. 5.8.13 plura culpanda sunt quam laudanda. For
T. on the didactic function of exempla see A. 4.33.2 pauct prudentia honesta ab
deterworibus, utilia ab noxus discernunt, plures aliorum euentis docentur with M—W ad
loc. comitatae .. .secutae: cf. Agr. 45.1 non uidit Agnicola. . . tot nobilis-
simarum feminarum exilia etfugas. Agricola died 23 August g3. comitatae
profugos liberos: no examples are known from this period, but cf. Sen.
D3al. 12.16.7 on the mother ofa man exiled in 91 B.c., an exemplum that he
 COMMENTARY: 3.1 95

cites in writing to his own mother in the first years of Claudius’ principate:
Rutilia Cottam filium secuta est in extlum et usque eo fuit indulgentia constncta ut mallet
exilium patt quam desidenum. secutae maritos: best known is Fannia,
wife of Helvidius Priscus (Plin. E. 7.19.4 bis mantum secuta in exsilium est,
tertio ipsa propter mantum relegata with Sherwin-White (1966) ad loc. for the
dates; cf. Ep. 7.19.7 for Fannia as an exemplum for posterity both female and
male; sources in PIR? F 118). secutae seems to refer both to wives who vol-
untarily accompanied exiled husbands and to wives who were themselves
exiled. Of the latter Pliny mentions two relegated in 93 (Ep. 3.11.6, 9.13.5):
Arria (wife of Thrasea Paetus and credited by T. with the desire to follow
her husband even into the grave at A. 16.34.2; see further PIR? A 1114)
and Verulana Gratilla (wife, it is presumed, of Arulenus Rusticus; sources,
including H. 3.69.3, in Raepsaet-Charlier (1987) 790). Accompanying an
exiled husband merits mention in the Annals, too: A. 15.71.3 Priscum Artona
Flaccilla coniunx. comitata. est, Gallum Egnata Maximilla. exilia ‘various
places of exile'; cf. Virg. Aen. 2.780 longa. . extha, 3.4 dwersa exila (both
of Aeneas’ wanderings). propinqui audentes: Fannia is exemplary
here, too: she commissioned a biography of her executed husband based
on his commentani and was relegated in consequence (Plin. £. 7.19.5: her
boldness emerges clearly from the trial scene Pliny describes there). For the
links of blood and marriage among members of the 'philosophic opposi-
tion', whose boldness probably underlies this generalization (e.g. 4.5.2 on
Helvidius Priscus: recti peruicax, constans aduersus metus), see Sherwin-White
(1966) ad Plin. E. 3.11.3. constantes generi: the particularity of
genen is odd — why not sons or brothers? — and suggests that this rubric, like
others in the table of contents (e.g. nutantes Galliae, nouis cladibus, cladibus. . .
repetitis, bollutae caerimontiae, magna adulleria, contumax. . . fides), is not a general-
ization about the period but rather an oblique reference to a precise inci-
dent. The obvious referent here is Helvidius Priscus, son-in-law of Thrasca
Paetus, relegated at the time of Paetus' condemnation under Nero (4.6.1
ruina soceri in exilium pulsus; cf. A. 16.35.1), and faithful under the Flavians
to Paetus' political programme (4.5.2 e monbus soceri nihil aeque ac libertatem
hausit). contumax...seruorum fides: exemplified (note egregio) at
4.50.2: seruus egregio mendacio se Pisonem esse respondW ac statim obtruncatur. Cf.
Sen. Dtal. 3.35.1 st tacuit (sc. seruus) interrogatus, contumaciam uocas. Here con-
tumacia *defiance' seems admirable and at 85.3 (where frightened sena-
tors speak lest their silence be adjudged contumax) lack of it contemptble,
but elsewhere in T. it is closer to pointless and often harmful provocation
96 COMMENTARY: 3.1-3.2

(51.4n.). supremae . . . necessitates ‘final straits’; first found at Sal.

Hhst. fr. 1.55.15 neque quisquam extremam necessitatem mhil ausus. . . exspectat. In
T. both singular and plural forms occur and suicide usually follows: 72.3
(on Tigellinus) accepto . . . supremae necessitatis nuntio, À. 11.37.3 (on Messalina,
who in the event (11.38.1) lacks the fortitude for suicide) supremis eius necessi-
tatibus, A. 15.61.4 (on Seneca) necessitatem ultimam denuntiaret; cf. Sen. Ep. 17.9
st necessitates ultimae tnciderint, amdudum exibit e uita et molestus sibi esse desinet.
This expression is less ironic than mortis arbitrium, a synonymous expres-
sion also used by T. and others (see below on /audatts. . . exitus). ipsa
necessitas .. . exitus: a restatement of the two components of ‘compul-
sory death'. Some editors delete ipsa necessitas and print toleratar; see Alford’s
and Wellesley's app. crit. laudatis antiquorum mortibus pares
exitus: the only mors laudata in the extant books of H. 1s Otho’s (2.49; for
the praise see 2.31.1 egregiam. . . famam), and that was not compulsory. For
the rich theme of enforced suicide in the Annals see e.g. A. 11.3.1 (on Valerius
Asiaticus) liberum mortis arbitnum & permisit, 15.60.1 (on Plautius Lateranus)
non illud breue mortis arbitnum permtlteret, 16.393.2 I hraseae Soranoque et Seruiliae
datur mortis arbitnum; on praiseworthy death more generally, A. 4.33.3 clar:
ducum exitus retinent ac redintegrant legentium animum and Pomeroy (1991) 192-
225. À contemporary, Titinius Capito, wrote a work consisüng entirely, it
seems, of exitus illustnum utrorum (Plin. Ep. 8.12.5; cf. 5.5.3 on C. Fannius,
who scribebat. . . exitus occisorum aut relegatorum a Nerone).
3.2 caelo terraque: cf. A. 6.37.2 quae terra caeloue portenderentur and, on
the tone of this prepositionless local abl., Cic. Fin. 5.9.2 caelo man terra, ut po-
etice loquar. Among the portents of Vitellius’ end were a comet (cf. A. 14.22.1
sidus cometes effulsit, de quo uulgi optnto est tamquam mutationem regis portendat),
two lunar eclipses, and a double sun (Dio 65.8.1; see Murison (1999) ad loc.
for parallels). prodigia ... monitus. .. praesagia: for the largest
collection in H. see 86.1—3 (with introductory note, which lists the relevant
Annals passages); see also 10.3n. ostentis ac responsis, 18.1n. tonitrua et fulgura
et caelestes minae, 22.2nn., 62.3n. laetum augunum. . . acciperetur, 2.1.2 praesaga
responsa, 4.26.2 prodigu loco, 5.13.1 euenerant prodigia. Other sources on this
period have a wealth of material (particularly in connection with the ends
and beginnings of reigns), some of which we can see T. to have omitted:
e.g. Suet. G. 18.3 (not in T.), O. 7.2 (not in T), Vit. 9 (not in T), Ves. 5.2—7,
Tit. 10.1, Dom. 15.2—3, 23.2; Plut. O. 4.4 (see 86.1nn. bigae and ab occidente);
Dio 64.7.1—2 (on the end of Otho, not in T.), 65.8.1 and 65.16.1 (on the
end of Vitellius’ reign, not in T), 66.1.1—4 (on Vespasian's advent), 66.17.2
 COMMENTARY: 3.2 97

(on Vespasian's death), 67.12.1, 67.16.1—2, and 67.18.1 (all on Domitian's

death). fulminum monitus: cf. 18.1 lonitrua et fulgura et caelestes minae
(with n.). Lightning omens are also attested during Domitian's reign (Suet.
Dom. 15.2). In the Annais T. reports lightning prodigies in connection with
Agrippina's death (14.12.2, with the authorial comment quae adeo stne cura
deum eueniebant ut multos postea annos .Nero imperium et scelera continuauent; on
T.’s view of the attitude of the gods see below on non . . . ultionem). laeta
tristia, ambigua manifesta: cf. 10.2 luxuna industna, comitate arrogan-
fa. laeta: cf. 62.3 laetum augunum, and Suct. Dom. 6.2 (on the defeat of
Antonius Saturninus in 89) aquila . . . clangores laetissimos edidit. "Ts emphasis,
however, 1s on the tnstia (cf. cladibus and ultionem in the following sentence,
which purports (enim) to explain this one). cladibus. . . indiciis ap-
probatum est: cladibus sums up (with a negative colour) the events listed
in the table of contents, indiciis the reference to divine portents that con-
cludes it. magisue iustis indiciis 'or with fuller portents'; for other
passages in T. where the standard of tustus is something other than wust-
tia (OLD 6—9, TLL 720.33—722.54) cf. 4.21.1 tusti 1am exercitus ductor, 4.46.4
quibus aelas et wsta stipendia, A. 14.32.2 sine wstis armus; cf. Liv. 40.6.6 wstam
belli sbeciem; in both Velleius (2.89.1 etc.) and Pliny (Aat. praef. 19) tustum opus
refers to a ‘full-scale’ history. magisue iustis s Rhenanus' emendation for the
MS reading magis uetustis, other emendations for this phrase and for indiciis
have been suggested, none as successful (see Wellesley's app. crit.). For :2-
dicia as *portents' (OLD 3b) cf. Vell. 2.57.1 plurima e1 praesagia atque indicia di
immortales futuri obtulissent pericul. non esse curae deis securitatem
nostram, esse ultionem 'that heaven cares not for our peace, only for
our punishment' (Irvine); similar in expression but in content more ex-
plicitly political is Luc. 4.807—9 felix Roma quidem ciuesque habitura beatos, |
$1 libertatis superis tam cura placeret | quam uindicta placet. Pliny uses the same
antithesis to express a completely different world view: Pan. 35.4 diuus Tttus
securilati nostrae ultonique prospexerat ideoque numinibus aequatus. est. nostram is
active with securitatem, passive with ultionem. With antithesis, nimble syntax,
and surprise (esse ultionem caps an apparently complete sententia) 'I. makes
an epigram. On the attitude of the gods towards Rome T. is inconsistent:
he shows them vengeful (2.38.2 eadem illos deum ira, eadem hominum rabes,
eaedem scelerum in discordiam egere, A. 4.1.2 deum ira in rem Romanam with M-W
ad loc. for further references), benificent (or potentially so: 3.72.1 propitits
st per mores nostros liceret deis, 4.79.2 ope diuina), and indifferent (A. 14.12.1
quae (sc. prodigia) . . . sine cura deum eueniebant, 16.33.1 aequitate deum erga bona
98 COMMENTARY: 4-11

malaque documenta). Perhaps most helpful is 4.26.2 quod in pace fors seu natura,
tunc fatum et ira det uocabatur (on contemporary interpretations of a drought in
Germany; cf. A. 13.17.1 on a storm: uulgus tram deum portendi crediderit), which
suggests that the :ra explanation, at least, says more about the despair of
those who advance it (including the author) than about the nature of the
world. Cf. Goodyear (1972) on expressions such as deum tra (ad A. 1.39.6):
'devices of style, calculated to enhance his presentation of particular scenes
and serving as convenient ways of expressing pathos and indignation'.
For an extended discussion of the relevant passages in H. see Scott (1968)
45-106.

4-11 Chronological retrospective and geographical survey

In chh. 4-11 T. provides an overview of the state of the empire at Galba's
accession, chh. 4-7 treating Rome, chh. 8-11 the armed provinces. The
end of the section is signalled by an echo of the opening words of the
work. Content, structure, and style make these chapters a masterly piece
of historical writing.
The section introduces itself as a retrospective (4.1 repetendum utdetur).
Ch. 4 duly looks back to Nero's suicide on 9 June 68. The ensuing months
are represented by Rome's increasing familiarity with Galba: in ch. 5 he
is known only by reputation, ch. 6 contains his march to Rome, in ch. 7
his aging physique is a source of ridicule to those who see him. No event
is dated, and even relative chronology is fuzzy (7.1n. forte congruerat). As
defined by chh. 4-7 the significant elements in the status urbis were the
attitudes towards Galba in the various groups surveyed and the general
instability of a city crowded with the disaffected and the armed.
These two themes also dominate chh. 8-11. Galba is mentioned only
twice (8.2, 10.3) but the potential for turbulence is measured province by
province, moving roughly clockwise around the Mediterranean: Spain is
rated low, Gaul rather higher, the German military zone higher still. By
contrast, calm reigns in Britain, Illyricum, and, at least for the moment,
the East (chh. 8—10). Egypt, as always, is a special case (11.1). Africa's po-
tential for turbulence has already been expended (11.2 Afriza. . . contenta).
All of these provinces are garrisoned by legions. Next come the lesser
provinces, with Mauretania as the hinge. Due west of Africa, it heads the
list of provinces administered by imperial procurators, none of which poses
any independent threat to the status quo (11.2). Bringing up the rear are
 COMMENTARY: 4-11 99

the unarmed provinces, none even mentioned by name, and Italy, not a
province at all but like the unarmed provinces in its defencelessness before
the legions.
With this reference to Italy T. completes the geographical circuit; with
the following reference to the new consulships of Galba and Vinius he com-
pletes his chronological coverage and poises the narrative on 1 January 69.
Comparison with the parallel sources (here, chiefly Plutarch’s Galba)
sheds light on Ts selection and presentation. Simple omission is one feature
of T.’s account; more significant is its concentration on details essential to
his chosen themes (both procedures are noted below).
l. and Plutarch part company after ch. 8: the biographer of Galba and
Otho did not need to look beyond Germany. In fact, Plutarch treats the
report of trouble in East and South as an alarmist fiction (G. 13.3). But
internal evidence reveals further details of T.’s compositional policy. The
geographical survey, so simple in outline, is rich in purposeful variations
that introduce themes prominent in Books 1-3: the independence of the
soldiers and the superiority of Vespasian to all previous contenders. Otho,
by contrast, a historical actor who unexpectedly capitalized on the po-
tential for turbulence in Rome, is reserved for a surprise appearance in
ch. 13; literary art and historical analysis converge in his omission from the
retrospective.
Roman literary art generally involves the application of creative innova-
tion to sound tradition. A number of verbal and structural allusions declare
T.’s debt to Sallust in chh. 4—11. repetundum, for instance, which introduces
the chronological retrospective, alludes to programmatc statements at the
beginning of both of Sallus's monographs and to what can be discerned
of his practice in the Histones (Cat. 5.9 supra repetere, fug. 5.3 supra repetam;
Hist. Írr. 1.11—51). But Es retrospective is very different from those of his
‘model’. Where in the Bellum Catilinae Sallust sweeps grandly from the re-
gal period to the first century B.c. reviewing Rome's moral and political
health, T. looks back a few short months and focuses on power and un-
rest. The geographical survey, on the other hand, which Syme declared to
‘lack precedent or parallel in ancient historiography’ ((1958) 146), may owe
something to a document drafted by Augustus and described by Suetonius
as 'an overview of the whole empire', the first half of which treated the
strength and disposition of the military forces (Aug. 101.4 breutarium totus
imperi, quantum militum sub signis ubique esset). But as we have seen, T.’s survey
provides far more than numbers and places.
100 COMMENTARY: 4.1

Another element of Sallust’s programme for retrospectives, namely

brevity (Cat. 5.9 paucis, fug. 5.3 pauca), shows up in T.’s practice unan-
nounced. Sallust’s retrospectives are not in fact markedly more concise than
his narratives but in chh. 4-11 we find, in addition to T-.'s ordinary brevi-
ties, expressions showing remarkable compression (noted below). In both
style and content, then, T. produces a more challenging text than Sallust. If
the table of contents advertises the attractions of the coming narrative, the
retrospective reveals something of what will be required of the reader: an
eagerness for understanding historical processes and an appreciation for a
style of unparalleled density.
T. also opens the Annals with a retrospective, but a much simpler one
(A. 1.2-3). The state of the Roman world is summarized there in two short
sentences (3.6—7): military activity was almost nil (a single war) and on the
domestic front all was tranquil. The early books of the Annals chronicle the
gradual development of the impenal system and its attendant evils; in /.
1 —5, by contrast, T. offers action, a series of events unrolling without pause
through three full books of narrative with a geographic span matching that
of the empire itself. (The main events of Books 4 and 5, the revolt of Civilis
and the siege of Jerusalem, are not introduced by the retrospective.) The
necessary background for all of it is given in chh. 4-11, a piece of wnting
that shows T. already a master of his craft.

4.1 ceterum...noscantur: a leisurely period providing bland relief

from the dazzling lists of the table of contents and the memorable epigram
that closed it. The indirect questions are parallel in form and increasing in
length (6 syllables, then 7, 9, and 17), obeying classical, not Tacitean, norms.
status, mens, and habitus are properties of the human body, and prepare for the
‘health of the body politic’ metaphor that becomes explicit in ualidum and
aegrum. For status urbis cf. Agr. 7.2 statum urbis Mucianus regebat and the fuller
expression at A. 1.16.1 hic rerum urbanarum status erat. mens 'attitude' (OLD 8)
refers to the different attitudes of the various armies described in chh.
8—11 (cf. A. 2.36.3 unde prospict posse quae cuique. . . mens). On habitus sec 8.1n.
quid aegrum: cf. 2.86.4 quidquid usquam aegrum foret aggrediuntur. Disease
in the body politic (cf. 16.1 zmmensum imperi corpus) s a recurrent metaphor in
H. 1—3; in Book 1 it appears at 11.2 contactu, 26.1 tabes, and in the remedies
mentioned at 9.3, 14.1, 20.3, 29.1, 37.4, 03.1, 74.1, 83.1. non modo
casus euentusque rerum, qui plerumque fortuiti sunt, sed ratio
etiam causaeque: the pair casus euentusque 'occurrences and outcomes' is
 COMMENTARY: 4.1-4.2 101

used again at 5.10.2 and A. 2.26.2, shorter formulas at 51.1 znitia causasque
motus Vitelliani expediam and 3.46.1 id bellum cum causts et euentibus. . . mox me-
morabimus. The emphasis on explanation (ratio causaeque) links H. to a tradition
of ancient historiography indebted to Polybius, which defined itself in the
Roman world by opposition to the first generation of ‘annalistic’ histories
that simply recorded each year's events.
4.2 finis Neronis: finis indicates an emphasis on the effects of Nero’s
death; its cause and manner T. had declared insignificant by beginning H.
on 1 January 69 (1.1 n. consules). In Rome the end of Nero (g June 68) was not
the beginning of Galba, who was still en route from Spain. Comparable situ-
ations arose at the deaths of Otho and Vitellius, whose successors began to
rule when still far from Rome (Vitellius in Germany, Vespasian in Egypt). T.
lends a different emphasis to each scene: here variety is the theme, at Otho's
death the senseless joy in Rome is contrasted with the devastation of Italy
(2.54—5), at Vitellius' dcath Rome herself experiences devastation (4.1.1 -3).
ut...ita: though...yet'; the antithesis between the universal joy of laetus
and the fragmented motus animorum turns a comparative into a concessive
expression (NLS 525311a, OLD ut 5b). So also at 7.2, 17.2, 50.4, 52.2, 79.3,
85.1; cf. 6.2n. ut non. . . tta. primo gaudentium impetu 'in the ini-
tial surge of (pcople) rcjoicing; cf. 2.23.3 utncenttum tmpetu, A. 11.37 .4 impetu
uenientium, A. 3.74.4 gaudio et impetu uictoris exercitus. 'The substantive participle
is a compact equivalent for a clause (e.g. eorum qui gaudebant) and a concrete
alternative to an abstraction (Cic. Lael. 63 tmpetum beneuolentiae, V. Max.
5.9.1 tmpetu trae). T. gives us emotional people rather than emotion fer se.
The construction, prominent in Livy beginning with praef. 4 et legentium
plensque ‘and for most readers’, 1s particularly suited to representing public
opinion: 5.2 tncrepantium, 7 .3 comparantibus, 13.2 transmittentium, 14.2 interpre-
tantibus, 22.2 computantium, 277.2 requirentibus, 32.1 poscentium, 41.2 ferentium.
uarios motus animorum...conciuerat: concieo 'arouse' (OLD 2b) is
commonly used of summoning troops (70.2 conctis auxiliis), but here, as at A.
1.23.1, 14.17.2, 16.32.2, its objectis abstract (pace OLD 3). apud governs
the accs. from patres to duces; cf. 46.3 ad seditiones et discordias et. . . bella cuutlia
and A. 2.68.1 effugere ad Armenws, inde Albanos Heniochosque. urbanum
militem: the praetorian guard was the most powerful element of the forces
in Rome (see ch. 5): T. credits them with wdictum (45.1) and arbttrium (46.1).
The other regular city forces were the urban cohorts; in extraordinary cir-
cumstances the tuigiles also counted (46.1n. Plotium Firmum; cf. 3.64.1 with
46.1n. Flautum Sabinum). In H. T. uses miles urbanus of praetorian and urban
102 COMMENTARY: 4.2-4.3

cohorts together (5.1, 14.1, 2.19.1, 2.94.1), of the urban cohorts alone (89.2,
3.69.1), and in contexts where the praetorians alone seem relevant (2.19.1);
he differentiates the urbans from the praetorians at 20.3, 74.3, 87.1, 89.2,
2.21.4, 2.93.2. The undifferentiated reference, besides being brief, reflects
reality, since the two corps, though under the command of praetorian and
urban prefects respectively, lived together in the castra praetona in Rome, ap-
peared together in lists of veterans, and shared their numeration (cohorts
I-IX being praetorian, x and above urban in the Augustan organization);
see O. Robinson (1992) 181 —8, Freis (1967) 36—46. euulgato imperii
arcano: T. was alert to incidents that exposed the unstated conditions of
the emperor's power. Other arcana: the principle that the emperor should
not render account for his acts (4.1.6.3 arcana domus), the emperor’s practice
of designatüng future magistrates (4. 2.36.1arcana tmperit), the exclusion of
high-ranking Romans from Egypt (A. 2.59.3 domtnatonis arcana). posse
principem alibi quam Romae fieri: ‘elsewhere than in Rome’
implies ‘by the legions’ (5.1 pnincipem a legronibus factum, cf. 2.76.4 posse ab
exercitu brnincipem fien (of Vitellius), and 5.16.3 principbem Galbam sextae lepwnis
auctontate factum). Hitherto only the praetorian guard had chosen or ap-
proved a frinceps.
4.3 patres...deterrimi seruorum: attitudes in Rome are again
surveyed from top to bottom at 88.2—3. patres laeti: sc. erant.
usurpata statim libertate: primarily in trials of Neronian agents:
4.42.0 senatus . . . occtso JNerone delatores et ministros more mairum puniendos flagita-
bat; cf. 2.10.1—2, 4.6.1—2. Implicit in statim is a temporal antithesis, but
T. leaves for later the senate's subsequent showing as obsequious, self-
serving, and craven (19.1—3, 35.1) and omits altogether their subservience
to Nymphidius Sabinius (Plut. G. 8.3—4). Senatorial experimentation with
libertas is more fully documented at the outset of Vespasian's reign (4.6.3—
4.10) but that phase, too, came quickly to an end. ut 'inasmuch as'
OLD 21a. erga principem nouum et absentem 'towards a new
and distant ruler', cf. 4.49.1 alienato erga Vespasianum animo. primores
equitum: cf. 25.2 primores militum. In the imperial period equites were in-
creasingly involved in government (50.1 cura ret publicae, 58.1 ministeria, 5.9.3
prouincia, À. 16.27.2 munia publica) and were therefore exposed to the dan-
gers of eminence under a despot. During Nero's reign the suffering of equites
frequently mirrored that of senators (4. 14.14.4, 15.57.2, 16.13.2, 16.17.1,
16.27 .2). Vespasian restocked both orders (Suet. Ves. g9.2; cf. Dio 59.9.5). For
the equestrian elite cf. A. 2.59.3 senatoribus aut equitibus Romanis illustnbus and
 COMMENTARY: 4.3-5.1 103

see Brunt (1983) 62. pars populi integra et magnis domibus

adnexa: contrasted with the plebs sordida, whose desires (panem et circenses,
Juv. 10.81) obliged them directly to the emperor (see below); in Suetonius
the rejoicing plebs is undifferentiated (Ner. 57.1). At 12.3 adoption by Galba
for their patron appears as one object of client hopes. On several occasions
in 69 dependants were called upon to hide their patrons (81.2n. wmcertas
latebras). Yor integer cf. 4.64.3 sincerus et integer et serwstutis oblitus populus (of
Germans), also Vell. 2.3.2 :ntacta perniciosis consilus plebs; for the contrast
cf. Liv. 9.46.13 wn duas partes discessit cuntas: aliud integer populus, fautor et cultor
bonorum, aliud forensis factio, tenebat. clientes libertique damnato-
rum et exulum in spem erecti: among the props at Galba's procla-
mation were zmagtnes of Nero's victims and an exiled puer nobilis (Suet. G. 10.1,
cf. Plut. G. 5.2). Nero's exiles, including Galba's eventual heir Piso
Licinianus (48.1), Vespasian's gadfly Helvidius Priscus (4.6.1), and one
Cassius Asclepiodotus (possibly an ancestor of the historian Dio: cf. his
62.26.2 and A. 16.33.1) returned under Galba, but most encountered
difficulties in recovering confiscated property (9o.1n. reuocatis ab exilio).
plebs sordida et circo ac theatris sueta: cf. 3.74.2 sordida pars plebis,
and contrast A. 11.7.3 plebem, quae toga enitesceret; for the pairing with slaves
cf. 4.1.2 egentissimus quisque e plebe et pessimi seruitiorum. Public entertainment
was financed primarily by the frinceps (Millar (1977) 368-75). deter-
rimi seruorum: the construction emphasizes quality (deterrimt) over rank
(serut); cf. 22.1 intimi libertorum and, more generally, 10.1 secretum Ásiae, 25.1
incerta noctis, 79.2 lubrico itinerum, 85.2 secreta domuum. qui adesis bonis
per dedecus Neronis alebantur: also reported, again without names,
at Á. 14.14.3. The consumption metaphor in adesis bonis (cf. A. 13.21.2 adests
omnibus fortunis) and alebantur suggests that these ingenut have been debased
by their own actions to the status of parasites: cf. Hor. Ep. 1.15.26—7 rebus
malernis atque paternis | fortiter absumptis urbanus coepit haben.
5.1 miles urbanus: 4.2n. Only praetorians are mentioned in connec-
tion with Sabinus' coup attempt, but it took place in the camp shared by
praetorian and urban cohorts, so both corps may be meant here. longo
Caesarum sacramento imbutus ‘steeped in their long-standing oath
to the emperors’, substituting fact (long service to the Caesars) for con-
cept (loyalty uel stm.). For praetorian loyalty cf. 30.2 uestra fides . . . illaesa ad
hunc diem mansit, A. 14.7.4 praetonanos tott Caesarum domur obstrictos. For the
metaphor cf. 2.85.1 imbutae fauore Othonis (sc. legiones) and 3.15.2 ut. .. cuult
praeda miles tmbueretur. ad destituendum Neronem.. . traductus:
104 COMMENTARY: 5.1

details in Plutarch and Suetonius: the praetorians aligned themselves with

Galba only after their prefect Nymphidius Sabinus (see below) led them to
believe, wrongly, that Nero had abandoned Rome for Egypt, and promised
them a donative in Galba’s name (Plut. G. 2.2, Suet. G. 16.1). The phrase arte
et impulsu reflects T.’s focus on the emotional after-effects of Nymphidius’
failed coup; the man himself he allows little significance. neque dari
donatiuum: the donative promised, 30,000 HS to each praetorian and
5,000 for legionaries, was double the highest known precedent, higher, per-
haps, than could be paid (Plut. G. 2.2). Galba refused to pay it, or indeed
anything at all, for which decision T. faults him at 18.3. Vespasian paid, but
modestly (2.82.2). The annual salary for a praetorian soldier at this period
was 3,000 HS, for a legionary goo (Alston (1994)). For other bribes see 24.1—
2,25.1,66.1, 82.3. eundem: sc. esse. eundem in pace quem in
bello locum: quem functions as a connective (— atque) rather than as a true
relative here and is therefore attracted into the case of its antecedent (cf. Agr.
32.1 eandem Romanis in bello uirtutern quam in pace lasciuiam adesse creditis?
A. 6.7 .1
placitum eandem poenam irrogari quam in Áruseium; .NLS $289). praeuen-
tamque gratiam: sc. esse. Hlustrated for individuals by the installanon
of Galba's staff member Cornelius Laco as sole praetorian prefect, a post
one of the existing prefects had wanted for himself (see below). But nothing
indicates that Galba showed favour to his original legion (v1 Victrix), which
remained in Spain, or to his newly conscripted legion (vi1 Galbiana), which
was dispatched to Pannonia. T. in fact exaggerates praetorian disaffection;
in Plutarch they establish a claim on Galba's gratitude by suppressing a
coup attempt (Plut. G. 14.3 'let us show ourselves Galba's true and faithful
Guard’). The competition for temporal priority in winning the emperor's
favour operates between both individuals (45.1 antetre proximos) and armies
(53.2 praeuentus erat, 57.1 1ngent certamine). Nymphidii Sabini prae-
fecti: a freedwoman's son, C. Nymphidius Sabinus was the colleague of
Tigellinus (72.1n.) as praetorian prefect from 65 (PIR* N 250). In that year
he also received consularia ornamenta, probably for services in suppressing the
Pisonian conspiracy. From August 66 to March 68 he appears to have been
in sole command of the praetorians in Rome, as Tigellinus was with Nero
in Greece; after Nero's death he forced Tigellinus from office (Plut. G. 8.3).
His lacunose biography at A. 15.72.2 owes its composition to the fact that et
ipse pars Romanarum cladium ent, but here T. reduces his story to a minimum:
he sought supreme power and failed. Plutarch, by contrast, allots four sub-
stantial chapters (G. 8—9, 13-4). In 68 Nymphidius was instrumental in
 COMMENTARY: 5.1-5.2 105

securing ratification in Rome for Galba's proclamation as emperor (Plut.

G. 2.1) and sent Galba Neronian paraphernalia to use en route (Plut. G. 11.1).
He turned against Galba when passed over in the distribution of posts (Plut.
G. 8.2, 9.8—9, Suet. G. 11.1) but when he urged the praetorians to make him
emperor they killed him instead (Plut. G. 14.1, cf. 37.3).
5.2 et Nymphidius quidem: ‘quidem emphasizes one statement. . .
while directing our attention to another which contrasts with the first’
(Solodow (1978) 13), similarly at 8.1 et hic quidem Romae, 16.4 et Galba
quidem, 63.1 et quidem Treueros. oppressus: sc. ¢sl. quamuis
capite . ..ablato: quamuis, which qualifies the abl. abs., reinforces the
concessive relation indicated by the antithesis ablato~manebat; cf. 32.1n.
quippe. . . bostulaturis, 60 quamquam remoto consulan, 83.1 quamquam turbidis re-
bus et diuersis militum animis. manebat...nec deerant: the subjects
of the two verbs joined by nec are very diflerent entities (conscientia, sermones).
Chilver says it is ‘almost certainly wrong’ not to infer a break between the
two parts of the sentence, but the sentence’s form does its best to bridge
the break in content, creating a continuous accumulation of disaffection.
manebat. .. conscientia: with concomitant fear of punishment (20.3n.
exauctoraly). senium atque auaritiam: T. distils these two general
criticisms from the specific irritants mentioned in the following sentences:
senium from Galba's uetus disciplina, auantia from his refusal to buy the loy-
alty of his troops. Sources disagree on the year of Galba’s birth, but T.
and Plutarch believed him 73 at his death (49.2, Plut. G. 8.1 (born 6 B.C.);
cf. Suet. G. 23, Dio 64.6.5 (5 B.C.), Suet. G. 4.1 (3 B.C.); see further 6.1n. :n-
ualidum senem). 'T. himself agrees with the charge of auantia, within limits (49.3
pecuniae alienae non appetens, suae parcus, publicae auarus; see below on legi a se
mulitem, non emi). Plutarch (G. 13.4) develops the critique of senium very differ-
ently, quoüung the ridicule of Galba's aged physique voiced not by a crowd
(increpantium) but by a single individual, Mithridates of Pontus, to whom T.
denies a place in history. increpantium: 4.2n. primo gaudentium impetu.
laudata olim . . . seueritas: cf. 49.4 militan laude; llustrated in Suetonius
by Galba’s imposition of hard physical labour (G. 6.3) and strict disciphne
(6.3, 7.2) on his troops during his governorships of Upper Germany
(A.D. 40) and Africa (A.D. 45—6). Official praise included triumphal regalia
and three priesthoods, plus esteem from two emperors (Suet. G. 8.1; 6.3
(Gaius), 7.1 (Claudius)). His seuentas, though relaxed under Nero (o/tm, cf.
Suet. G. 9.1 in desidiam segnitiamque conuersus est), was fatal to his principate:
18.3 nocuit antiquus nigor et mma seuentas. Otho (36.3) and Vitellius (62.2)
106 COMMENTARY: 5.2-6.1

occupy the opposite extreme; on Flavian moderation in disciplinary mat-

terssee 2.76.4,2.77.3,2.82.1. militari fama celebrata ‘much talked
about among the soldiers’; fama is abl. of means, as in Liv. 33.44.8 fama
celebratos tyrannos and Agr. 39.1 uictonam. . . ingenti fama celebran. Its modifier
indicates the source of the talk (cf. [Q. Cicero] Comm. pet. 17 forensem famam
and the common expression populans fama ‘public opinion’) and is equivalent
to the subjective gen. in expressions such as Cic. Phil. 9.10 omntum mortalium
fama and Cic. Dw. 1.88 fama Graeciae. legi a se militem, non emi:
also recorded at Plut. G. 18.2 ((an utterance befitüng a great commander’),
Suet. G. 16.1, and Dio 64.3.3 (see App. 1). nec enim...ad hanc
formam cetera: T. charges Galba with failing to maintain a standard
he himself had set, Plutarch with acting contrary to his promises (G. 15.1);
specifics appear in 6—7. For ad formam ‘in accordance with a standard'
cf. Vell. 2.109.1 ad Romanae disciplinae formam, Varro L 8.32 lectos (beds) . . . ad
unam formam, etc.; 9.37 formam, ad quam...accomodan debeant uerba; Lucr.
2.379 facta . . . ad certam formam pnimordia.
6.1 inualidum senem: while Galba's combination of age and phys-
ical weakness is mentioned by both Plutarch (G. 15.4 *weak and elderly in
appearance’) and Dio (64.3.4 ‘old and weak in the sinews’; cf. 64.3.2) and his
age and subjection to Vinius and Laco occur side by side in the revolution-
ary rhetoric of Plutarch’s Nymphidius Sabinus (G. 13.2 ‘Galba himself was a
reasonable and moderate old man but did not follow his own counsels in the
least and was badly directed by Vinius and Laco’), only T. connects Galba’s
physical state and his choice of associates in explaining his growing unpop-
ularity. With inualidus T. may allude to the old men of Latinus' doomed city:
Virg. Aen. 12.132 tnualidique senes (Miller (1987b) 92—3). Titus Vinius:
see I.In., 42n. conscius sceleris, and the obituary at 48.2—4, where T. gives a
more balanced assessment. deterrimus mortalium distils Vinius' conduct under
Galba: he was greedy (12.3n. htantes . . . cuptdWates, 37 .5 auanta ac licentia) and
compromised by association with the hated Tigellinus (72.2n.); for Vinius
as a liability to Galba's party see further 8.1n. recenti dono Romanae cuatatis,
12.3, 34.1, 37.5, 39.2, 42; Plut. G. 11.2, 12.1-2, 17.1—5, 18.1; Suet. G. 14.2.
Cornelius Laco, an equestrian member of Galba's staff in Spain (Suet. G.
14.2 assessor ‘aide’; PIR* c 1374). Earhler he had been a familiar of Rubellius
Plautus, who was executed at Tigellinus' urging in 62 (14.1n.). Galba raised
Laco to near the top of the equestrian cursus in making him praetorian pre-
fect (Suet. G. 14.2); at that time only the prefect of Egypt ranked higher
(Turner (1954) 63-4). T. depicts him as deceitful (14.1, 39.2), incompetent
 COMMENTARY: 6.1 107

(24.2n. per socordiam praefecti, 26.2n. consilit . . . intmicus), and combauve (33.2,
cf. Suet. G. 14.2 arrogantia socordiaque intolerabilis); he is killed without much
ado at 46.5. In Ts references to Laco style often adds sting to an already
damning content. T. shares with the parallel sources the notices about
Laco's influence with Galba (13.1 fotentia principatus) and his successful sup-
port for the plan of leaving the Palace for the Forum (33.2), but he reports
much more: Laco's (also successful) support for Piso (14.1), his appointment
to and withdrawal from the embassy to the German legions (19.2), his cul-
pable ignorance of the troops he commanded (24.2, 26.2), the abortive plan
to sacrifice Vinius (39.2), and the sentence of exile that was superseded by
his assassination (46.5). T. insists that the commander of the praetorians,
who transferred their loyalty to Otho, share the blame for Galba's failure
with them. Criticisms such as 24.2 quem nota panter et occulta fallebant and 26.2
consilit quamuis egregi, quod non tpse afferret, inimicus et aduersus penitos peruicax
may be the product of Tacitean inference, but the rest of the material sceems
to be drawn froma different source or sources (the official material (19.2,
46.5) may come from senatonal archives (see Intro. §18); Townend (1964)
354 credits Cluvius Rufus with both these data and the information at 14.1
and 39.3). The two details in Suetonius and Plutarch that T. omits (Laco’s
lowly status in Spain and his loyal defence of Galba in the Palace: 35.1n.
ruere) conflict with T.s picture of Laco as both significant and pernicious.
alter deterrimus mortalium alter ignauissimus, odio flagitio-
rum oneratum contemptu inertiae destruebant: in cach of the
two antithetical pairs (deterrimus- ignauissimus, odio ~ contemptu) the first mem-
ber refers to Vinius, the second to Laco. This elaborate structure is further
complicated by the temporal sequence of the verbs, which convey the back-
ground (odio. . . oneratum) and the proximate cause (contemptu. . . destruebant)
of Galba's collapse, creating a miniature narrative that will be developed in
chh. 12-46 with evidence of the widespread hatred for Vinius and praeto-
rian contempt for Laco. (Valmaggi 147 excised oneratum in order to remove
the latter complication.) For this distribution of paired terms some fifteen
parallels in T. and Augustan poetry arc cited by Brink (1944), including two
in Book 1 (62.2 strenuis uel ignauis sbem metumue adderet, 79.3, neque conti neque
gladü. . . usut, lapsantibus equis et catafractarum pondere, to which add 60 per auanri-
tiam ac sordes contemptus . . . inuisusque; see also 82.2n. allocuti . . . horridius). Only
In our passage (a summary) does asyndcton maximize breuttas. Vespasian’s
suite, unlike Galba's, provides support: 2.76.1 et alii legati amicique firmabant
et Mucianus. tardum Galbae iter: sc. erat. Setting out from Spain in
108 COMMENTARY: 6.1

mid-July, Galba crossed the Pyrenees (23.2), met the senate's delegation at
Narbo Martius (Plut. G. 11.1), went inland at least as far as Vienne, across
the Cottian Alps (23.2), and so down to Rome, a journey of about 1,700 km
(Murison (1993) 27—30). At marching speed (c. 22 km/day) this would re-
quire at least seventy-eight days, putting his arrival in early October at the
earliest. It was probably during this journey that he distributed rewards
and punishments to communities of Spain and Gaul that aided or resisted
him (Suet. G. 12.1); Lyon, which opposed Vindex and contained an impor-
tant mint, will have required particular attention (51.5n.). cruentum:
in Suetonius' version Galba is an active aggressor complete with military
dress and a dagger within easy reach (G. 11.1 paludatus ac dependente a ceruvibus
pugione; cf. 2.89.1 on Vitellius approaching Rome paludatus accinctusque). In
T.’s version the killings are curiously impersonal. With the disfavour gen-
erated by these killings contrast the popular affection for Vespasian's gen-
erals Antonius Primus and Arrius Varus, quia in nemtmen ultra aciem saeuierant
(4.39.3). cruentus is an affective word emphasizing the painful, ugly side of
fighting; Caesar does not use it, but Sallust (four times), Livy (twenty-one
times), and T. (sixteen times) do. Cicero has it sixteen times in speeches,
only once in the letters. It is most at home in epic, where the tone is right
and the clausula welcome (Virg. Aen. twenty-three times, Stat. 7heb. fifty-
four times). Cingonio Varrone consule designato: designated by
Nero for a suffect consulship in 68 (Townend (1962) 117) notwithstanding an
earlier conflict (4. 14.45.2), Varro wrote a speech for Nymphidius Sabinus’
projected acclamation (Plut. G. 14.4). His execution took place :n uta (37.3);
he may have approached Galba for a pardon (cf. the Othonian generals with
Vitellius, 2.60.1—2). Plutarch pairs Varro's execution not with Turpilianus’
(see below) but with that of another of Nymphidius' supporters, Mithridates
of Pontus (Plut. G. 15.1). Petronio Turpiliano consulari: he led the
larger part of the forces that Nero mustered in response to the defections
of Galba and Verginius (Dio 63.27.1?; PIR* P 315). His troops went over to
Galba even before Nero's death (Murison (1993) 24); Turpilianus himself
returned to Rome where, despite his powerlessness, he was ordered to die
(37.3 Tunpiliani in urbe, Plut. G. 15.2, with. 17.3 implying that Vinius was
responsible). inauditi atque indefensi: the same alliterative pair at
D. 16.4, 2.10.2, Á. 2.77.2; later simple tnauditus suffices (A. 4.11.1, 12.22.2).
On the adjectives see Intro. 811. tamquam innocentes adds a wry
twist to the outrage-inducing report of summary executions: cf. Pliny on
one of Domitian's victims: E. 4.11.8 nescto an innocens, certe tamquam innocens.
Plutarch's ‘albeit justly’ (G. 15.1 &l xai 6ikadox).
 COMMENTARY: 6.2 109

6.2 introitus. . . infaustus omine: sc. erat ‘his entry was inauspi-
cious’; cf. Plut. G. 15.4 ‘entering the city through so much slaughter, so
many corpses, was not a good or auspicious omen for Galba’ (oU xpnoTov
oU6t aiciov. .. TO ['áA at Tóv olovóv). T. does not limit the omen to Galba
but adapts a more general expression first found in Virgil: Aen. 11.589 tnstis
(sc. Dtana) ubi infausto committitur omine pugna (Miller (1987b) 93—4). omine,
abl. of respect (NLS §55), projects the bad luck of infaustus (cf. 38.1 tnfaus-
tam adoptinem ‘unlucky adoption’) into the future. For other omens and the
crowd reactions they provoke see, in Book 1, 62.3 and 86.3. trucidatis
tot milibus inermium militum: the killing took place at the Mulvian
Bridge (87.1, cf. 37.3 tn oculis urbis); the victims were marines, soldiers at-
tached to the Roman fleet (Plut. G. 15.4, Suet. G. 12.2), who were demanding
either confirmation or amelioration of their status. Dio gives the improbably
high number of 7,000 (64.3.2; he also identifies the victims as praetorians);
according to Plutarch they were armed at least with swords. For the sur-
vivors see 87.1 win custodia habitos. The historical record on marines in 68-9
is confused (see Chilver). Vitellius' troops commit a similar atrocity upon
arrival at the seventh milestone (2.88.1 —2), but Mucianus succeeds in saying
no to ex-praetorians clamouring for restoration to their posts by spending
money and proceeding gradually (4.46). ipsis etiam qui occide-
rant formidolosus: T. alone describes the reaction of Galba's soldiers
(a legion newly recruited in Spain, vir Galbiana, and possibly some detach-
ments of praetorians; 23.1n. studia.. . affectauerat), a detail consistent with
his emphasis on military opinion in this survey. legione Hispana:
viI Galbiana played no part in the disturbances of 15 January; it was prob-
ably already on the Danube, from which it marched against Vitellius for
Otho in March 69 (2.11.1). Here T. implies that its presence contributed
to the rebellion-potential in Rome on : January, an error perhaps to be
ascribed to the primarily topical rather than chronological organization
of this survey. ea, quam e classe Nero conscripserat: similarly
Vitellius at 3.55.1 e classicts legio. Galba confirmed the unit’s new status
on 22 December 68 (Dio 55.24.1, supported by discharge diplomas of
that date C/L i 2.847, 848, m suppl. 3.1958 (2 xv1 7--9); Ritterling (1924)
1381 -3). They join Othoat 36.3. plena: sc. erat. numeri 'detach-
ments' from legions and auxiliary units stationed in Germany, Britain, and
Illyricum; see further 38.3n. miscentur. claustra Caspiarum: both
here and at A. 6.33.4 (Caspia uia) T. is referring to the pass through which
runs the modern road between Tbilisi and Vladikavkas (2 Daricl pass);
cf. Luc. 8.222—-3 si uos, o Parthi, peterem cum Casfna claustra | et sequerer duros
110 COMMENTARY: 6.2-7.1

aeterms Martis Alanos. in Albanos: Pliny sites the Albani on the west
coast of the Caspian Sea, just north of the Kur river (Nat. 6.29, 6.39). See
Chilver for the problems arising from T.'s assertion. opprimendis
Vindicis coeptis: dat. gerundive expressing purpose, cf. 18.1 comitits dim-
mendis, 41.2 exsoluendo donatiuo: Draeger (1882) 8206 "There are three occur-
rences of this construction in T.s minor works and thirteen in the Histores
but the Annals are full of it.' C. Julius Vindex, a senator's son and praetorian
governor in 68 of the lightly garrisoned province of Gallia Lugdunensis
(PIR? 1 628), declared against Nero in early March (see Brunt (1959) and
Murison (1993) 1—3). He sought military backing from fellow governors,
some of whom reported him to Nero (Galba refrained: Plut. G. 4.2), and
from Gallic leaders ( Jos. B7 4.440). His force eventually numbered more
than 20,000 (Plut. G. 6.3). Verginius Rufus, the governor of the nearest
armed province (Upper Germany), leading units from both Germanies,
overwhelmed Vindex at Vesontio (mod. Besangon) in mid-May (Murison
(1993) 26). ut non...ita 'though not...yet'. The prominent nega-
tive turns a comparative into a concessive expression; cf. 85.1 militibus ut
niul n commune turbantibus, tta sparsis ber domos and 4.2n. ut. . . ita. prono
fauore...parata: the uanati abl. of respect - adjective is common; cf.
8.1 facundus et pacis artibus, 53.1 on Caecina, 88.2 aetate inualida et. . . desides,
and Sórbom (1935) 90. audenti describes Otho (for his boldness see
21.1, 22.1, 38.2) but does not idenüfy him; soldiers, not leaders, were the
decisive factor.
7.1 forte congruerat: either with Galba’s arrival or simply with one
another; T. depicts an accumulation of dissatisfaction instead of giving a
precise chronology. Clodii Macri: L. Clodius Macer (PIR? c 1170)
was Nero's legate commanding the legion stationed in the province of
Africa (for the unusual power structure there and the ambition it encour-
aged in legates see 4.48.1—2). When Galba's proclamation in Spain offered
Romans a respectable alternative to Nero, most governors and legates (in-
cluding, probably, the governor of Africa) aligned themselves with him;
Macer, however, imitated him. He too had one legion (111 Augusta), con-
scripted another (2.97.2), and minted ‘lbertas’ coins acknowledging the
authority of the Senate (cf. McC-W 24 ‘s(enatus) c(onsulto)). His strategic
position in one of Rome’s ‘breadbasket’ provinces was superior, but he
lacked Galba's experience and prestige (his earlier career has left no record)
and his ally in Nero's court, Calvia Crispinilla (73n.), did not match the
clout of Nymphidius Sabinus, who supported Galba (5.1n.). According
 COMMENTARY: 7.1 111

to Plutarch, Macer’s rebellion was an attempt to avoid punishment for

his crimes (G. 6.2, a stock explanation, cf. 53.1 on Caecina); T. labels
him a petty tyrant (11.2n. domint mtnonis). See further Murison (1993) 48.
Vitellius, too, had an upstart in Africa killed (2.58.2). Fontei Capi-
tonis: an obscure (to us) consular (cos. 67; PIR? r 467—8). Governor of
Lower Germany from mid-67 to 68, he removed potential leaders of a
rumoured Batavian revolt (4.13.1; see 59.1n. Zultus.. . exemptus), won the
support of his army (58.2n. grata... memona), and was plotted against by
his subordinates (see below, 58.1, and 7.2n. fuere. . . abstinuisse). haud
dubie, syntactically superfluous, signals the historian's judgment (cf. 46.6
rem haud dubie utilem, A. 2.88.2 . liberator haud dubie Germaniae), which distin-
guishes the clear case of Macer's rebellion from the murky and inconsistent
reports about Capito's actions. turbantem: one word, used abso-
lutely, suffices for Macer's dead-end rebellion; by 1 January his murder was
the significant fact. For the uariatio participle- temporal clause see Sórbom
(1935) 117. Trebonius Garutianus procurator: only here and in
Plutarch (G. 15.2 TpeBcviavós). procuratores were administrators charged
by the emperor with a wide range of tasks, from managing the emperor's
private estates to governing small provinces. For executions carried out by
other procuratores see Chilver ad loc. Cornelius Aquinus: only here;
possibly legate of the legion at Novaesium (mod. Neuss; Syme (1982b) 468).
Fabius Valens: a major figure in H. 1—3, though barely noticed in the
parallel tradition (cf. 6.1n.Corneltus Laco), he flourished both under Nero
and in 68-9 (PIR* r 68) and was accorded by T. a devastating obituary:
3.62.2 natus erat Valens Anagniae equestri familia. procax moribus neque absurdus
ingento famam urbanitatis per lasciutam petere. ludwro Tuuenalium sub Nerone uelut
ex necessilate, mox sponte mimos actitauit, scile magis quam . probe. legatus legwnis
et fouit. Vergintum et infamauit; Fontetum. Cafntonem corruptum, seu quia corrumpere
nequiuerat, interfecit, Galbae frroditor, Vitellio fidus et aliorum perfidia illustratus. ln
68 he and his legion joined Galba's party (Plut. G. 10.3) but he later urged
Verginius (unsuccessfully) and Vitellius (successfully, 57.1n.) to depose him.
His march to Italy occupies chh. 62—6 of Book 1, his role in the defeat of
Otho 2.27—45, his period of supremacy 2.51—3.40. He was suffect consul
in the fall of 69 and dead by November or December (3.62.1). ante-
quam iuberentur: for Galba's reaction to a similar anticipation cf. 35.2
‘commilito’, inquit, ‘quis wssit?’, see 52.3 for his coolness to Valens. For ante-
quam + subj. in a purely temporal clause (i.e. not indicating purposc) sce
NLS §228b.
112 COMMENTARY: 7.2

7.2 fuere qui crederent Capitonem...abstinuisse: Plutarch

(G. 15.2) and Suetonius (G. 11) consider both Capito and Macer rebels;
a rather obscure notice in Dio shows Capito arrogating the title ‘Caesar’
(64.2.3). In the preceding sentence and at 52.3 T. follows this common ver-
sion, but suspicion about Valens' motives in arranging for Capito's death
appears here and in the obituary for Valens (quoted above), supplemented
there by the evidence of Valens’ career of treachery: he supported Galba’s
coup only to abandon him for Vitellius, and urged Verginius to claim
supreme power then gave evidence against him; Capito would be a third
vicam. A parallel to Valens' alleged failure with Capito is narrated in un-
wonted detail at 4.49—50.3 (still another more briefly at 4.27.2), where T.
remarks on the difficulty of ascertaining the truth in such events (4.49.1).
Plutarch and Dio are content to assign ultimate responsibility for Capito’s
death to Galba; Suetonius does not raise the question. ut...ita:
concessive (4.2n.); greed and loose morals were regularly ascribed to re-
volutionaries in Rome (e.g. Sal. Cat. 5.7 on Cauline and 14.2-3, 23.1—3
on his associates); for Capito cf. 52.1 sordes et auantiam Fontei. Capitonis.
postquam...nequiuerint: primary sequence shifts the point of view
to that of the legatt as they came to terms with Capito's refusal, a rhetorical
device - repraesentatio *making present (to the mind)' (NLS 8284) — favoured
by T. In Book 1: 21.2 sit, 32.2 sit, 33.1 discat, 34.2 uulgauerint, 79.2 obsti-
tent; for a comparable situation cf. 2.41.1. For the abrupt derivation of
the subject from a preceding agent (legatis) cf. 15.3n. felicitate corrumpimur
and Sorbom (1935) 138. compositum: sc. esse. mobilitate in-
genii: twice used of Vitellius apropos of specific changes of mind (2.57.2,
3.84.4), but not echoed in any other description of Galba's character; here
it may indicate that Galba's initial approval of Capito and raufication of
his command were effectively reversed by acquiescence in his murder. For
the uanatio causal abl. - purpose clause cf. 26.1 non...cura...sedne... des-
&naretur, 39.2 stue ut. . . mulceret,
. . . uel odio and Sórbom (1935) 114. an
ne...scrutaretur: scrutan ‘investigate’ OLD 2. an adds an alternative
explanation, as at 28 magnitudine subity scelens, an. .. metuens. For the ex-
planatory purpose clause cf. A. 3.3.1 infernius maestate suarati. . . an ne. . . falst
intellegerentur, 4.8.2 nullo metu an ut firmitudinem animi ostentaret, 13.9.1. This
construction — "I: is most conspicuous in its use', Goodyear (1972) ad
A. 1.13.6 — is an abbreviated alternative indirect question: ‘it is uncer-
tain whether from...or...'. At 49.3 usque ad culpam ignarus T. himself
charges Galba with failure to invesugate and curtail the crimes of his
 COMMENTARY: 7.2-7.3 113

associates. Vitellius had the same weakness (2.59.1). On behalf of the

absent Vespasian, however, Mucianus kept a vigilant eye on important
Flavian supporters and made many prudent adjustments to the constel-
lation of powers, moving the praetorian prefect to cura annonae (4.68.2),
stripping a general of his legion but rewarding his friends (Antonius Primus,
4-39-4, cf. 4.80.1—2 for Vespasian's cooperation), reining in yung Domitian
(4.51.2, 4.68.3, 4.85.2), etc. quoquo modo acta ‘the deeds, however
done’, obj. of comprobasse ‘sanction’ OLD 4b. seu bene seu mala
facta: in Plutarch a comparable consequence (18.1 ‘even Galba’s moder-
ate measures were criticized' kai T& puerpíos rrparróueva 61aBoA flv elyev)
follows instead upon Vinius' association with Tigellinus, which T. reserves
for later (72.2). For other displacements of source material see App. 4.
parem inuidiam: Bezzenberger’s satisfying emendation for M’s prem:-
nuit .am (see Wellesley’s app.crit.).
7.3 uenalia cunctas: sc. erant; details in Plutarch and Suetonius: protec-
tion for Tigellinus and Turpilianus' death (Plut. G. 17.2-3, cf. Suet. G. 15.2
impunitates noxiorum, poenas innocentium), remission of tribute and grants of citi-
zenship in Gaul (Plut. G. 18.1, cf. Suet. G. 15.2 uectigalia, tmmunitates), backing
for Otho (Plut. G. 20.3, 21.1). praepotentes liberti: only Icelus is
named in the sources (13.1 n.; Plutarch mistakenly mentions Vitellius' freed-
man Asiaticus, G. 20.4, cf. Suet. Vit. 12). For the expression cf. 3.47.1 Antcetus
Polemonis libertus, braepotens oltm. subitis ‘in unforeseen circumstances’;
the concision of this substantival ad). made it useful to T:: 69 uulgus muta-
bile subitis, À. 15.59.2 subitis terren, A. 14.55.1 subita expedire. tamquam
apud senem festinantes: for causal tamquam without a finite verb
(‘on the ground of being’ OLD 7b) cf. 48.3 tamquam . . . furatus. apud ‘in deal-
ing with’ OLD 15. In Plutarch it is Vinius who exhibited haste (G. 16.4
‘Seeing that Galba was old and weak, Vinius took his fill of good luck on
the ground that its beginning practically coincided with its ending’); for
the same motive, differently phrased, cf. 3.41.1 ruentis fortunae nouisstma libido
and the sententia at 2.47.1 diffcilius est temperare felicitati, qua te non putes diu
usurum. eademque nouae aulae mala 'the evils of the new court
were the same' (sc. as those of the old). aula ‘court’ is shorthand for ‘the
emperor's household and closest associates'. Used elsewhere of the courts
of mythological kings and eastern dynasts, in T. (who is the first to use aula
ofa Roman ruler) particularly of Nero (13.4, 22.1, 2.7.1., 4. 15.34.2, cf.
2.95.2 (Vitellius), A. 1.7.5 and A. 2.43.5 (Tiberius), A. 6.43.1 (Tiridates)).
The reference to Nero's court signals the end of the compositional
114 COMMENTARY: 7.3-8.1

unit begun with finis Neronis. imperatores forma ac decore cor-

poris...comparantibus: Plutarch specifies baldness and wrinkles
(G. 13.4), Suetonius adds a hooked nose, severe deformity of the joints,
and a pendulous hernia (G. 21). Age and appearance are also factors in
the soldiers' comparison of the Vitellian commanders Fabius Valens and
Caecina Alienus (52.3n., cf. 53.1. decorus tuuenta, 66.2 senex prodigus). Age
compounded by infirmity hobbles Hordeonius Flaccus in the estimation of
his troops (9.1 n.). ut est mos: in Book 1 at 69, 79.4, 80.2; T. also uses
ul moris est (15.1), simple ut :n (55.4), and a variety of abl. expressions (90.3 ex
more, 18.2 more miltan, 32.1 and 44.2 tradito more, 55.1 tnsita mortalibus natura),
cf. also 56.1 quod. . . acadit.
8.1 et hic quidem Romae: 5.2n. hic...habitus animorum
fuit 'this was the array of opinions’; cf. 28 isque habitus animorum fuit ut pes-
simum facinus auderent bauci, plures uellent, omnes paterentur. tamquam in
tanta multitudine 'as is (sc. normal) in such a large population'; Plutarch
uses a similar expression in an actual crowd scene at G. 26.3 'as was (sc.
normal)in so great a crowd' ola 5& &v TA rj0ei TocoU TO. The use of tamquam
to compare entities that are nearly identical (here Roma and multitudo,
cf. 33.2 and 75.1 for tanta multitudo of Rome’s population) is peculiar: no par-
allels are listed at OLD 1c, and the ostensible parallel in GG (36.2 tamquam
in populo ac plebe) compares the populace with soldiers. Hispaniae
praeerat Cluuius Rufus: in 68 the governors of the three provinces of
Roman Spain (Tarraconensis, Lusitania, Baetica) were Galba, Otho, and
an unknown (perhaps one of Galba's two victims in Spain (37.3n. occist . . . in
Hispania). 'T he singular of Hispania suggests that when Galba and Otho left
for Rome Cluvius Rufus (on whom see below) assumed the command of all
three provinces, as does a later allegation that the style ofthe edicts he signed
as governor betrayed a claim to 'control of the provinces of Spain' (2.65.1
possessio Hispaniarum). Spain remained under his authority through the reign
of Vitellius (76.1, 4.39.4, 2.97.1). T. does not mention the forces at the gov-
ernor's disposal (Galba's legio v1 and eventually x Gemina; Syme (1982b)
469); Cluvius did not use them (2.58.2—59.1). No new threat to imperial
stability would arise in Spain; later Vitellius affirmed Rufus’ position nulla
formudine (2.65.2). Cluuius Rufus: a former consul, he served as her-
ald for Nero's singing tours in Italy and Greece (Suet. Ner. 21.2, Dio 63.14.3;
PIR* c 1206). The date of his consulship is not known (but see Syme (1958)
293-4 and Townend (1961) 234—5). Subsequently he received a command
from Galba, praise from both Otho (76.1) and Helvidius Priscus (4.43.1),
 COMMENTARY: 8.1 115

vindication from Vitellius (2.65.2), and, apparently, a secure retirement

from Vespasian (Plin. Ep. 9.19.5 records an anecdote from the Flavian
period). Obsequiousness (2.65.1) and avoiding offence (4.43.1) seem to have
been his hallmarks. For his History, possibly among T.’s sources, see Intro.
§17. uir facundus et pacis artibus, bellis inexpertus ‘a man
of eloquence and civility but untried in war’. For Rufus’ speaking ability
cf. 4.43.1 eloquentia clarus, for his avoidance of military activity in this pe-
riod see 2.58.2—59.1. The description rests on a civihan~military antithesis
(cf. A. 13.2.1 diuersa arte ex aequo pollebant, Burrus militanbus cuns et seuentate
morum, Seneca praeceptis eloquentiae et comitate honesta), which suggests that fa-
cundus and pacis artibus, which are linked by et, are contrasted as a unit with
bellis inexpertus, which stands in asyndeton with the pair. For the combina-
tion of eloquence with other artes, particularly the ability to please, cf. the
description of Seneca quoted above, 2.5.1 aptior sermone, dispositu prouisuque
rerum ciutlium. peritus, and 3.10.3 et facundia aderat mulcendique uulgum artes et
auctortas, for Rufus' ability to please see 2.65.1. For artibus cf. A. 1.13.1
diuitem promptum, artibus egregiis. For the picture here (minus the eloquence)
cf. Agr. 16.3 Trebellius segnior et nullis castrorum experimentis, comitate quadam cu-
randi prouinciam tenuit. If one supplies, as Chilver, Heubner, and others do,
a notional exfertus from 1inexpertus ('eloquent and experienced in the arts
of peace, untried in war’), or, as Wellesley does, an actual <aptus>, facun-
dus 1s left dangling. proximae tamen Germanicis exercitibus
Galliarum ciuitates: cf. 11.2 ul cuique exercitut wicinae (sc. prouinciae).
super memoriam Vindicis: Galba’s contribution to Vindex’ cause
was limited (6.2n. oppnrimendis. .. coeptis, but as emperor Galba publicly
honoured Vindex' memory (Plut. G. 22.2), rewarded his partisans, and
punished his opponents (see below). super ‘over and above' (OLD 7) also
at 14.1 and 51.4. obligatae: sc. sunt. recenti dono Romanae
ciuitatis: the recipients are not known; it was certainly not all of Gaul,
as tribute was still being paid, albeit at a reduced rate (see below), and
the Lingones received citizenship from Otho after Galba's death (78.1n.).
Pliny records only a grant of Latn status to two Alpine tribes (Nat. 3.37).
Plutarch lists the concession of citizenship among the *moderate acts' of
Galba (G. 18.1) but it was at odds with normal Roman policy in Tres Galliae,
where only the citizens of Lugdunum (mod. Lyon) had full Roman
citizenship. The grants of both Galba and Otho were instances of a more
general pattern of extraordinary favours designed to attract thc support
of various provincial groups. In addition to the substantial benefactions
116 COMMENTARY: 8.1-8.2

listed here, Galba cancelled the trade tariffs for Gaul (see below) and
gave a consulship to a man from Vienne (65.1n. et Viennenses). Vitellius
married his daughter to a prominent senator from Vienne, Valerius
Asiaticus (59.2n.). Otho was even more generous with what T. calls his
largitio (78.1n.). Vespasian granted colonial status to the ciuttas-capital of
the Helvetn (68.2). in posterum tributi leuamento: tribute, paid
by all Gallic tribes since the reign of Tiberius, was reduced by a quarter
(51.4; cf. 4.57.2 infracta tnbuta). Galba also cancelled border tolls (Suet. Ves.
16.1 omissa sub Galba uectigalia; de Laet (1949) 170—3). Tribute, a monetary
symbol of subjugation, was still a grievance under Vespasian (4.17 .4, 4.26.1,
4.32.2, 4.64.1, 4.65.3), but rather than sacrifice income from this source
Vespasian relieved the Gauls of conscription: 4.71.2 recepta wuentute facthus
tnbuta tolerauere. 'T. puts a defence of tributum in the mouth of Vespasian's
general Ceraalis at 4.74.1—2. proximae tamen Germanicis ex-
ercitibus Galliarum ciuitates: the Treveri (of Trier, equidistant from
the legionary bases at Moguntiacum and Bonna) and the Lingones (of An-
demantunnum, mod. Langres, not adjacent to any base but evidently in
contact with the legions: 54.1n.) incite the Vitellians at 53.3; to these are
linked the Ubii of Cologne (Vitellius' base, 57.2). The Mediomatrici of
Metz (63.1) and the Leuci of Toul (64.1) also supported the forces gathering
against Galba. quaedam etiam finibus ademptis: cf. 53.3 damno
fimium. Suetonius (G. 12.1) also reports increased tribute, dismantled forti-
fications, and executions. pari dolore commoda aliena ac suas
iniurias metiebantur: rephrased at 54.1 modo suas inturias modo wuici-
narum ciutatlium praemia . . . conquerentes. dolore names the scale on which the
measure is taken, cf. Cic. Fin. 5.93 istt 1051 (sc. Efucuret) qui uoluptate et dolore
omnia mehuntur.
8.2 quod 'a circumstance that'; the antecedent is the main clause (NLS
8230.6); cf. 14.1 quod remedium unicum rebatur, 56.1 quod in seditionibus accidit.
tantis uiribus: seven legions were quartered along the Rhine at this date,
three in Upper Germany (one at Vindonissa, two at Moguntiacum), four
in Lower Germany (one each at Bonna and Novaesium, two at Vetera).
solliciti et irati: sc. erant. solliciti *anxious' is explained chiastically by
metu, irati by superbia. The state of mind is more fully described in 51.1—5.
superbia recentis uictoriae: cf. A. 14.38.3 superbia uictoris; here the gen.
does duty for a causal clause, producing uarzatio in the modifiers of the par-
allel abl. superbta and metu. T. is briefer and more abstract than Plutarch:
G. 18.3 *thinking themselves deserving of great rewards on account of the
 COMMENTARY: 8.2 117

battle they had fought against Vindex’. For their resentment of contumeliae
see 54.1. metu tamquam alias partes fouissent: for particulars
see 51.5. For tamquam ('on the grounds that' OLD ? b) after metus, expressing
past or present causes offear — a construction unique to T. — cf. 20.3 metus ini-
&um, tamquam . . . singuli pellerentur, 4.46.3 metus per omnes et praecipua Germanicai
militis formido tamquam . . . ad caedem destinaretur. tarde a Nerone desci-
uerant: the vagueness of tarde obstructs attempts to fix the chronology of
the second quarter of 68 (Murison (1993) 17—26) but should not obscure the
content of desciuerant: the German armies abandoned Nero while he was still
alive. (The point is reinforced by partes fouissent in the preceding sentence -
this cannot refer to support for Nero, their legitimate ruler.) Verginius Rufus,
the commander of the army of Upper Germany, was their initial candi-
date for replacing Nero. desciuerant reflects their rudderless predicament
after Verginius referred the choice of princeps to the Senate: they were de-
tached from Nero but lacked direction. Both here and at Plut. G. 6.3-4
the soldiers' choice is separated from that of their commander(;). nec
statim pro Galba Verginius: cf. 52.3 Verginit cunctationem. L. Verginius
Rufus was one of the many talented Italians who prospered in impenal ser-
vice. Born into an equestrian family from Transpadane Italy in Augustus’
last year (A.D. 13/4), he reached the consulship under Nero at the rela-
tively late age of forty-nine or fifty (cos. 63, A. 15.23.1; PIR v 284). In 68
he was in command of the three-legion army of Upper Germany and,
against Vindex, also of units from the Lower army and Gallic auxiliaries
(51.3, 53.2, 4.17.3; Murison (1993) 9 n. 25). Victorious, they offered to make
their commander emperor. The sources agree in placing the acclamation of
Verginius before Nero's death (Dio 63.25.1, Plut. G. 6.1, cf. Suet. JVer. 47.1,
with Murison (1993) 16-20). Verginius refused, and eventually accepted
Galba, the senate's choice, as his emperor. T. gave the eulogy at Verginius'
public funeral as consul in 97, but from the Histones’ fragmented account
of him in 68/9 no laudable picture emerges. See further Shotter (1967).
an imperare noluisset dubium: sc. erat. dubium challenges the report
of Pliny, Verginius’ ward and protégé (Ep. 2.1.2 noluisset). Only one of the
alternative questions implied here is expressed. In such constructions the
content of the other is usually obvious either from the context (cf. e.g. A.
15.04.1 incertum an ignarae (sc. an gnarae), A. 5.1.2 tncertum an inuitam (sc. an
uolentem). Here supply uoluisse. Dio 63.25.3 1s much fuller: *whether be-
cause he did not think it right that soldiers should confer imperial power
(for he said that this was the business of the senate and people) or because
 118 COMMENTARY: 8.2-9.1

he was entirely high-minded and had no need of the autocratic power that
other men did their all for’. delatum ei a milite imperium: sc.
esse. The first of at least two such abortive acclamations. T. reports another
after Otho's defeat at Bedriacum (2.51, cf. rroAAcoas 'often' at Plut. G. 6.1,
Dio 63.25.1. See further Levick (1985) 334-5). conueniebat 'it was
agreed’ OLD 7. Fonteium Capitonem occisum: sc. esse. 7.1 —2nn.
dux deerat: cf. 53.3 in Verginium fauor cuicumque alu profuturus. The situation
in Rome was comparable: 6.2 ut non in unum aliquem prono fauore. ab-
ducto Verginio per simulationem amicitiae: Verginius, replaced
by Hordeonius Flaccus in Upper Germany, travelled to Rome in Galba’s
entourage. No further military commands are attested for him. T’s ex-
pression, darker than Plutarch’s (G. 10.3 ‘turned back in Galba’s company
without receiving any indication of anger or esteem’), reflects the mood
of the soldiers (cf. indignabantur, and in suum crimen acciprebant). quem:
connecting relative (— et eum), a construction of which T. makes sparing use
in Book 1:: 22.2 e quibus, 24.2 quam, 25.1 a quo, 37.2 cutus, 52.3 e quibus, 65.1
unde. reum esse: an exaggerated reference to hostile reports made
by Fabius Valens (3.62.2 Vergintum . . . infamauit).
9.1 legatum Hordeonium Flaccum: Galba’s replacement for
Verginius Rufus; PIR? n 202. He retained his command under Vitellius
(2.57.1) and Vespasian (4.31.1). The failings listed here are amply docu-
mented in the narrative, where Flaccus is unable to impose his will on
his troops (54.2, 56.1, 4.19.2). He was, in T.s repeatedly expressed opin-
ion, compliant to a fault (4.19.2, 4.24.3, 4.25.1, 4.36.2). His change of
mind at 4.19.2 was disastrous to Roman resistance to Civilis and his poor
health encouraged him to delegate important commands to subordinates,
whose leadership and courage contrasted with his own segnitia and ignauza
(56.1, 4.19.2, cf. 4.18.1, 4.24.1, 4.25.4, 4.27.2). On top of all this, he was a
traitor to the emperor chosen by his own troops, encouraging Civilis’ de-
fection and thus aiding Vespasian (4.24.2, cf. 2.97.1, 4.13.3, 4.27.3, 5.26.3).
His troops followed his lead in taking the oath to Vespasian with obvi-
ous reluctance, and the donative he paid in Vespasian's name (but with
Vitellius' money) financed a night of celebration in which Flaccus was
dragged from his quarters and killed by his own men (4.31.2, 4.36.1—2).
The present passage suggests that the explanation for the whole shocking
story of Flaccus' behaviour in 69—70 lies in his character, stne constantia, sine
auctontate. In. Plutarch's account (G. 18.4) gout and inexperience explain
the legions' scorn for their commander, but T. would have known that a
governor of Germany was unlikely to have lacked experience of command.
 COMMENTARY: 9.1-9.2 119

On a possible background for Flaccus see D'Arms (1998). For a similarly

incompetent governor see 79.5 M. Aponius. debilitate pedum: pre-
sumably T. felt *gout' (podagra, cf. Plut. G. 18:4) unsuited to the dignity of
history — ne quieto quidem milite regimen: sc. ei erat. adeo
furentes .. . accendebantur: adeo 'all the more' (OLD 7) after a nega-
tive (ne. . . quidem) is a form of antithesis favoured only by T. and the elder
Pliny (7LL s.v. 607.45—67). The inconcinnity of the phrases forming the
antithesis here (quieto milite~ furentes) makes this the most difficult exam-
ple in T. inferioris Germaniae legiones: 55.2nn. À. Vitel-
lius: born in either A.D. 12 (3.86.1, Suet. Vit. 18) or 15 (Suet. Vit. 5, Dio
65.22), as a youth one of Tiberius' ill-famed companions on Capri (Suet.
Vit. 3.2; cf. Dio 64.4.2); he later made himself agreeable to Caligula (via
chariot-driving), Claudius (via gambling), and Nero (in connection .with
his singing, all in Suet. Vit. 4), and to Galba's associate T. Vinius (as a
fan of the same racing team, Suet. Vit. 7.1; PIR v 499). His first con-
sulship came early (cos. 48), in the year following his father's third. He
later filled his deceased father's spot as one of the Arval Brethren. His
success was variously ascribed to his father's influence (3.86.1) or to sex-
ual favours (Suet. Vit. 3.2). Before being chosen by Galba for Lower
Germany he spent two years in Africa, one as governor, one as legate
during his brother's governorship, and held the office of curator operum pub-
licorum (Suet. Vit. 5; for his brother see 88.1 n.). Suetonius reports that his
appointment to Germany was a surprise, and was motivated by Galba's
belief that a man who spent all his time thinking about eating would pose
no threat to his own position (Vit. 7.1). T., whose portrait of Vitellius is
equally, but differently, negative, credits him with the virtues of simplia-
tas and überalitas (3.86.1—2). See further 52.4n. segne tngenium and Engel.
censoris Vitellii ac ter consulis: Vitellius' father had an exceptional
CUTSUS: COS. 34, COS. iterum 43, COS. III 47, censor 47—8; PIR v 500; see also
App. 1.
9.2 in Britannico exercitu nihil irarum: Britain itsclf saw no
action in the civil war (6onn.) but its legions — 11 Augusta, ix Hispana, xx Valeria
(3.22.2) — sent detachments to Nero (6.2) and Vitellius (2.57.2, 2.100.1,
cf. 4.46.2). seu quia procul et Oceano diuisae, seu crebris
expeditionibus doctae hostem potius odisse: cf. 2.32.1 Bntannicum
militem hoste et man distinen, 3.2.2 Bntanniam freto dinmi, Agr. 16.3 assuetus
expeditionibus miles (sc. Bnitannicus). With procul read erant. Oceano is abl. of
means; cf. A. 2.43.1 prouinciae quae man diuiderentur. For the uanatwo of causal
clause - predicatc adj. see Sórbom (1935) 115.
 120 COMMENTARY: 9.3-10.1

9.3 quies et Illyrico: sc. erat. lllyrico

is dat.; cf. 60 quies proutnaae. .
mansit. quamquam...adissent: in Book1 T. uses quamquam once
with the indicative (this was the construction used by authors before Livy),
once with the subj. (the construction common, though not exclusive, in
Livy and T.), and often with the verb in ellipsis (14.1, 43.1n.). exci-
tae a Nerone legiones: the provinces of the area called Illyricum were
garrisoned as follows: Pannonia with vii Galbiana, xit Gemina, xiv. Gemina
Martia Victnx, Dalmatia with x1 Claudia, Moesia with m Gallica, v Claudia,
vii Augusta. Vexillations dispatched from lllyricum for Nero’s Caspian war
had been recalled to face Vindex and were apparently in Rome in early
January (6.2, 31.3). quod: 8.2n. nec uitiis nec uiribus misce-
bantur 'they shared with one another neither their weaknesses nor their
strength', implicitly contrasting these legions with those of Germany, where
both Vetera and Moguntiacum housed two legions. For a similar syllepsis
cf. Agr. 25.1 mixti copus et laetita. The alliterative pair uttits-utribus (abl. of
respect) is a variation on the more common antithesis ut£&ia ac utrtutes (5.2,
30.1, 49.2, 52.2, 71.I, etc.).
I0.1 Oriens adhuc immotus: sc. erat. The hghtly garrisoned
provinces ofthe area are not mentioned in the survey: Galatia, Cappadocia,
perhaps Lycia-Pamphylia; these lay on or near Mucianus' route to Italy
(.Jos. B7 4.632). See also 11.3n. inermes prouinciae. Syriam et quat-
tuor legiones: on 1 January there were in fact only three legions in Syria
(rv Scythica, v1 Ferrata, xu Fulminata). T he fourth, i Galliza, had been trans-
ferred to Moesia, but Mucianus reckoned on its continued loyalty (2.74.1
suam numerabat), correctly (2.85.1); its legate was unchanged (79.5n. Fuluus
Aurelius). Licinius Mucianus: despite Mucianus' notoriety, little i5
known about his family and early career: PIR* L 216. He governed the
province of Lycia under Nero (Plin. Nat. 12.10, 13.88) and held a suffect
consulship some time before his appointment in 68 to the heavily gar-
risoned province of Syria. Under Vespasian he served two further suffect
consulships in 70 and 72. His death seems to fall between 75 (the dramatic
date of D., in which he is alive: 37.2) and 77 or 78, when Pliny was writing
Book 32 of Nat. (32.62). In the extant books of H. he is an effective ad-
ministrator and regent (3.66.3 spectmen partium Mucanus, cf. 2.76—7, 2.83.1,
4.46.2—4, Dio 66.2). His tactics, however, are frighteningly unscrupulous:
confiscations (2.84.1), secret letters (3.52.2—3, 4.80.2, cf. 3.53.3), murders
(4.11.2, 4.49.2—4, 4.80.1). Such actions contributed to his reputation for
arrogance (2.5.1 cuncta priuatum modum supergressa, 4.4.1, 4.80.1). T. does not
 COMMENTARY: 10.1-10.2 121

allude to the charge of effeminate sexuality (Suet. Ves. 13 tmpudicitia; see

below on n:mae uoluptates) or to the most famous of Mucianus' writings,
the collection of mirabilta mined by Pliny for .Nat. (e.g. 12.10, 13.88). He
does, however, mention Mucianus’ collection of the Acta (eleven books) and
Efistulae (three books) of prominent figures from the Republic (D. 37.2). See
further 76.2. For Mucianus' origin see Syme (1958) App. 85. secundis
aduersisque iuxta famosus ‘equally notorious in success and failure’
(Martin (1981) 217); cf. Plin. Ep. 4.9.1 aduersis suts clarus. The abls. indicate
that famosus is used in malam partem; cf. A. 3.7.2 famosam ueneficis Martinam,
and A. 6.30.1 Seruiltus Corneliusque perdito Scauro famosi. attritis opibus:
for the metaphor cf. Sal. fug. 5.4 Hannibal. . . Italiae opes maxume attriuerat and
89.2 plebem . . attriuerat. in secretum Asiae sepositus: for sepono
of informal exile cf. 13.3 seposuit and A. 4.44.3 hunc.. . seposuit Augustus in
auttatem Massilensem, ubi specie studiorum nomen exilii tegeretur. prope ab
'near' OLD 1b; for Mucianus' later position cf. 2.83.1 socium magis imperu
quam ministrum agens.
10.2 luxuria industria, comitate arrogantia, malis bonisque
artibus mixtus: sc. est. For the contrasts cf. A. 4.1.3 ilh.. . tuxta adula-
&o et superbia . . modo largitio et. luxus, saefnus industria ac uwgilantia; like this
description of Sejanus, that of Mucianus harks back to Sallust's characteri-
zation of Catiline (see M-W on A. 4.1.3, and on uanis illecebns potens below).
For the source abl. with misceo (‘produce by mixing’ OLD 2) cf. Agr. 4.2
locum Graeca comitate et prouinciali parsimonia mixtum. The balance between
energy and laxity that characterizes Mucianus contrasts with the (exces-
sive) vigour of Galba's associate, T. Vinius, in whom virtues and vices were
likewise mixed (48.4). nimiae uoluptates: sc. ei erant. None is men-
tioned in the extant books, which cover the period of Mucianus' greatest
activity. Suetonius reports his reputation for impudicitia; a quip attributed
to Vespasian ('ego lamen utr sum') suggests that effeminacy is meant (Suet.
Ves. 13). The asymmetry of the ad). in the antithesis (nimiae~ magnae) reflects
the Roman attitude towards pleasure: uoluptas was inherently excessive.
cum uacaret; quotiens expedierat: for the uariatio of conjunction
and mood cf. A. 1.44.5 si.. . approbauerant. . . ubi . . . obiectauissent. From the
antithesis Chilver infers that expedierat does not have its ordinary impersonal
construction ('it was advantageous") but means rather *was on campaign'
(as at 88.1 expedire), but in antithesis uacare is usually paired with a general,
not a specific, term for activity (e.g. Sen. Dral. 4.13.2 uacat pudicitia, libido occu-
patissima est, Sen. E. 49.9 non uaco ad istas ineptias; ingens negotium in manibus est,
122 COMMENTARY: 10.2-10.3

etc.) and Mucianus’ utrtutes were not in fact limited to the military sphere.
To the familiar contrast between inactivity and activity T. has added the
idea of activity's potential for profit. His antithesis elides the middle term
(activity). palam laudares, secreta male audiebant 'in public
you would praise him but his private life was criticized'; similar in expres-
sion to 64.4 secretis eum criminahionibus tnfamauerat. Fabius ignarum, et. . . balam
laudatum, but here with the double antithesis complicated by the change of
mood and subject and the vanation palam~ secreta. The potential subj. of
laudares stimulates (and directs) the reader's moral judgment (cf. 45.1 ahum
crederes senatum, alium populum, 57.1 scires tllum. . . non penes rem publicam fuisse;
for further examples and discussion see Gilmartin (1975) and Kenney (1990)
ad Apul. Met. 5.1.3). The non-personal subject of male audiebantis unusual but
not unprecedented (cf. Ov. 7r. 5.11.3 mea. . . fortuna male audi). Past editors
have argued for a precise antithesis between falam and secreta by assuming
that palam = palam facta (thus Valmaggi, Heubner, Alford, Chilver, the last
with reservations), but for this assumption no parallel has been found in T.,
bold as he is with this adverb (Goodyear (1972) on A. 1.3.3), or elsewhere.
Emendation has not been attempted since the antitheses protect the text; it
seems better to assume that in this condensation of material T. has allowed
himself to merge the concepts of public deeds and public praise. That is,
one need not assume that palam = palam facta but should rather infer from
palam laudares that the object of public praise is Mucianus' public record.
For his secreta see above on ntmtae uoluptates. uariis illecebris potens,
et cui expeditius fuerit tradere imperium quam obtinere: with
potens read erat. 'The primary sequence of fuenrit reflects the author's over-
all judgment of a character: A. 2.88.2 liberator haud dubie Germaniae et qui
non primordia populs Romani . . . sed florentissimum impenum lacessierit, an obituary.
Power gained via illecebrae is a feature of Catiline’s characterization in both
Cicero (Cat. 2.8) and Sallust (Cat. 14.4, 16.1, with details at 14.6: to some as-
sociates he provided women, for others he bought dogs and horses, etc.) but
elsewhere it is attributed principally to women (Caecil. 234—6 Ribbeck? is-
tam 1n uicinitatem le meretriciam cur contulisti? cur illecebris cognitis non . . . refugisti?,
Virg. G. 3.217 dulcibus. . . illecebris tuuencae, 'Tac. A. 14.2.1 muliebres illecebras,
A. 12.3.1 Agnippinae illecebris). Mucianus' technique is not illustrated in the
extant books.
10.3 bellum Iudaicum: Josephus places the outbreak of this war for
independence in May 66 (Bf 2.284, cf. Suet. Ves. 4.5). By 69 the prin-
cipal task remaining was the capture of Jerusalem (2.4.3). Flauius
 COMMENTARY: 10.3-11.1 123

Vespasianus: the future Imperator Caesar Vespasianus Augustus, born

T. Flavius Vespasianus (PIR? r 398). For his background and early career
see Suet. les. 1—4.4. His virtues, according to T., were those of the typical utr
militans, his principal fault auaritia (2.5.1; 50.4n. ambigua. . . fama). T his first
mention of the man who will be the focus of ten years of the Histories' narra-
tive is very bricf; his partner, Mucianus, receives more attention in the extant
books (Syme (1958) 195). nec...aduersus Galbam uotum aut
animus: sc. erat ‘toward Galba neither his wish nor his attitude was
hostile’. suo loco: H. 2.1-3. occulta fati...destinatum...
imperium: with destinatum read esse. For the uariatio substantive ~ acc. +
inf. in the objects of credidimus see Sorbom (1935) 111. ostentis ac
responsis: ostenta are signs, responsa oracular responses; cf. Agr. 13.5 mon-
stratus fatis Vespasianus. Flavian propaganda was effective in getting both
into the historical record: 2.4.2, 2.78.2—4, 4.81-2, 5.13.1, Suet. Ves. 5.2—7,
7.1—3. post fortunam: fortuna is a brief and abstract reference to the
possession of imperial power, eliding the complicated and messy business
whereby it was acquired (for Vitellius see 62.2 and 77.1). For post cf. Sal. fug
5.4 post magnitudinem nominis Romani. credidimus: for the ‘associative
we' marking collective connivance in the evils of the imperial system cf. Agr.
2.3, 45.1 and see Sinclair (1995) 53—62.
II.I Copiasque quibus coerceretur: two legions, ii Cyrenaica and
xx11 Deotanana, and auxihary units, amounting to some 17,000—18,000
men (CAH? x 687, Lewis (1983) 19—20). coercere is used frequently for a
government’s control of its citizens' excesses (e.g. 35.2, 89.2) but rarely of
the control of territory (A. 4.5.2 cetera Áfricae per duas legiones barique numero
Aegyptus. . . coercita, elsewhere only at Ov. Pont. 3.3.61 sic regat imperium ter-
rasque coerceat omnes). loco regum ‘in place of the pharaohs' OLD 20
s.v. locus; cf. Strabo 17.797 'the prefect has the position of the pharaoh'.
uisum: sc. est. aditu difficilem: cf. B. Alex. 26.2 tota Aegyptus ma-
ritimo accessu Pharo, bedestri Pelusio, uelut claustris muntta existimatur. super-
stitione ac lasciuia discordem et mobilem: Egyptian superstitio and
an instance of the resulting social discord form the subject of Juvenal Sat.
15; see Courtney (1980) ad 15.2-12 for the poem's historicity. insciam
legum, ignarum magistratuum: magistrates and laws defined a free
state for the Romans; T. may be elaborating on Polybius’ first-hand assess-
ment of the native population as 'quick to anger and apolitical’ (6§U kai
&rroAtTiKÓv, quoted by Strabo 17.797). Egypt was never free on the Roman
definition but it was not without laws and an elaborate administrative
124 COMMENTARY: 11.1-11.2

structure (Lewis (1983) 156-95, CAH? x 684-—6). domui 'under the

control of the impenial house’ (Ricklefs, Halm: dom: MSS); possession indi-
cated by the loc. domi is concrete (e.g. domi habutstt pecuniam) not metaphor-
ical (7LL s.v. 1956.71—1957.4). regebat tum Tiberius Alexander,
eiusdem nationis: Tiberius Julius Alexander (PIR? 1 139) was born in
Alexandria but with the label 'Egyptian' (etusdem nationis) T. short-changes
him. He was a member of a prominent Jewish family of Alexandria; for
T.s hostiity to his Jewish material sec Syme (1958) 467—9, 530; contra,
Feldman. He pursued an equestrian career, necessarily abandoning Jewish
observances to do so ( Jos. 47 20.100). Offices are attested for him under
Claudius, Nero, Galba, and Vespasian. As prefect of Egypt in 68-9 he was
naturally sought as a supporter by the imperial contenders. His choices
were prudent: after Nero's suicide he issued an edict proclaiming Galba
‘benefactor of all races of humankind’ (6 July 68; OGI 669, lines 7 and 66;
for text see Evelyn White and Oliver (1938) 23 -44, for discussion Chalon
(1964) 43—52, 78-88), in the struggle between Vitellius and Vespasian he
backed East against West. He gave Vespasian his first public show of sup-
port by administering to the troops of Alexandria an oath of loyalty to
Vespasian on 1 July 69, a date that became the official beginning of the
Flavian era. In January of 69 he was still loyal to Galba (P Oxy. 899, line
28). For his early discussions with Vespasian see 2.74.1, Jos. B7 4.616-19.
11.2 África ac legiones in ea...contenta: sc. erat. On 1 January
Africa had one ofhcial legion, 111 Augusta, and one legion in limbo, 1 Macnana
(raised by Clodius Macer, disbanded by Galba, soon to be reconstituted
by Vitellius (2.97.2); 7.1n. Clodi Macn). The compound subject shows the
same juxtaposition as the items immediately preceding it in T.’s list: Synam et
quattuor legwnes (10.1), bellum ludatcum. . . tribus legionibus (10.3), and Aegyptum
coprasque (11.1), all of which emphasize the political clout of the military
in 68-9. Here a prepositional phrase is dependent directly on the noun,
a construction that serves the twin goals of uanatio and brewvity. contenta
agrees with the more general member of the compound subject rather
than the nearer one (K-S 815e). See Chilver for objections to the Latinity.
interfecto Clodio Macro: 7 .1n. duae Mauretaniae: Tingitana
and Caesariensis, garrisoned by nineteen cohorts and five alae (2.58.1); for
subsequent disturbances see 2.58—9. Raetia, Noricum, Thracia:
Raetia bordered the Rhine military zone and supported Vitellius (59.2n.
Raeticis copiis); its neighbour across the river Inn, Noricum, aligned itself
with the legions of Illyricum in support of first Otho then Vespasian (70.2n.
JNoncum). Thrace, lying to the east of Illyricum, is not mentioned in the
 COMMENTARY: 11.2-3; 12-20 125

narrative but will have had its course decided late in 69, when Mucianus
marched his forces through en route from Syria to Italy (Wellesley (1972)
211 —15). quae aliae procuratoribus cohibentur: procuratorial
provinces appearing in the narrative are Corsica, where loyalty was de-
termined by the proximity of Otho's fleet (2.16.1—3; when the procurator
Decumius Picarius flouted provincial opinion and based policy on his an-
tipathy to Otho he paid with his life), and Alpes Maritimae, where the
procurator, Marius Maturus, was steadfastly loyal to Vitellius (3.42.1). The
remaining two, the other Alpine provinces, lay on or close to Valens' path
to Italy and Valens made a point of demonstrating the penalty for non-
compliance (61.1, 63.1). colibere 1s not elsewhere used of civil government.
ut cuique exercitui uicinae: sc. erant; for the persuasiveness of proxim-
ity cf. 64.1, 76.1.
II.5 inermes prouinciae: T. has mentioned the principal provinces
ruled by imperial legates and procurators and the special cases of
Judaea, Egypt, and Africa; remaining are the legionless provinces:
Sicily, Sardinia, Narbonensis, Macedonia, Achaea, Asia, Bithynia/Pontus,
Cyprus, Crete/Cyrene (4.45.2). They are explicitly dismissed at 2.81.2.
cuicumque seruitio exposita 'available for the service of cach and ev-
ery (master)'. For subjection to an emperor not of one's choosing as seruitium
CÍ. 2.6.2 ne penes ceteros imperii praemia, penes ipsos lantum seruttit necessitas esset,
fremere miles, 4.2.2 ciuitas pauida et seruitio parata. 'The modifier here indicates
the master, as at 4.54.1 Vitellianae legiones uel externum seruitium quam imperatorem
Vespasianum malle. in pretium belli cessurae erant ‘would become
a prize of the war’; cedere 'turn into' OLD 17. For the idea cf. 70.3 .Noricos
in cería uictonae praemia cessuros, 3.64.1 omnia prona uictonbus, 4.76.1 Gallos quid
aliud quam praedam uictoribus? and A. 15.45.1 inque eam praedam etiam di cessere,
spoliatis in urbe templis. Seruius Galba iterum Titus Vinius con-
sules: cf. 1.1 2ntttum mthi operis Seruius Galba iterum Titus Vinius consules erunt.
The repetition signals the end of the preliminaries. For the structural de-
vice cf. the repetition Sallust uses to end the first digression in the Bellum
Catilinae: 14.1 :n tanta tamque corrupta cuitate Catlina — 5.8 incitabant praeterea
corrupti ciuitatis mores.

12—20 Galba’s acta

After reviewing Galba’s gradual loss of favour in Rome and the potential
for turbulence in the provinces, T. allots chh. 12—20 to Galba’s efforts to
shore up his position. Principal among these was the adoption of a son
126 COMMENTARY: 12-20; 12.1

to succeed him (chh. 12-19), but financial and disciplinary measures also
appear (ch. 20). Throughout this section T.’s material is fuller, more ac-
curate, and more richly elaborated than that in the parallel sources, with
the exception of details dear to biographers. The disciplinary measure with
which T. concludes, involving the praetorians, provides an easy transition to
the following section on the origins of Otho's praetorian-backed coup (chh.
21—6). For the narrative proper, which begins here, T. uses a style much
less abrupt than that of the summary. The composition of this section is
discussed in Morgan (1993d).

12.1 paucis post kalendas Ianuarias diebus: ninc events are dated
precisely in Book 1, more than in any other of T.’s books. All but the last (90.1,
14 March) occur during the period 1 -15 January, which is covered by simul-
taneous narratives, one set in Rome (12—47), the other on the Rhine (51 -63).
Pompei Propinqui procuratoris: only here. Loyal to Galba, he was
murdered by Vitelhans (58.1), whom the governor of his province sup-
ported (59.2n. Valenus Asiaticus). For the responsibilities of his post, which
T.’s father might have held earlier (Plin. Nat. 7.76), see Drinkwater (1983)
98-102. litterae afferuntur: later in the year a Vitelhan gover-
nor writes to Vitellius about the defection of a legion to Vespasian, and
saves his skin by joining them (2.96.1; see 79.5n. M. Apontus). rupta
sacramenti reuerentia: reuerentia functions as a kind of ethical brake,
blocking actions that an individual or group is otherwise eager for: reue-
rentia matrs keeps Nero from indulging passions (A. 14.13.2), reuerentia ducts
keeps Vitellians from changing sides (/7. 3.41.2), reuerentia foederis keeps the
Parthian king Vologaeses from avenging a Roman insult (4. 15.1.1). In
adapting the common phrase rumpere foedus (TLL s.v. foedus 1007.32—9) by
applying rufta instead to the abstract noun reuerentia T. refers the particular
act of breaking an oath to a more general ethical collapse (55.4n. reueren-
ttam impenri exuere). Suetonius uses a similar expression of this same event:
G. 16.2 obsequium rumpere. Plutarch uses the idea in a speech (G. 22.4): 'It
is as though we were averse, not to Galba, but to all rule and obedience’;
for displacements of source material see App. 4. arbitrium eligendi
'the decision of the choice’. For the idea cf. Liv. 43.15.5 praetores consulis in
eligendo arbitrium fecerunt, where the praetors allow a consul to decide the
choice of legions for his command. For the objective gen. cf. Liv. 4.7.6 arbi-
trtum . . . senatui leuandae tmiuriae permittant. In contrast to the parallel tradition,
T. hasthelegions of Upper Germany echo the 'constitutionalist' line oftheir
 COMMENTARY: 12.1-12.3 127

former commander, Verginius Rufus (Plut. G. 6.2 ‘Verginius. . . declared

that he would neither assume the impenal power himself nor allow
it to be given to anyone else whom the senate did not elect’; 8.2n.
an...dubium).
12.2 maturauit 'brought to fruition' OLD 1c; for the metaphor cf.
D. 3.3 maturare libri huius editionem festino. iam pridem... agitan-
tis ‘deliberating for some time’ OLD 18c. tota ciuitate: locative abl.
(NLS 851ii). sermo: e.g. the rumours about the adoption of Titus
reported at 2.1.1. licentia ac libidine...dein fessa iam aetate
Galbae: causal abl., licentia and libidine being internal to the notional sub-
Ject, the populace, aetate external. Setting the two types in parallel makes
the explanation compact (cf. the much longer description of Augustus’ de-
cline and the hopes it raised at A. 1.4.2). T. follows poetic usage in applying
fessus to abstractions (aetas 3.67.1, A. 1.46.3, 3.59.4, 14.33.1, 15.38.4; res A.
15.50.1; timperium À. 11.24.3; cf. Virg. Aen. 2.596 fessum aetate parentem, Sen.
H.F. 1250 and Ph. 267 anni fessi, Luc. 2.128 fessa senectus). When used with
nouns meaning 'age', a Virgilian innovation, fessus 'has a strong emotive
force, with overtones of compassion for the helplessness of age' (Miller
(1987b) 94).
I2.3 paucis: sc. erat. stulta implies misguided expectations: 74.1
stulla. . . stmulatione, 3.54.1 . stulta dissimulattone, A. 4.52.2 sola exitit causa. sit,
quod Agnpfnnam stulte . . ad cultum delegent. prout quis amicus uel
cliens: sc. erat faccording as he was anyone’s friend or dependant’. guis =
quibus, plural in preparation for hunc uel illum. Exemplified in the as-
trologer Ptolemaeus at 22.2. ambitiosis ‘self-serving’ (OLD 2) stands
in antithesis to both ra publicae amor and in T. Vini odium; for the former
cf. 19.1 multi. .. pnuatas spes agitantes sine publica cura. Sórbom (1935) cites
no parallels for the uanatio adj. ~ in + acc. of purpose. destinabant
‘marked out’ OLD 7. odium: for the uanatio with the causal abl. (spe)
cf. 72.2 clementia. . . effugium, 76.1 fides. . . necessitate, 76.2. studio. . . momentum.
eodem actu ‘with the same force’, the most innovative of T.’s several
variations in the correlative pair quanto. .. tanto (cf. 88.2n. quanto), is not
found elsewhere. hiantes. . . cupiditates: cf. Sen. Ben. 7.26.3 as-
pice quemadmodum. . . hominum cupnditates hient. The verb hiare, apt for satire
(Hor. Sat. 1.2.88 emptorem . . . hantem, 2.5.56 coruum (i.e. captatorem) . . . huantem,
Pers. 5.176 ducit. hiantem . cretata ambit), appears in a similar context of
imperial profit-sharing at 3.55.2 uulgus ad magnitudinem beneficiorum hiabat.
ipsa Galbae facilitas: 49.3n. amtcorum. . . ignarus.
128 LONMMENIAKY: 15.1

I3.1 potentia principatus: 'the real power of the throne' (Fyfe); cf.
Plut. G. 20.4 'for these were the most powerful (&v 5uváue uóicoTa) of
those at court’. Another parallel text, Suet. G. 14 regebatur trium arbitrio, sug-
gests 'over the princeps as the meaning of the gen., but the reference to
the offices held by Vinius and Laco and the parallel situations reported
for Otho (e.g. 2.39.1 honor tmperit penes Tihianum fratrem, uts ac potestas benes
Proculum praefectum) and Vitellius (13.2n. discordes) makes ‘of the regime’ or
even ‘in the government’ more likely. Plutarch has a similar charge in his
Nymphidius Sabinus narrative (G. 13.2) and again in his obituary for Galba
(G. 29.4). diuisa: sc. est. nec minor gratia: sc. erat. Icelo
Galbae liberto: imprisoned by Nero at the outbreak of Vindex' rebel-
lion, in June of 68 Icelus was viewed as the new emperor's man-on-the-spot
for instructions about the disposal of Nero’s corpse (Suet. Ner. 49.4; PIR?
1 16). He made the Rome to Clunia journey to inform Galba of Nero's
suicide in a remarkable seven days (Plut. G. 7, Suet. G. 22; Murison (1993)
27). Galba's favour (to which Suetonius ascribes a sexual origin: G. 22)
won Icelus equestrian rank (see below). For T. there was an inverse relation
between the influence of freedmen and the ibertas of the traditional rul-
ing classes (76.3n. nam . . . faciuni). anulis donatum: the (right to wear
gold) rings marks membership in the ordo equester (for the plural anuli see
Nutting (1928)). Since equestrian status required free birth going back two
generations, this privilege effectively erased Icelus' servile past. T. refuses to
endorse the erasure: when the fiction of free birth by imperial fiat has lost its
effectiveness with Galba's death and Icelus is executed ut libertus, T. gives the
man his servile name along with his *equestrian' cognomen (46.5 Marcianus
Icelus). 'T. registers inflation in this particular form of flattery with two par-
allel episodes. At 2.57.3 Vitellius' soldiers themselves urge Vitellius to make
a freedman a Roman knight and at 4.39.1 the senate bestows equestrian
rank unasked on Vespasian's freedman Hormus. equestri nomine:
‘Marcianus’, a name proclaiming afhliation with the gens Marcia, did not
of itself indicate equestrian status; rather, when substituted for ‘Icelus’ (Plut.
G. 7.3) it removed the allusion to a servile or non-citizen past that could
be read into a foreign cognomen. Parallels cited by Kajanto (1965) 34—5
and Weaver (1972) go—2 suggest that ‘Marcianus’, if it was not simply an
arbitrary choice, was derived from a previous owner's name. uocita-
bant: unspecified 'they' as subject of verb of naming is a common usage
(e.g. Agr. 10.4 tnsulas quas Orcadas uocant; À. 3.43.2 cruppellarios uocant; K-S
89c). In its other two occurrences in T. uocttare also has a sarcastic edge:
 COMMENTARY: 13.1-13.2 129

D. 17.6 (on improper labelling) antiquos ac ueteres uocitetis oratores and H. 5.2.1
(on an unconvincing etymology) accolas Idaeos aucto in barbarum cognomento
ludaeos uocitan. hi indicates change of subject from ‘they’ (indefinite) to
"Vinius, Laco, and Icelus'. discordes: cf. 2.92.1 wter discordes Vitelho
nihil auctontatis. sibi quisque 'cach one for himself'. For the singular
distributive pronoun with a plural antecedent (4&GG 5917e) cf. 82.2allocut
sunt. . . praefecti ex suo quisque ingento mitius aut horridwus. circa ‘in connec-
tion with' OLD 9; the meaning is first common in the elder Pliny (7LL s.v.
1093.69—1095.31). scindebantur ‘were split’ OLD 6; the metaphor 1s
first found at Virg. Aen. 2.39 scinditur incertum studia in contrana uulgus.
13.2 Vinius pro M. Othone sc. erat, cf. 2.86.4 utraque legio pro
Othone. . . fuerat. 'The praenomen marks this as the first reference to Otho,
who was omitted from the retrospective, and is even here subordinated
to Vinius. M. Othone: M. Salvius Otho, the short-lived emperor,
was born in 32 into a family whose fortunes had risen rapidly under the
principate: his great-grandfather was an eques in Etruria, his grandfather a
praetorian senator under the patronage of Livia, his father a suffect con-
sul loved by Tiberius, maintained by Gaius, and given patrician status by
Claudius (2.50.1, Suet. O. 1.1—3; PIR s 109). Once Otho made Nero's ac-
quaintance (which, according to Suetonius, he managed by means of an
affair with an unattractive imperial freedwoman: O. 2.2), he was well suited
by age and character to keep company with the heir apparent (b. 37; see
13.3nn. petulanter and aemulatione luxus and 22.1n. mollis). Famiharity was
established by 55 (4. 13.12.1). By 57 Otho had followed his father and elder
brother (on whom see 75.2n.) into the college of Arval Brethren (CIL vi
2039 — Smallwood (1967) 19). The date of his quaestorship is not known
(he would have been twenty-five in 57; see Murison (1991 b) 97—8). After his
marriage with Poppaea Sabina (13.3n.) he spent ten years as Nero's legate
in Lusitania (59—68; 13.3n. seposuit), which he governed in such a way as
to yield no unfavourable report (13.4). Lusitania provided a convenient
springboard for joining Galba (13.4n. primus. . . transgressus). non tam
unum aliquem conveys the in-fighting among Galba's courtiers better
than a named alternative would have done. For the expression cf. 6.2 non
in unum aliquem prono fauore, 82.1 neminem unum destinare irae poterant. The only
known adoption candidate other than Otho and Galba’s eventual choice
Piso Licinianus (who may have had Laco's support: 14.1n. swe. . Lacone
wnstante) is Cornelius Dolabella (88.1n.). neque erat Galbae
ignota . . . amicitia: both had connections with Tigellinus (72.2n.; see
130 COMMENTARY: 13.2-13.3

also 24.1n. Maeutus Pudens). T. uses the internal deliberauons of Galba

(here and with curam subisse) as a hook on which to hang information
necessary to the narrative (the amicitia and material introduced by namque
below), creating a tight narrative flow. The same procedure is used in
13.4, where Otho's growing expectations (spem...rapiebat) give occasion
for mentioning his supporters ( fauentibus plensque militum, prona. . . aula).
rumoribus.. . transmittentium: cf. 22.2 rumore... computantum and
4.2n. primo gaudentium tmpetu. quia Vinio: sc. verat. uidua filia:
Vinia Crispina, whose filial piety is recorded at 47.2. In the days of his
power Tigellinus had saved her from Nero (72.2n.). uidua may mean ei-
ther ‘lacking a husband' or *widowed' OLD 1 -2; no husband is on record
(Raepsaet-Charlier (1987) #807). gener ac socer: a famous com-
bination since Catul. 29.24 socer generque perdidistis omnia, where it neatly
captures the tension between personal alliance and political strife that en-
meshed Pompey and Caesar in the 50s B.c. (for parallels see 7LL s.v. gener
1770.47 —68). destinabantur: 12.3n. For the predicate nom. cf. 21.1
qui proximus destinaretur, for the abl. cf. 12.3 hunc uel illum ambitiosis rumoribus
destinabant. Where T. has rumours, Plutarch has assertion: G. 21.1 ‘It had
been agreed that Otho should marry her when he had been adopted by
Galba and declared his successor.' For the role of rumour see recently
Gibson ((1998) with bibliography). rei publicae curam subisse:
sc. Galbam; cf. 2.70.3 erant quos uaria sors rerum lacrimaeque et misericordia subiret
and A. 11.28.2 subibat. . . metus reputantes hebetem (sc. esse) Claudium; for the
omitted object cf. Agr. 3.1 subit (sc. nos) . . . ipstus inertiae dulcedo, Á. 2.2.2 mox
subut pudor (sc. barbaros), and A. 3.31.3 subit recordatio (sc. uictores). See also
37.3n. horror animum subit. 'T.'s version is shorter and more abstract than
Plut. G. 21.1 '*putting the common good above his own' Trpó ToU l6íou TO
Koivóv TiO£usvos. translatae: an explanatory participle ('since ...")
added when the syntax of its substantive, ret publicae, was already complete,
it acquires a conditional nuance (*would have been transferred") from the
following s.
13.3 incuriose ‘heedlessly’; in T. (for whom :ncuriose and incurtosus re-
place the classical pair neglegenter and neglegens: the former eighteen times in
T., never in Cic., the latter twice in T., thirty-three times in Cic.; cf. Liv.
27 .8.5 adulescentiam neglegentem luxuriosamque) often of soldiers who have aban-
doned routine: 79.1, 2.88.2, 3.6.3, 5.22.1, A. 4.45.1. Itis first found in Sallust
(Hist. fr. 2.42 Octauius langutde et incuriose fuit, 4.36 infrequentem stationem nos-
tram incunosamque tum ab armis), but its frequency in Gellius (thirteen times)
 COMMENTARY: 13.3 131

suggests a Catonian original. Certainly a censorious tone is appropriate

here and elsewhere in T. (in Book 1, 34.2, 49.3, 79.1, cf. Agr. 1.1 tncunosa
suorum aetas). petulanter ‘wildly’. In T. petulantia signifies aggression
that falls short of dangerous: 2.27.2, 3.11.3, 3.32.2, 4.1.3, Agr. 16.4. A detail
from Suetonius (O. 2.1): prowling through the streets of Rome by night
Otho (and presumably a band of other petulanter agentes) would humiliate
weak souls and lonely inebriates by tossing them in a cloak. ae-
mulatione luxus: T.'s severely abstract expression eschews the sillinesses
reported by Pliny (Nat. 13.22 Nero learned to perfume the soles of his feet
from Otho) and Plutarch (G.19.3 Otho dispensed perfume from gold and
silver pipes, Nero merely sprinked it). Even in Otho's obituary T. gives no
details (2.50.1). luxuna is one of the two causes for Nero's downfall identified
in Galba’s speech (16.2); at 21.1 Otho’s luxuna is characterized as etiam pnn-
cip1 onerosa. eoque . . . seposuit: the story of the Otho-Poppaea-Nero
triangle survives in five accounts, none of which agrees in all details with
any other (4. 13.45-6, Plut. G. 19.2-20.2, Suet. O. 3, Dio 61.11.2—4; for dis-
crepancies and sources see Townend (1961) 242-8, Murison (1993) 75-80,
Morgan (1993d) 567—70). The Annals account has more (prejudicial) detail
of characterization and event than the present one and a different narrative
purpose; for it T. seems to have adapted a different source. Closest to the
present version is Plutarch's, by comparison with which T. has abbreviated
drastically (four lines versus twenty) and with strict attention to the needs
of his narrative: his version heightens the likeness between Otho and Nero
(which made him an unsuitable candidate for adoption) and explains how
Otho found himself in Spain (whence he could join Galba early). For the
biographers the story explains why a wanton Otho betrayed Nero for the
reputedly straight-laced Galba (Plut. G. 20.2, Suet. O. 4.1 occasio ultionis).
eoque 'and for that reason' OLD i; lit. 'and by that (fact)’, the antecedent
of eo being the preceding statement. Poppaeam Sabinam: the most
successful scion of a courtier family of varied fortune (PIR? P 850), she was
both attractive and ambitious (13.45.1—4; cf. 16.7.1 tmpudicitia and saeuitia).
Otho was her second husband, Nero her third. She bore the latter a short-
lived daughter in 63 (A. 15.23.1) and died pregnant in 65, allegedly as a
result of her husband's kick (4. 16.6.1, Suet. Ner. 35.3, Dio 63.28.1). As
empress and Augusta she figured in statues (78.2; A. 14.61.1), coins, and
Pompeian graffiti; after her death her image was reproduced on theatri-
cal masks (Dio 63.9.5). Nero had her deified (Dio 63.26.3, cf. 4. 16.21.2).
principale scortum: a piquant combination of elevated and base. In
132 COMMENTARY: 13.3

T. the adj. is applied (scornfully) to entities whose importance is unduly

inflated by a connection with the princeps: 22.2 matrimonium, 2.59.2 paratus,
2.59.3 and 2.81.3 fortuna, 4.40.3 commentani. scortum, foreign to 1.’s elevated
diction, is used for its shock value in juxtapositions (3.83.2 cruor et strues
conporum, tuxta scorta et scortis similes; cf. A. 15.37.3, 15.72.2). Livy (twice) and
Valerius Maximus (4.3.ext.3) use the phrase nobile scortum of a well-born
and well-behaved sexual dependant; Cicero’s scortum populare (Dom. 49, of
Clodius) is closer in spint to T’s phrase. conscium libidinum: Otho
had filled a similar role as early as 55 (A. 13.12.1 conscientiam). T. omits all
reference to the tradition of Otho's sexual relationship with Nero (Suet. O.
2.2 consuetudine mutui stupri), but for an imputation of effeminacy see 30.1n.
illo muliebri ornatu. deposuerat: sc. Nevo. The metaphor, also present
in Suetonius (O. 3.1 abductam manto demandatamque (sc. Othont), 3.2 depositum)
and, less clearly, Dio (61.11.2 ‘he gave’ €5wke), implies a marnage between
Otho and Poppaea, and their marriage is mentioned explicitly by Plutarch
(G. 19.2), Suetonius (O. 3.2), and Tacitus (4. 13.45.4). Chilver's misgivings
about its occurrence, based on the phrase nuptiarum specie at Suet. O. 3.1 and
Suetonius’ failure to mention Otho as Poppaea’s husband at Ner. 35.2, are
unwarranted: the former suggests that the marriage was for Nero's conve-
nience but does not deny its occurrence, for the latter see Bradley (1978b)
ad loc. Octauiam uxorem amoliretur: daughter of Claudius and
Messalina, she was married young to the heir-apparent in 53. They had no
children. amoliretur ‘rid himself of* is a restrained but not inaccurate sum-
mary of Nero's actions as T. describes them in the Annals (14.59—64, esp. A.
14.59.3 parat Octautam . . . coniugem amoliri). 'T he subjunctive with donec *marks
the limit which it is the aim of the subject. . . to reach’ (VLS §224). sus-
pectum: in the biographers Otho falls prey to Poppaea’s attractions and
begrudges Nero access (Plut. G. 19.4, Suet. O. 3.2). T. alludes to this story
at 78.2 when he describes Otho, who had by then resurrected Poppaea's
statues, as ne tum quidem immemor amorum. But here Otho's sentiments are ir-
relevant. in prouinciam Lusitaniam: the south-west corner of the
Iberian peninsula, facing the Atlantic, at that period the most insignificant
of the imperial provinces in the West (Alfóldy (1969) 218-29; Edmonson
(1990)). It had no legionary garrison and its governors for the most part en-
joyed only modest success in their later careers. T. has no other occasion to
mention it. specie legationis: specie ‘pretext’ stresses the discrepancy
between Otho's appointment (/egatus Augusti pro praetore) and Nero's motive
in appointing him (see below and cf. A. 2.5.1 ea specte on Germanicus’
 COMMENTARY: 13.3-14.1 133

mission in the East and A. 12.41.2 per speciem honoris). seposuit: as at

10.1, of a de facto exile. Suetonius uses the same verb: O. 3.2 sepositus est per
causam legationis. Plutarch speaks of exile proper (G. 20.1 $uyris).
13.4 comiter 'amiably', a style of governance recommended by Cicero
to his brother (Qfr. 1.1.22 quam iucunda. . . praetoris comitas in. Asia potest esse).
comitas was the opposite quality to Galba's seueritas (5.2n., with Cic. Orat.
34; Morgan (1993d) 570—4). Though welcome, 1t was also suspect, partic-
ularly in a figure of authority; too much of it aroused contempt (Quint.
Inst. 10.2.25), hence the qualifiers in T.'s praise of Seneca (4. 13.2.1 comutate
honesta) and Titus (H. 5.1.1 comitate . . . incorrupto ducis honore); 52.2n. Plutarch
records the same general idea (G. 20.1 ‘not unpleasant or hateful to his
subjects’ oUx &yapiv oudt Erray07, Tois Utrmkdois); elsewhere Otho’s gov-
ernorship is characterized by different virtues: A. 13.46.3 integre sancteque,
Suet. O. 3.2 moderatione atque abstinentia singulan. No details arc given any-
where. primus in partes transgressus nec segnis et ... splen-
didissimus: dctails in Plut. G. 20.2-3: Otho (who had no troops but had
been Galba's provincial neighbour for some eight or nine years) provided
Galba with precious metals for coinage and with waiters fit to serve an em-
peror (cf. 22.1 on Otho's household: corruptius quam in priuata domo habiti). His
prominence in Galba's entourage on the march to Rome and assiduity in
services to potential friends (23.1—2nn.) later redounded to his own advan-
tage. bellum refers to Galba's revolt; cf. 15.1 principatum . . . bello adeptus,
15.2 soctos bellt, 16.3 nos bello. . . asciti, 18.3 bello perdidissent and A. 3.55.1 ea
arma quis Seruius Galba rerum adeptus est, also CIL viu 13 (cf. p. 979) = ILS
1014 bello quod imp(erator) Galba pro re p(ublica) gessit with Alfoldy (1969g) 71—5.
spem adoptionis statim conceptam . . . rapiebat: rapiebat ‘clutched,
grasped’, is more violent than Suet. O. 4.1 eodem . . . momento et ipse spem imperi
cepit magnam. Scc also 13.2n. neque . . . amicitia. ut similem is the sting
in the tail of an otherwise not unflattering description, justifying Galba’s
cura. congruentia morum 1s adduced by Suetonius and Dio to explain Otho’s
high place in Nero's favour (O. 2.2; 61.11.2); on support accruing to Otho
from their connection sec also 78.2n. creditus. . . agitautsse.
14.1 sed . . . transigit: a perfectly periodic sentence: subject, subordi-
nate clauses, verb. nihil adhuc de Vitellio certum: sc. erat. The le-
gions of Upper Germany refused to swear allegiance to Galba on 1 January
(55.3), Vitellius received his first acclamation on 2 January (57.1) and was
joined by the Upper Germany legions on the 3rd (57.2). Here T. spec-
ifies the time precisely (and differently from Plut. G. 23.1—2: "Thus was
134 COMMENTARY: 14.1

Vitellius proclaimed emperor in Germany. Hearing of the revolution there

Galba postponed adoption no longer’) in order to keep Vitellius out of
the narrative during the Galba/Otho conflict (Fuhrmann 263-5). There
are references to the German sedition in 12-49 (16.3, 18.2, 19.2) but none
to Vitellius himself (44.2 is a digression about future events). an-
xius quonam exercituum uis erumperet: anxius governs an indirect
question only in T. (A. 11.25.3, 14.13.1) and his imitator Ammianus (21.7.1,
31.4.13); cf. 81.1 trepudi fortuitusne . . . foret. ne urbano quidem mi-
liti confisus: rightly so, as the sequel proved: 25.2, 36—38, 40.2, cf. 5.1.
quod...rebatur: 8.2n. remedium: 4.1n. quid...ualidum, quid
aegrum; cf. Plin. Pan. 8.3 (on the adoption of Trajan) unicum auxilium fessts rebus.
comitia imperii transigit ‘he brought about a meeting to decide on a
ruler', a distortion of the constitutional language of the Republic: comitia,
properly of an assembly of the populus Romanus, here refers to a gathering of
five high-ranking officials. In place of the precise genitives used elsewhere
with comiha to indicate the election or law or trial to be decided (e.g. creandi
consulis, ferendae legis, perduellionis; TLL s.v. comittum 1806.31—1807.6) T. uses
the abstract tmperit; no comparably bold expression appears until the fifth
century (comitia purpurae, Symm. Or. 3.3). The verb, too, is unparalleled (7LL
s.v. comitium 1808.61 —1809.4). Real comitia were crucial institutions of popu-
lar sovereignty during the Republic but in the principate (as T. describes it)
the term rings hollow: A. 1.81.4 (about rules governing consular elections)
speciosa uerbis, re inania aut subdola; cf. 2.91.2, 3.55.2, À. 1.15.1, 14.28.1. See
further 16.1n. optimum . . . inueniet. Mario Celso consule designato:
his background is uncertain (P/R* M 296), his career primarily military: iega-
tus legwnis in Pannonia and Syria in 63 (A. 15.25.3), dux against Vitellius in
69 (71.2), legatus Augusts in Lower Germany in 72 (see Rüger (1979)). He is
last attested as governor of Syria in 73 (JLS 8903). Celsus may be the author
quoted on how to fight the Parthians at Lyd. Mag. 3.33.4 (‘Celsus the Roman
tactician’). Active service to five successive emperors was counted a virtue
in him (for his fides see 45.2, 71.2—3; cf. 31.2—3, 39.1, 87.2, etc. with Shotter
(1978)). For his leadership of Othonian forces see, in Book 2, 23-5, 33, 39—
40, 44, with 25.1 and 39.1 for his prudentia. From the consulship held under
Vitellius (2.60.2; during July and August according to Townend (1962) 118—
19) no record remains. But Vespasian appointed him to Lower Germany
after the defeat of the Batavian rebel Civilis and later to Syria, both im-
portant military provinces (Eck (1982) 287—91). Ducenio Gemino
praefecto urbis: like Celsus, apparently from a family with no long
 COMMENTARY: 14.1 135

history of service in the government (PIR* p 201); the distinctve nomen is

associated with Padua (Syme (1982b) 479). As Galba's praefectus urbis he re-
placed Vespasian's brother, Flavius Sabinus, who had been in office since
61 (46.1n.). Notrace of activity hereafter unless he is correctly credited with
the governorship of Asia in 73/4 (Syme (1982b) 479). If so, his success under
Vespasian is a further parallel with Marius Celsus. Pisonem Licini-
anum: by his full name, L. Calpurnius Piso Frugi Licinianus (PIR? c 300).
He was born in 38, the fourth of four sons. His family had as long and var-
ied a record of public service as Galba's own (see below on nobilis utrimque).
His father (M. Licinius Crassus Frugi, cos. 27), mother (Scribonia), and
eldest brother (Cn. Pompeius Magnus, named, as were all the brothers, ‘in
ostentation of pedigree', Syme (1986) 277) fell victim to Messalina (48.1 n.).
A second brother, M. Licinius Crassus Frugi (cos. 64), fell to the delator M.
Aquillius Regulus in the last years of Nero's reign (48.1n.). For the third
brother see 15.2n. Despite his ancestry Piso Licinianus had not embarked
on the cursus honorum by the time of his adoption at age thirty; the &tulus to
his tomb records only membership in the XVuin (ILS 240 = McC-W 76 =
CILv131723). For his ‘long exile’ (21.1 /ongo exilio, 48.1 dtu exul; cf. 38.1 accersit
ab exilio) neither dates nor cause is known. À wife, Verania Gemina, is on
record (47.2n.), but no children. seu propria electione: according
to Suetonius, Piso was Galba's heir long before 10 January 69 (G. 17; see
Murison (1993) 62-74). Galba had lost wife and sons some thirty years
earlier (Suet. G. 5.1); as a Roman proud of his family tradition it would
be surprising if he had not chosen an heir to the name. Piso's ill-fated fa-
ther and eldest brother had, like Galba, accompanied Claudius to Britain
(Suet. Cl. 17.3, G. 7.1; Dio 60.21.5). siue...Lacone instante: T.
does not decide between the alternatves; the second, which is unknown
to the parallel tradition, is given in more detail but its significance is un-
dercut by 13.2 Laco atque Icelus. . . non tam unum aliquem fouebant quam alium.
In both versions Galba bears the ultimate responsibility for this disastrous
choice (adoptanti placebat; for Piso's inadequacy see 29.2—3on.). On the uana-
&o abl. — abl. abs. cf. 44.2 non honore. . . sed tradito brincipibus more with Martin
(1953) 92, 79.3 lapsantibus equis et. . . pondere, 86.2 proruto ponte sublicto . . . strage,
and Sórbom (1935) 79. Rubellium Plautum: possession of Clau-
dian ancestry (see below and 16.2n. longa. .. tumentem; PIR r 85) got him
killed in 62 (A. 14.57—9). Friendship with Rubellius Plautus had lasting con-
sequences: in 66 it was one of the formal charges against Barea Soranus (A.
16.25.1, 30.1), while for Plutarch Nero's persecution of Plautus' friends wasa
136 COMMENTARY: 14.1-15.1

familiar exemplum, comparable to Alexander's treatment of the friends and

relatives of Philotas and Parmenio (Mor. 96c).
14.2 nobilis utrimque: nobilis indicated descent by birth or adop-
tion from consuls elected by the people, i.e. those who held office before
15 (Syme (1986) 51- 3; pace Chilver ad 1.30.1). Transmission of the claims
of birth was now possible via the maternal line (4. 14.22.1). Among the
consular forebears in the line of Piso’s mother was Cn. Pompeius Magnus
(sec stemma xiv in Syme (1986); for his consul father's consular ances-
tors see stemma xvil). moris antiqui...seuerus: in this 'correct
assessment' Piso resembles Galba (18.3 antiquus ngor et nimia seuentas, with
5.2n.) more closcly than he does in Plutarch’s version: G. 23.2 ‘predisposed
to every virtue, but showing most conspicuously orderliness (1Tó kóoptov)
and austerity (avo Tnpóv)'. antiqui monis also describes Vitellius' mother, who
viewed her son's elevation with misgivings (2.64.2). For the common uanatio
gen. of characteristic - adj. see Sórbom (1935) 88-9. aestimatione
recta...deterius interpretantibus: recta (with aestimatio only in T.)
has a stronger moral cast than uera (Liv. 28.16.10, 38.51.14, V. Max. 6.8.6,
Sen. E. 90.34). Grammaraans disunguish between detenus ‘less well’ and
paus *worse": peius is for comparison with malum, deteruus with bonum (Non.
p- 432M, Serv. ad G. 4.89, Claud. Don. ad Aen. 8.326). Here the 'good' is
given in recta. For the uanriatio noun - participle see, in general, Sórbom
(1935) 89-91; the particular pattern here, an abstract noun parallel to a
substantive participle, has no precise equivalent, but 15.4 suadere. . . assenta-
&0, with an infinitive in place of the participle, is close. quo ‘insofar as’;
its correlative eo is omitted (Draeger (1882) §181). suspectior: sc. erat.
15.1 in hunc modum locutus fertur: in this, the first of four
speeches in oratio recta in Book 1, Galba grooms Piso for the succession.
The focus on the pair is reinforced by a gesture (15.1 apprehensa Pisonis manu).
The book's other speeches are addressed to the praetorians (Piso at 29.2—
30, Otho at 37—38.2 and 83.2—84). Galba's narrative space is curtailed by
the starting date of H., so this speech, which only T. reports, contributes
essential background.
Galba claims knowledge of the behaviour of a ruler's inner circle, but
the narrative shows him incapable of capitalizing on it (7.2, 32.2-33; see
further Keitel (1991) 2774—-5). Comparison of speech and narrative also
reveals his blindness to larger issues of governance such as the qualities
desirable in a successor and the nature of the opposition. A still larger
question broached here, namely, how the succession should be decided,
 COMMENTARY: 15.1 137

is reexamined in later books (and indeed throughout the Annals). Galba

makes a case for adoption, but not a very good case. Libertas, aestimatio, and
consensus (16.1—2) are all conspicuously absent or hollow in his own choice;
conversely, inutdia is a ludicrous understatement of the problems facing him
(16.3). Pliny’s Panegyncus, after the much more successful adoption of Trajan,
makes a better case, emphasizing stability, for example, over utrtus (8.4—6;
on the relationship with Pan. see Sage (1990) 861—2). The succession ques-
tion does not arisc in T.'s account of Otho's reign (though Otho's brother
looms large: 75.2n.) but the claims of dynasty are revived under Vitellius,
who vaunted a young son (75.2n. mater ac liber). T hey are pressed on Ves-
pasian with more justification at 2.77.1 tuae domui. . . duo iuuenes, capax iam
imperu alter et . . . abud Germanicos quoque exercitus clarus. But not even this can be
the last word, as Mucianus' argument here is based only on circumstantial
factors (Titus' age and training), while the experience of Domitian's princi-
pate will have reinforced the lessons learned under Nero. Galba's speech is
the first phase of a major political debate. Its hortatory purpose generates
language that elevates the positive and understates the negative. For this
un- lacitean point of view T. creates a suitably distinct style characterized
by predictability, concinnity, and amplitude. Si...Offeram: neatly
periodic. si...adoptarem: the contrafactual expression frustrates
inquiry into the procedure employed for this adoption (Murison (1993) 69-
74). T. and the parallel sources focus instead on its announcement: Plut. G.
23.3 ‘he went down to the camp to present (&wodei§wv) him as Caesar and
successor’, Suet. G. 17.1 perduxit in castra ac pro contione adoptauat. lege cu-
riata apud pontifices: because adoption of a person sui iuris abolished
his line, normal procedure required the sanction of the populus Romanus
via the curiate assembly: /leges curiatae wcre enacted for the adoptions of
Octavian (App. BC 3.94), Agrippa Postumus and Tiberius (Suet. Aug. 65.1),
and Nero (4. 12.26.1). For the presence of pontifices see Gel. 5.19.5 comthia arbi-
tris bontificibus praebentur. ut moris est: 7.2n. egregium erat: for
the mood see .NLS 82001. Cn. Pompei et M. Crassi: 14.1n. Pisonem
Licinianum. Sulpiciae ac Lutatiae: sc. gentis; 49.2n. uetus. . . nobilitas.
deorum hominumque consensu rings hollow after the survey of grow-
ing dissent in chh. 4—11. deorum, the regular form at this date but less common
in T. than deum (in the proportion 9:32; see Adams (1973) 129), is an instance
ofthe normalized vocabulary of T.'s speeches. consensus, a political slogan of
the period, appears unusually often in Book 1 (twelve occurrences, against
eight in Books 2—5 and fourteen total in the Annals). It is attested on coins,
 138 COMMENTARY: 15.1-15.3

but on Vitellius' coins (e.g. consensus exercituum BMC 881—5, 99-102, 110—12)
not Galba's; Galba favoured concordia (BMC #1—2, 55—61). T. later points to
the superficiality of two such slogans (2.20.2 postquam pax et concordia speciosts
et irritis nominibus iactata sunt). in proximo sibi fastigio collocauit:
via adoption only for the grandsons and Tiberius; Marcellus and Agrippa
received tribunician power. fastigium 'degree of eminence, rank' (OLD 7)
can serve for both groups.
15.2 non quia...non habeam sed...accepi: for the change of
mood cf. 29.2 non quia. .. non paueam . . . doleo, 2.17.1 nec quia
. . . mallent, sed
longa pax . . . fregerat; a variation on the (Ciceronian) norm non quia 4- subj., sed
quod 4- ind. propinquos: only (so far as isknown) Cornelius Dolabella
(88.1 n.). documentum sit: the potential subj. expresses Galba's ex-
pectation for the future (NLS 8118) by contrast with the ind. accepi of the
Jait accomply; cf. 84.3 audeant. sit is singular by attraction to the predicate
nom. documentum (K-S §12.8). est tibi frater: an older brother, now
known only by his cognomina, Crassus Scribonianus; PIR? L 192. As for Piso,
so for Scribonianus no offices are known. He joined Verania Gemina in
burying his brother after 15 January (47.2). In 70 a disgruntled Flavian
general urged him unsuccessfully to make a bid for the purple (4.39.3);
an earlier connection with Vespasian for both Scribonianus and Licinianus
is implied by CIL v1 1268). His death (of unknown date) is alluded to at
48.1. nisi tu potior esses: for potior ‘preferable’ (OLD 5) cf. 50.4
potior utroque Vespasianus. According to Galba the qualities that would make
Piso a bonus princeps (16.1) are character, patriotism, maturity, and a clean
record (15.1, 3). T.'s Otho points out Piso's resemblance to Galba: 38.1 su:
simillimum; see also 14.2n. mons antiqui. . . seuerus.
15.3 €a: sc. est. quae...effugerit...inqua... habeas: con-
secutive relative clauses ('such that. .. *; NLS 8156, 158). nihil...ex-
cusandum habeas: for habere + gerundive see NLS §207.3, Draeger
(1882) 827e. explorant ‘test’ OLD 3. The paradox (echoed in Piso's
speech to the praetorians, 29.2) goes back at least as far as Cato's speech
for the Rhodians: secundae res laetitia transuorsum trudere solent a recte consulendo
atque tntellegendo (fr. 163.8—9 Malcovati); cf. the more banal thought (but
similar language) of Sil. Pun. 6.403 explorant aduersa uiros. The commonplace
(Otto s.v. uirtus (4)) also appears with similar wording at Plin. Pan. 31.1
cum secunda felices aduersa magnos probent. miseriae tolerantur, felici-
tate corrumpimur: an epigrammatic restatement of the foregoing. The
(effective) change of person is unparalleled.
 COMMENTARY: 15.4-16.1 139

15.4 alii...utilitas: borne out for Galba himself (32.2—33n.) and for
the two subsequent pnncipes: Otho’s advisors give him bad advice before the
final engagement (2.33.1), while the rivalry among Vitellius’ legates (2.30.2)
leads to his eventual betrayal by Caecina (2.99.2). By contrast Vespasian,
the princeps who survives, has a single advisor (Mucianus, 2.76—7) and the
ability to think for himself (2.74—5). irrumpet adulatio: word order
reflects the violence of the metaphor; for effective use of word order see
also 47.1n. laetitia. et iam: a slight correction of M's etiam, already
in Puteolanus' 1476 edition; see Wellesley's app. crit. simplicissime
‘very frankly’ OLD 4. T. rarely cites frankness as a virtue in emperors
(3.86.2 on Vitellius: inerat. . . ssmplicitas ac hberalitas, quae, m adsit modus, in
exium uertuntur, cf. Plin. Pan. 4.6, 54.5, 84.1 illa tua simplicitas, tua. uenttas,
tuus candor) though its absence is often decried. ceteri libentius cum
fortuna nostra quam nobiscum: sc. loquuntur. The antithesis between
rank and individual is a commonplace in discussions of courtly interactions:
Cf. A. 2.71.3 si me potius quam fortunam meam fouebatis, Plin. Pan. 2.8 agnoscit
enim sentique sibi non principi diai, 83.6 non potentiam tuam sed ipsum te reueretur.
suadere...multi laboris: sc. est; cf. 16.4 monere. . . neque temporis hus
(sc. esf). Parallel in function to assentatio . . . sine affectu peragitur, for the formal
uanatio see Sórbom (1935) 110. assentatio...peragitur: a purpose-
ful periphrasis for assentan: with its prefix indicating successful completion
peragitur ‘is accomplished’ strengthens the contrast between the continuous
effort required in giving good advice and the ease of simply saying yes. For
its use in other periphrases see 7LL s.v. 1177.54—95.
16.1 immensum imperii corpus: cf. the cqually fulsome language
(also from a speech) at A. 1.12.3 unum esse re1 publicae corpus atque unius antmo
regendum. stare ac librari sine rectore: librari 'keep one's balance'
(OLD2b), commonly applied to the physical world (e.g. Ov. Met. 1.13 pendebat
in aere tellus ponderibus librata suis, sce TLL s.v. 1351.24—52), suits the descrip-
tion of the political world as an :mmensum corpus. For the pair stare~libran
cf. Plin. Nat. 2.11 (a descripuon of the universe) terram. . . stare pendentem -
brantemque per quae pendeat. rector s an elevated label for persons in authority
(twenty-two times in T.). T. sometimes uses it in place of a technical title (e.g.
59.2 Blaesus, Lugdunensis Galliae rector, for legatus Augusti pro praetore; cf. 87 .2n.),
but more often, as here, to highlight the gap between the utility and good
intentions implicit in the metaphor ('helmsman' OLD 1) and the reality of
the authority so labelled. Thus in a sarcastic comment about Drusus at
A. 3.59.3 stc imbui rectorem generis humani, and in the bland (but perhaps not
 140 COMMENTARY: 16.1-16.2

very helpful) advice offered by Claudius to a newly made Parthian king at

12.11.2 ut non dominationem et seruos, sed rectorem et ciues cogitaret. The euphemism
is used, without T.’s sardonic edge, of a divinity by Cicero (M.D. 2.90 rec-
torem et moderatorem), of Augustus by Ovid (Met. 15.860 patriae rector, cf. Tr.
2.39) and CIL xu 4333 (orbi terrarum rector), and of Vespasian by the elder
Pliny (Nat. 2.18 maximus omnts aeui rector). dignus eram: 15.1n. egregpum
erat. res publica: used specifically with reference to the Republican
period also at 50.3 mansuram fuisse sub Pompeio Brutoque rem publicam and A.
1.3.7 quotus quisque reliquus, qui rem publicam uidisset? See also 1.1n. res populi
Romani. eo necessitatis: 1.1n. polentiam . . . interfuit. bonum suc-
cessorem: applied to Trajan in Pliny’s more fulsome rhetoric: Fan. 11.3
in principe . . . certissima diuinitatis fides est bonus successor. quasi hereditas
fuimus: quasi, which in Cicero excuses a non-technical use of a technical
term (e.g. Prov. 15 constabat Graecum hominem ac leuem. . . quasi tnumphasse) but
is not so used elsewhere in T., contributes to the rhetorical flavour of the
passage; contrast 19.3 deposuerat, a technical term used without apology in
narrative. loco libertatis ‘a substitute for freedom’ OLD 20; cf. 57.2
insignia armorum argento decora, loco pecuniae tradebant. eligi coepimus:
T. regularly uses active coepi with passive infinitives (Draeger (1882) §26b;
classical usage required coeptus sum). optimum quemque adoptio
inueniet: opttmus indicates a moral scale (on which Piso easily surpassed
Otho and Vitellius: 50.1 duos omntum mortalium impudicitia ignawia luxuna de-
terrimos), but cf. Syme (1958) x: ‘In that selection Sulpicius Galba looked
to ancestry and the negative virtues, advertising thereby his own incompe-
tence.' À choice based on utirtus harks back to Livy's fairy tales about the
succession of Rome's kings, in which there were comilia rege creando (14.1n.
comitia impeni transegil) and the consensus deciding the election was based
on the candidate’s moral worth: thus at the accession of Numa Pompilius
(1.18.5) and the elections of Tullus Hostilius (1.22.1) and Ancus Marcius
(1.32.1). In these stories hereditary succession never determined the choice
and was not even an issue until the death of the fourth king, Ancus Marcius
(1.40.2, 1.48.2).
16.2 fortuitum: sc. est. integrum: sc. esí. consensu mon-
stratur: the subject, a desirable adoption candidate' uel sim., must be
inferred from the context (s: uelts eligere). Galba’s assertion is neither true in
Piso’s case nor likely in any other; in 12.2—3 T. sketched the ‘the miraculous
temptation for plot and intrigue’ at play in an impending adoption (Syme
(1958) 2). git . . . depulerunt: cartoonlike in its exaggerated language
and physical imagery. longa Caesarum serie tumentem: /umens
 COMMENTARY: 16.2-17.1 141

‘puffed up’ (OLD 4) refers to expectations disproportionate to their basis;

cf. 88.3 leutssimus quisque. . . spe uana tumens. intumescere is used similarly at
4.19.1 intumuere slatim (sc. cohortes) superbia ferociaque. The connection with
dynastic pride is more at home in epic: Stat. 7heb. 4.121 genero tumuit loue,
8.429 proauoque tumebat Achille, Si. 10.176 antiquo tumentem nomine. Such bom-
bast is parodied at Juv. 8.40—1 tumes alto Drusorum stemmate, tamquam | fecens
ipse aliquid propter quid nobilis esses. For senes cf. Sen. Ep. 76.12 auorum proauo-
rumque seri and especially Luc. 4.823-4 Caesareaeque domus series, cui tanta
potestas | concessa est. immanitas designates behaviour of which a hu-
man being ought to be incapable; it is used of Nero again at A. 14.11.3
immanitas omnium questus anteibat, of his mother at 14.2.2, and of his agents
at 16.26.2. ceruicibus publicis depulerunt: the public ‘neck’ and
its vulnerability are commonplaces of ancient political language (e.g. Liv.
4.12.6 regno...in ceruicibus accepto, Suet. Cal. 30.2 utinam populus Romanus
unam ceruwcem haberet!). For the personal subject favoured in this phrase
by e.g. Cicero (Cat. 3.17 hanc tantam molem mali a ceruwibus uestris depulis-
sem, Dom. 63 hanc ego utm...ab omnium bonorum ceruicibus depuls; cf. Sulla
28, Mil. 77, Phil. 3.8) T. substitutes abstract nouns. damnati prin-
cipis: Nero was declared a hostis by the senate on 8 June (Suet. Ner. 49.2);
Caligula’s acta were annulled and his coins melted down but he was not
condemned.
16.3 nos bello et ab aestimantibus asciti: more nuanced than the
claim Dio attributes to Galba: 64.2.1 ‘he considered that he had not seized
power but had had it given to him (this was his constant refrain)’; cf. Plut.
G. 29.2 ‘summoned to be ruler’ kAnsls . . . &v Tokpéárrop. inuidia i5
inadequate to describe contemporary discontent with Galba's rule, as is
quod nunc mihi unum obicitur. For "Ts own description see chh. 4—11 passim,
with further details in 21 and 25.2.
16.4 temporis huius: sc. est. utilissimus . . . nolueris: a
rather inadequate ‘golden rule’ for running the empire; young Nero's
comprehensive and practical forma futuri princibatus at A. 13.4.2 specifies
refraining from judicial abuses, preventing corruption in his household,
maintaining a distinction between domus Augustt and res publica, support-
ing the senate and consuls in their traditional roles, and looking after the
army. neque enim hic: sc. est. et Galba quidem: 5.2n.
17.1 statim. . .oculis: the statim~mox antithesis is complicated by
the uariatio between the substantive participle rntuentibus (dat.) and the abl.
abs. coniectis. . . oculis, an abrupt change from the glib regularity of Galba's
speech. omntum seems odd with only five others present, so 'I: may be
 142 COMMENTARY: 17.1-18.1

alluding to Piso's subsequent appearances before the praetorians (18.2)

and the senate (19.1—2). Plutarch, who does not mention a preliminary con-
stltum, places the visual evaluation of Piso in the praetorian camp (G. 23.3).
reuerens: sc. erat. se: reflects the notional subject, Piso, not the gram-
matical subject, sermo. mutatum: sc. es (or esse, dependent on ferunt).
17.2 consultatum . . . augebant: a showpiece of compression, with
omissions (uérum, forms of esse), impersonal verbs (consultatum, i), an abstract
noun (exspectatio), a connecting relative pronoun (quorum), and a substan-
tive participle (supprimentes). consultatum: sc. est. pro rostris
an in senatu: T. regularly omits utrum in disjunctive indirect questions. In
Book 1: 7.2n. an. . . scrutaretur, 37 .1, 47 .1, 69.1. honorificum...fore:
indirect statement depending on the notion of thinking in placuit. quo-
rum fauorem.. . haud spernendum: sc. esse. quorum, though formally
a relative pronoun, functions as a connective + demonstrative (et eorum),
introducing a second acc. + inf. (fauorem. . . haud spernendum), .NLS 8289.
Jauorem is also the subject of acquin, which is aligned with spernendum by
the particles u¢. . . ita (‘although . . . yet’ 4.2n.). ambitu denotes solici-
tation: the emperor is a petitioner to his own troops (see also 83.1 n. ambittoso
impeno); cf. the senators' petitions to Galba at 19.2 ambitu remanendi aut eundi.
circumsteterat .. . publica exspectatio: only Cicero is similarly bold
with this personification: Clu. 63 uocat me. . . tacita uestra exspectatio. Here there
is an effecave overlap between the figure of speech (comparable to e.g.
Virg, Aen. 2.559 circumstetit horror) and reality (crowds were in fact 'standing
around’; cf. 32.1 uniuersa 1am plebs Palatium implebat).
18.1 quartum idus Ianuarias 'the fourth [day] before the Ides of
January’; the Ides being the 13th, the fourth day previous, counting inclu-
sively, is 10 January. ante diem is often omitted from the dating formula (as
at CIL v1 2051.25 referring to this date: II1I idus Ian(uanas) adoptio facta; cf.
TLL s.v. Idus 242.67—243.7), but T. tightens further by making the date the
direct object. foedum imbribus diem: ‘more likely to come from
Virgil than from any of the other sources’, Miller (1987b) g1, with refer-
ence to G. 1.323—4 foedam glomerant tempestatem 1mbribus atris | collectae ex alto
nubes. tonitrua et fulgura et caelestes minae: unusually full for
T. but still tauter than Plutarch G. 23.1 'as soon as Galba set out, great
signs from heaven (bioonuíat) accompanied him...'There was so much
thunder and lightning, and so much rain and darkness poured down on
camp and city that it was plain that the heavenly powers did not sanction
or approve this inauspicious adoption.’ caelestes minae, which recalls 3.2 with
 COMMENTARY: 18.1-18.2 143

its fulminum monitus and the reference to the gods, has no exact parallel
in T.; parallels are found in the poets generally and at Sen. Nat. 2.59.11, 6
praef. 6 tonitrua et minas caeli; see TLLs.v. 993.49—63. turbauerant: the
tense retrojects the description back over chh. 15—17, the events of which
all took place on the 10th. obseruatum id antiquitus comitiis
dirumpendis 'observation of this (1.e. the celestial disturbance) tradition-
ally causing assemblies to be broken up’. obseruatum id is the subject of terruit,
an instance of the so-called ‘ab urbe condita’ construction (NLS §g5; cf. 89.3
Caecina. . . transgressus exstimulabat); an equivalent abstract noun is also used
by T.: 22.1 obseruatione siderum, G. 10.3 obseruatto auspiciorum, Á. 15.55.2 dierum
obseruatione. For the dat. of purpose with gerundives (~ ‘causing’) see 6.2n.
opprimendis Vindicis coeptis. The statement simplifies and idealizes Republi-
can (~ antiquitus) response to divine signs, which was ‘consciously contrived
and politically motivated' (Gruen (1974) 256). dirumpendis is the reading of
M; most editors follow its descendants in correcting to dirimendis * .. . to be
dispersed’, which is the uox propnia for the dissolution of public assemblies for
religious reasons (7LL s.v. 1260.26—55). non terruit Galbam quo
minus...pergeret: quo minus indicates that the force of terruit here is
preventive *deterred' (cf. 40.2 and .NLS §184). ut ‘inasmuch as’ OLD
21a. seu quae fato manent...non uitantur: seusets this sentence
in parallel with what precedes (the explanatory apposition contemptorem) as
an alternative explanation for Galba's persistence. As often in T., the sec-
ond explanation is less flattering than the first. For T.'s frequent omission
of siue / seu with the first of alternative explanations see GG s.v. siue 1(B) with
Sórbom (1935) 125. fato manent ‘are fated’; manere ‘be in store’ OLD
4. For fato cf. A. 6.22.1 mihi haec ac talia audienti in incerto wdictum est, fatone res
mortalium et necessitate Àmmutabili an forte uoluantur, 'T.'s comment on an incident
that led Tiberius to believe that a seer was praescius penculorum.
18.2 imperatoria breuitate: for the ideal of the rhetoric-free Roman
general, a commonplace (as in Marius’ boast at Sal. fug. 85.31 non sunt
compostta uerba mea; parui id facio. ipsa se utrtus satis ostendit, etc.), cf. the open-
ing words of a speech by the most successful military figure of H., Peullius
Cerialis: 4.73.1 neque ego umquam facundiam exercut. more militari, quo
uir uirum legeret: referring to the lex sacrata (cf. Liv. 9.39.5 lege sacrata
coacto exercitu, cum uir utrum legisset), which was 'manifestly an Italic practice
whereby all able men who failed to report for military service were declared
sacer (Ogilvie (1965) ad 4.26.3). No writer uses the phrase for contemporary
military recruitment; Galba is again appealing to the ‘good old days', as
144 COMMENTARY: 18.2-19.2

Augustus did in recruiting a new senate in 18 B.c. (Suet. Aug. 35.1 quo utr
utrum legi, cf. Aug. 54, with Dio 54.13—14. for the date and details). ne
dissimulata seditio in maius crederetur 'so that a concealed rebel-
lion would not be believed to be on a larger scale’. quartam. .. fore:
Galba downplays the disaffection in addressing his soldiers, but Vitellius,
upon receipt of similar news, is himself the addressee of such talk (2.96.1).
quartam et duoetuicensimam legiones: 55.3nn.
18.3 maestitia ac silentium: sc. est. tamgquam ‘on the grounds
that’ OLD7b. donatiui necessitatem: donatives were offered even
on hereditary successions such as that of Nero (4. 12.69.2). See further
5.1n. and Millar (1977) 195-6. quantulacumque .. . liberalitate
'with a very little generosity'. antiquus rigor: cf. Plut. G. 29.3-4
‘an old-fashioned ruler’ (&pyaios aUToxpaTwp), who ‘determined to rule
men petted by Tigellinus and Nymphidius as Scipio and Fabricius and
Camillus ruled the Romans of their day’. seueritas: 5.2n. /egi.. . emt,
49.2n. magis. . . utrtulibus. sumus: IO.3n. credidimus.
I9.1Y non comptior: sc. erat. Neither this speech nor that of Piso
nor the senatorial deputation of 19.2 is mentioned in any other source.
In 19-20, chapters with a. marked brevity of style, T. concentrates ma-
terial given either earlier by Plutarch and Suetonius or not at all.
comis oratio: 13.4n. comiter. multi...cura: for the (unflatter-
ing) list cf. 80.2 pars... pesstmus quisque . . . uulgus. multi: sc. fauebant.
priuatas spes agitantes sine publica cura: the senators’ attitude
is comparable to that of the uulgus under Otho: 90o.3 priuata cuique stimu-
latw et utle tam decus publicum. quadriduo: Plutarch's reference to the
four-day interval between adoption and assassination (24.1 ‘it was not the
work of four days to change the allegiance of a healthy army, and only
so many days intervened...") accompanies material T. places in ch. 25.
dictum: sc. est.
19.2 facili ciuitate ad accipienda credendaque omnia noua
cum tristia sunt: cf. 34.2 credula fama inter gaudentes et incuriosos.
mittendos: sc. esse. legatos: thc embassy set out but cannot have
reached Germany before Galba's death; Otho sent a new commission
(74.2n. rursus. . . misif). An earlier senatorial deputation had gone to meet
Galba en route to Rome (Plut. G. 9.1); later ones go to the legions (3.80.1) and
to Vespasian (4.6—8, where the selection process is described in great detail).
agitatum: sc. est. maiore praetextu, illi auctoritatem senatus
hic dignationem Caesaris laturus 'the trappings (of authority) being
 COMMENTARY: 19.2-20.1 145

more impressive with the senators bearing the prestige of the senate, he
the rank of Caesar'. T. uses both praetextus and praetextum; for the meaning
here cf. 76.2 erat grande momentum in nomine urbis ac praetexto senatus and 3.80.1
praetexto rei publicae; cf. also 3.4.2 ut consulare nomen . . . partibus honesta. specte
praetenderetur. dignatio characterizes another senatorial emissary at 3.80.2.
ambitu remanendi aut eundi, ut quemque metus uel spes im-
pulerat ‘people sought to stay or go, each according as fear or hope moved
him'; 6.1n. alter. .. destruebant.
20.1 proxima pecuniae cura: sc. eral. The reclamation of money
comes 'next' after the adoption and the embassy only in T.; it must actually
have begun earlier to have progressed to the numerous trials T. describes
(Intro. §8; cf. Plut. G. 16.2, Suet. G. 15.1, Dio 63.14; for a possible reclamation
effort mentioned only by T. see Agr. 6.5). Placed here it adds substance to his
account of Galba’s principate. scrutantibus: Plutarch specifies the
involvement of Vinius (G. 16.3—4). repeti: its subject, pecuntam, is sup-
plied from the preceding sentence. For a similar measure under Claudius cf.
Dio 60.17.2 *what had been given away by Gaius without justice or reason
he demanded back from the recipients'. Plutarch and Suetonius add the
important detail that Galba's commission also sought to recover property
from those who had received it from Nero's beneficiaries (Plut. G. 16.2, Suet.
G. 15.1), a procedure perhaps modelled on extortion law, which allowed re-
covery from such parties. Pliny and Tacitus were involved in a number of
important extortion cases in the early years of Trajan's reign, including one
in which this procedure was followed (Ep. 3.9.17). bis et uiciens mi-
liens sestertium: 2,200,000,000 HS (22 x 1,000 x centena milia). Large
sums of money were reckoned in units of 100,000 HS. Only T. gives an
amount. appellari singulos iussit: sc. Galba. appello ‘summon to
pay' OLD 5. By omitting the amount at stake and by describing the targets
as 'denizens of stage and gym' (Plut. G. 16.2, cf. Suet. G. 15.1 scaenict ac xystici),
the parallel sources make the reclamation project seem petty. But from Dio
we learn that among those assessed were the Hellanodikai, to whom Nero
had given 1,000,000 HS for a generous first prize in an Olympic event, and
the Pythia at Delphi, who had received 400,000 for some gratifying oracles
(63.14.1—2). For other substantial Neronian gifts see Suct. Ner. 30.2 with
Bradley (1978b) ad loc. decima parte...relicta: both here and in
the following sentence with isdem . . . sumptibus the abl. abs. appendix sur-
passes the main clause in both length and complexity (Intro. §14). su-
per...erant: the only instance of tmesis in T. isdem erga aliena
146 COMMENTARY: 20.1-20.3

sumptibus quibus sua prodegerant, cum...non agri aut faenus

sed sola instrumenta uitiorum manerent: Plut. G. 16.2 ‘most of
the recipients, living satyr-like in the present (Epriuspoi kad carrupikof), had
squandered their largess' lacks T.'s antitheses. faenus 'capital' OLD2.
instrumenta uitiorum: a periphrasis (comparable to A. 1.65.7 per quae
egeritur humus for shovel or spade) but with ethical colouring added; cf. 4.3
deterrimi seruorum and 88.3 trntamenta hbidinum.
20.2 triginta equites... praepositi: sc. sunt. Suetonius says there
were fifty members (G. 15.1), but even thirty was a large number for a
Roman commission. nouum officii genus: in T.'s day the centumvi-
ral court dealt with property cases. Nothing is known about the procedure
in Claudius' reclamation action (see above). et ambitu ac numero
onerosum 'burdensome (to its members) because of the scope and num-
ber (of cases)’; admirably brief, but capable of various interpretations de-
pending on how one fills in the blanks occasioned by the general terms
ambitus and numerus. The parallel passage in Plutarch (16.2 ‘a boundless
task (Trpó&y uarros ópov oUx éxovtos) which ranged far and touched many)
prompts the translation suggested above. onerosum is referred to the com-
missioners because of the antithesis with gaudium (i.e. the commission was
hard work for its members but a source of satisfaction to the public at large).
So taken, this notice agrees with the positive cast of 19-20. Against it is the
boldness of ambitus 'scope' as applied to officium, since elsewhere it has phys-
ical or temporal referents (7LL s.v. 1859.10—1860.20). For other views see
Alford, Chilver, and Valmaggi. hasta et sector: sc. erat. The spear
signified an auction in progress; the sector was the profiteer who bought up
auctioned goods (90.1 n. reliquias. . . conuersas). gaudium: sc. erat. The
epigram, the content of which is absent from the parallel sources, rounds
off the section; cf. 82.1n. tnuitt neque tnnocentes. For terminal epigrams cf., in
App. 2, 1.4, 3.2, O.1, 11.3, 24.2, 38.3, 39.1, 48.1, 48.4, 49.4, 50.3, 52.4, 54-3,
56.1, 63.2, 71.2, 87.2.
20.3 exauctorati: sc. sunt, a technical expression for military discharge
(TLL s.v. 1188.55-1189.10). No grounds are given here but the parallel tra-
dition suggests that thesc officers were discharged for involvement with
Nymphidius Sabinus. If so, this incident, too, is postponed, since Galba is
unlikely to have left suspect commanders in their posts for months after
the failed coup. (The postponement may in fact be the reason behind Ts
omission of the Nymphidius Sabinus connection.) Both Plutarch (G. 23.4
 COMMENTARY: 20.3; 21-26 147

'a large number of adherents of Tigellinus and Nymphidius Sabinus, men

who had been in high positions but were now cast aside and humbled,
were lured onto Otho's side") and Suetonius (G. 16.1 praetorianos etiam metu et
indignitate commouat (sc. Galba), remouens subinde plerosque ut suspectos et Nymphidi
socws) imply that large numbers were involved and treat the event as yet
another of Galba's errors. Plutarch adds the detail, supported by T.’s own
narrative (see below on Aemilius Pacensis and Julius Fronto), that those
discharged joined Otho (similarly the praetorians cashiered, en masse, by
Vitellius, take up the Flavian cause (3.43.1); for their identity see Wellesley's
note ad loc.). T. presents the measure in a less negative light by naming
the punishment (contrast ‘cast aside and humbled’), by naming names
(only four), and by specifying Galba’s intention (remedium). Vespasian be-
haves similarly (4.46.4). Discharges from the legions, too, are perhaps to
be inferred from 37.4 castra. . . emendata et correcta but no details are known.
For an unintended consequence of this disciplinary measure see 51.5n.
deciman . . . dimitti. tribuni commanded cohorts of the city's garrison,
which in early 69 included twelve praetorian cohorts, four urban, and seven
of the watch. Of the four men mentioned here two reappear in the narra-
tive. Antonius Naso: a praetorian tribune not mentioned again by T.
but known to have been a career soldier from inscriptions and coins (PIR*
A 854); he survived this blow to serve again. Aemilius Pacensis,
having regained his post under Otho (87.2), was put in charge of the ur-
ban cohorts in the attack on Narbonensis, but was unable to control them
(2.12.1). For his death see 3.73.2. e uigilibus Iulius Fronto: Fronto
was restored to office by Otho but treated with suspicion because his brother
served on the Vitellian side (2.26.1); on the uigiles see 46.1 n. per artem
et formidine: for the uanatio cf. A. 1.11.4 incertum metu an per inuidiam and
Sórbom (1935) 84.

21-26 Otho's conspiracy

After Galba's acta T. gives us the seeds of Otho's defection, beginning with
Otho's personal motivations and the close associates who fostered huge
hopes in him (chh. 21—2), but also encompassing praetorian attitudes (chh.
293—5). The situation is brought to a head by news of sedition in Germany
(ch. 26). The panel moves from the immediate aftermath of the adoption
(ch. 21) back to Otho's stay in Lusitania (22.2) then gradually forward
 148 COMMENTARY: 21-26; 21.1

through the march to Rome (chh. 23-4) and back to the post-adoption
present (25.1 sed tum); verb tenses neatly articulate the various phases. The
few available facts about the conspiracy are similarly reported in Plutarch
and Suetonius, but T. alone has the internal deliberations with which Otho
goads himself to his flagitiosisstimum facinus (ch. 21; cf. 2.50.1) and the moral
censure for Otho's associates (ch. 22).

21.1 nulla spes: sc. erat. in turbido: res turbidae generally involve po-
liical turmoil: 31.1, 55.2, 83.1. For the substantive adj. cf. Liv. 3.40.10 nis?
quid in turbido minus perspicuum fore putent quid agatur (also of political turmoll).
inopia...uix toleranda: the pairing luxuria- tnopia is Sallustian (e.g. Cat.
25.4 luxuna atque tnofna praeceps abierat) and like Sallust T. uses tnopia of debt
(e.g. fug. 41.7 populus militia atque inopra urgebatur, TLL s.v. 1744.62—4). For
Otho's debt see Suet. O. 5.1—2 instigante . .. magnitudtne aenis alient, and Plut.
G. 21.1, where Otho's 200,000,000 HS debt is given as a reason for Galba's
disinclination to adopt him. For tolerare 'support (financially) see OLD 2b.
fingebat et metum ‘he also contemplated what he feared’; cf. 2.74.2
(on Vespasian) aiiquando aduersa reputabat. For fingere of the visualization or
mental review of fears (OLD 8; in T. at 4.54.1, A. 5.10.2) cf. Cic. Tusc.
1.36 1gnoratio finxit tnferos easque formidtnes, 'Tib. 2.6.51—2 tunc mens mii perdita
fingit, quis . . . meam teneret, Ov. Her. 2.21—2 fidus amor quidquid properantibus ob-
stat | finxit. praegrauem...perire: indirect statement dependent
on metum. Infinitives of esse are omitted throughout. praegrauem:
cf. A. 14.3.1 praegrauem ratus (sc. matrem), interficere constituit. Six of the fifteen
metaphorical uses of this adj. occur in T., three in Pliny the Elder. al-
terius exilii honorem: oxymoron; 13.3n. seposutt. proximus des-
tinaretur 'was marked out as next in succession'. Plutarch reports this as
fact, not Othonian revery: G. 23.3 he was 'the first thought worthy’ (Trp&Tos
&&1c058els; i.e. of being chosen successor). For Otho's popularity see Suet. O.
4.2 tam uix ullus esset qui non et sentiret et praedicaret solum (sc. Othonem) successione
imperii dignum and Plut. G. 23.1 'some of his supporters backed Dolabella,
most of them Otho'. apud senem ‘with an elderly princeps’; for apud
‘in the estimation of” or ‘with’ see OLD 12. efferatam: commonly
(and apparently first) applied to humans by Livy, both of persons rendered
generally sub-human by their circumstances and with specific reference to
the aggrieved person's potential for cruelty (e.g. 2.29.9 Ap. Claudius et natura
immilis et efferatus). 'The latter sense is particularly relevant to Otho's fears.
But neither sense fits T.’s picture of Piso: 14.2 moris antiqui, seuerus, 17.1
 COMMENTARY: 21.1-22.1 149

sermo. . . reuerens. . . moderatus, 19.1 comis oratio; cf. his non-violence at 29.2.
occidi Othonem posse: for the third-person reference by Otho to him-
self cf. 2.47.2 and 2.48.2. |
21.2 proinde 'accordingly' effects the transition from analysis to ex-
hortation (cf. 33.2, 56.3). Such particles contribute to a rhetorical tone
even in indirect specch (Adams (1973) 131—3); T. uses proinde thus seventeen
times in speeches or indirect speech, only five times in narrative, though
narrative occupies much more space in the historical works than speech.
fluxa: sc. esset; fluxa 'tottering' is so defined by the antithesis with coalescere
"become established'; cf. A. 13.19.1. nal. .. tam instabile ac fluxum est quam
fama. nec cunctatione opus: sc. esse 'delay was not called for’, lit.
‘there was no need for delay’ (OLD s.v. opus 12); for Otho’s haste cf. 38.2
nullus cunctatiomis locus est, and the command ire praecipites et occupare pen-
cula at 40.1. sit . . . maneat: repraesentatio (7.2n. postquam . . . nequiuenni).
merito perire ‘to deserve to perish’ (lit. ‘to perish deservedly’), subject of
esse, with acrons win as the predicate. At 33.2 similar words, there labelled
speciosiora, persuade Galba.
22.1 non erat Othonis mollis...animus: cf. 71.1 and 2.11.3 (of
his march to the front) nec illi segne aut corruptum luxu iter, sed lorica ferrea usus est
et ante signa pedes ire, horndus, incomptus famaeque dissimilss. Otho’s reputation for
softness (cf. Martial 6.32.2 mollis Otho) stems from matters of dress (30.1n.
illo muliebri ornatu), grooming (Suet. O. 12.1 reports a facial treatment used
ne barbatus umquam esset), and, perhaps, sexuality (Suet. O. 2.2 with Murison
(1991 b) ad loc.; Juv. 2.99 pathic . . . Othonis). corruptius quam in pri-
uata domo habiti: cf. Juv. 4.66 priuatis matora focis; both passages show a
wry appreciation of the fact that the slaves of the most powerful man were
the least restrained; see also 13.4 primus. . . spendidissimus and, for the ana-
logy, 90.3 ut in familiis. quam *than (was suitable) OLD 8. si auderet,
ut sua ostentantes, quiescenti ut aliena exprobrabant: the ironic
note of moral censure in exprobrabant (they ‘reproached’ him with passing
up what it was virtuous to reject) evokes a topsy-turvy houschold. ut sua
depends on st auderet (‘his, if he dared") as ut altena on quiescenti. For the uan-
atio of conditional clause and dat. see Sórbom (1935) 118. Piso gives a more
specific list of Othonian libidines: 30.1 stupra, comissationes, feminarum coetus.
But Otho surprised everyone (71.1). urgentibus . . . retinebitur: a
twenty-nine-word two-part appendix (Intro. §14). urgentibus etiam
mathematicis: for other astrologers involved in treasonable activities see
e.g. A. 2.27 (A.D. 16), 3.22 (A.D. 20), 12.52.1 (A.D. 52), 16.14-15 (A.D. 66),
150 COMMENTARY: 22.1

with Cramer (1964) and Potter (1994) 171—82. Individual punishment, as

in the case of the astrologers associated with Libo (4. 2.32.3), was rein-
forced by collective banishment (see below on uetabitur), but the exiles only
gained authority thereby: Juv. 6.557 praecipuus tamen est horum, qui saefius exul,
cf. A. 16.14.1 Pammenem. .. exulem et Chaldaeorum arte famosum eoque mullorum
amicitus innexum. nouos motus ~ nouas res ‘change of government’; cf.
80.2. Astrology concerned itself with the horoscopes of nations as well as
individuals (Ptol. 7etr. 2.1, Firmicus Maternus 2.30.4; Barton (1994) 180).
clarum...annum: uniquely Tacitean, despite the frequency with which
years are summarily characterized, esp. in annals-based histories (e.g. A.
4.64.1 feralem...annum; see TLL s.v. annus 118.13—50). clarus "illustrious'
(OLD 8) has a prophecy's characteristic flexibility of meaning. The par-
allel sources predict Otho's rule (see App. 1). genus hominum po-
tentibus infidum, sperantibus fallax, quod in ciuitate nostra
et uetabitur semper et retinebitur: a ncat, if somewhat overstated,
sententia. Prohibition was not blanket: in 33 B.c. astrologers were expelled
from Rome itself but not forbidden to practice (Dio 49.43.4), in A.D. r1
Augustus restricted the conditions and subjects of consultation but did not
make consultation illegal per se (Dio 56.25.5). Tighter control was essayed
in 17 with citizen-astrologers expelled from Italy with loss of property;
foreigners were executed (A. 2.32.3 with Goodyear (1981) ad loc.). A sim-
llar measure, atrox et irnía, was enacted in 52 (A. 12.52.3, Dio. 60.33.3).
Between 68 and the end of the Flavian period several other expulsions
from Rome and Italy are attested but dating them is more difficult (Cramer
(1964) 241—6). On stll later attempts at controlling astrology and the re-
lated prognostical arts see Potter (1994) 176-82. Elsewhere, too, T. criticizes
the use of astrologers as advisors (cf. 2.78.1 (on Vespasian) and A. 2.27.2).
But alongside his scorn for astrological advice T. reports the occasional
accuracy of their predictions: A. 6.20.2 gives Tiberius’ correct praesagium
about Galba's brief principate, at 6.22.4 we find a correct prediction of
Nero's principate. At 6.22.3 T. even maintains that both past and present
offer clara documenta of the reliability of the astrological art, fidem artis (cf. A.
4.20.3 for the possibility that only some aspects of fate are determined by
the sors nascendt). 'The difficulty lay in interpretation. When periti caelestium
foretold in 26 that Tiberius would not return to Rome (4. 4.58.2—3), they
were technically correct, but failed to add the important fact that he would
live on outside of Rome for a further eleven years.
 COMMENTARY: 22.2-22.3 151

22.2 secreta Poppaeae...habuerant: secreta has been taken as

Poppaea's rooms (Heubner, Spooner, Valmaggi) or her private delibera-
tions (Alford, Church and Brodribb); 85.2 secreta domuum is formally similar
but secreta is more precisely delimited by the gen. Other advisers without
portfolio are described in similar terms: Sallustius Crispus was fraecipuus cui
secreta imperatorum innilerentur (A. 3.30.3, cf. 1.6.3 particeps secretorum), Livilla's
doctor was frequens secretis (A. 4.3.4), Piso’s friend Antonius Natalis was
particebs ad omni secretum Pisoni (A. 15.50.2). pessimum principalis
matrimonii instrumentum 'the worst possible tool for an imperial
spouse’; 13.9n. principale scortum. For instrumentum of those who do impe-
rial dirty work cf. A. 12.66.2 dw inter instrumenta regni habita. We know
nothing about Poppaea's astrologers. Of the other imperial wives only
Agrippina 1s connected with astrologers (4. 6.22.4, 12.68.3, 14.9.3, Suet.
Ner. 6). Non-imperial wives making objectionable use of astrologers were
satirized by Juvenal: 6.565 consulit...de te Tanaquil tua. principalis
matrimonii: T. uses abstract matrimonium for concrete uxor at 73 consulan
matrimonio subnixa and . A. 2.13.3 matrimonia ac pecumias hostium . praedae. des-
&nare; cf. TLL s.v. 480.45—481.9. e quibus: connecting relative (= et
ex ews); cf. 52.1n. tn quibus. It is odd that one of Poppaea's associates ac-
companied Otho in his quasi-exile. Suetonius accounts for the astrologer's
presence in Spain differently: O. 4.1 ultro inopinatus aduenerat (Suetonius
also differs from both Plutarch and T. in naming the astrologer Seleucus,
perhaps confusing him with Vespasian's astrologer of that name: H.
2.78.1). Othoni...comes: for the dative dependent directly on a
noun (adnominal dat., a construction ‘used by no one more frequently
than by T’ (Draeger (1882) §53); see also NLS §67, K-S 11 §77.4 n. 5)
Cf. 38.1 honestis consilus robur, 61.1 itinera bello, 67.1 inttium bello, 77.2 exerc-
tut delenimentum, 87 .1 bello consilis, 88.1. ministros bello. superfuturum:
SC. esse. postquam . .. fides: sc. eat. coniectura iam et ru-
more: instrumental abl. contectura ‘interpretation (of dreams, etc.)’ (OLD 3),
which presumably refers to Ptolemaeus, is a surprising partner for rumore,
the talk of the town (computantium); cf. 12.2n. licentia. . . Galbae. fore ut
in imperium ascisceretur: i.c. by adoption; cf. 15.1 subolem in penates
meos asciscere, 29.2 Caesar ascitus sum.
22.3 credendi: the MSS read credi; emendation corrects the sense.
cupido with the gerund is common: in Book 1, 48.2 cupidine utsendi, 63.1
spoliand: cupidine. For the whole phrase cf. Sal. Hist. fr. 1.103 more humanae
 152 COMMENTARY: 22.3-23.2

cupidinis ignara. uisendi and fug. 93.3 more ingem humam cuprdo diffictha faci-
undi. instinctor: the earliest occurrence of this verbal derivative. T.
uscs it again at 4.68.5 acerrimo instinctore belli, a passage twice echoed by
Ammianus (21.12.20, 30.1.2). Personal agency is unusual for :nstnguere and
its derivatives: passion or experience usually provides the spur (70.1n.
instinctu decurionum). In Book 1 T. also initiates instigator (38.3) and wnstiga-
trix (51.3) and uses mstinctus (57.2, 70.1).
23.1 incertum: sc. est. an repens: sc. fueri. The unexpressed
alternative appears in the next sentence, iam pndem; cf. 8.2n. an. .. dubtum,
75.2n. repens, in. antithesis. with :2m pndem, means ‘recent’ OLD a.
studia militum...affectauerat: the question is, which soldiers?
Throughout chh. 23-5 Otho seems to be dealing with praetorians (see
bclow on uetustissimum quemque and Campantae lacus et Achaiae urbes and note
the contrast at 26.1 /egionum quoque et auxiliorum), but no source includes
praetorians on Galba's march to Rome. Either T. has mistaken the troops
whose support Otho courted en route (so Chilver (1957) 33) or the historical
tradition 1s lacunose (so Heubner ad loc.; Murison (1993) 29—-30) and T.
has simply focused Otho's rhetoric on the troops who made a difference
in January 69. In either case, the arguments that Otho uses here, unlike
the monetary transactions in ch. 24 (which are also known to Plutarch and
Suetonius), are supplied by T. in itinere in agmine: the doublet
appears at Cic. Att. 6.4.3 haec festinans scripsi in itinere atque agmine and, in
circumstances like those of the present passage, at A. 3.9.1 tn agmtne atque
ifinere crebro se militibus. ostentauisset. uetustissimum quemque mi-
litum nomine uocans: a carefully chosen detail: a decade of service in
Lusitania separated Otho from his last contact with the Rome-based prae-
torians (37.1 n. commtlitones); since praetorian service lasted sixteen years,
he would only know the old-timers. uocans...appellando: for the
uanatio thus far cf. 43.1 occurrens . . . exprobrans. . . uertendo and Sórbom (1935)
91. But the list of Otho's tactics continues with three historic infinitives
(agnoscere, requirere, tuuare) and a second gerund (inserendo), a form of uariatio
used by T. only herc. quaeque alia turbamenta = ¢f ¢a alia quae
turbamenta (sc. erant); for the form see 63.2n. turbamenta is a rare word with
a Sallustian past (Hist. fr. 1.55.25 maxuma turbamenta ret publicae) and a future
in Ammianus (25.7.12, 26.7.8). uulgi: 25.2n.
23.2 Campaniae lacus et Achaiae urbes classibus adire
soliti: frequent trips to Campania are on record for Nero and there-
forc for the praetorian detachments who guarded him (a.p. 59, 4. 14.4-13;
 COMMENTARY: 23.2-25.1 153

A.D. 64, A. 15.33, Suet. Ner. 20; A.D. 65, A. 16.10; A.D. 66 A. 16.19.1; see
Millar (1977) 61—6 for the role of the praetorians). The lakes in question
were the lagoon of Baiae (lacus Batanus) and lake Avernus. Nero was in
Greece from August of 66 through November of 67 (Bradley (1978a)). One
of the praetorian prefects, Tigellinus, accompanied him (72.1); the troops
themselves participated in an abortive canal project at the Isthmus (Suet.
Ner. 19.2, Dio 63.10.1—-3). eniterentur 'struggled over' OLD ib; cf. A.
2.20.1 aggerem eniteretur.
24.1 Maeuius Pudens: named only by T., though the bribe is
recorded by both Plutarch and Suetonius (see below). per speciem
conuiuii 'on a pretext of (giving them) dinner'. Prior attempts to bribe
praetorians are rare indeed: apart from the donative offered by Nymphidius
Sabinus (5.1n.), the machinations of Nero's mother are the best attested
(A. 13.18.2, 13.21.4). centenos nummos: Plutarch and Suetonius re-
port an equivalent bribe of 1 (denarius) aureus — 25 silver denarii — 100
HS. This sum represents about 3 per cent of the regular praetorian's 750
denarius annual salary at this period, or eleven days' wages. For other bribes
see 5.1n. neque dari donatiuum, 66.1n. addidit . . . sestertios.
24.2 quam: connecting relative (— et eam). uelut publicam lar-
gitionem . . . intendebat: the object of intendebat ‘intensified’ (OLD s) 1s
largitionem ‘bribery’; uelut publicam is a predicate modifier (‘which was so to
speak wholesale’); cf. A. 3.12.3 an falsa haec in maius uulgauennt accusatores,
where falsa (‘which were false’) is a predicate. animosus ‘energetic’
OLD 3; cf. Plin. Nat. 10.83 animosa contentio (of birds vying in singing).
Cocceio Proculo speculatori: for the role of the speculatores in Otho’s
coup see further 25.1, 27.2, 31.1, 35.2. speculatores worked with the prae-
torian cohorts, particularly as imperial bodyguards (2.11.3 :psum Othonem
comitabantur sbeculatorum lecta corpora; Suet. Cl. 35.1, G. 18.1; cf. Cal. 44.2), but
were not of them (scee McC-W 400). Their different loyalties are illustrated
in ch. 31ff., where the speculatores desert, while the praetorian cohort on
guard duty remains at its post. per socordiam praefecti: as the
second appendix in this sentence and following on the neatly terminated
result clause ut. . . dederit this characterization of Laco comes as a (damning)
surprise. T. joins Suetonius (G. 14.2) in applying to him a Sallustian term
of opprobrium (socors and socordia occur nineteen times in Sallust); 6.1n.
Cornelius Laco.
25.1 sed tum brings the narrative back to the post-adoption present.
Onomastum: he reappears at 27.1. sceleri. .. praefecit: with the
 154 COMMENTARY: 25.1-26.1

formal term praefecit *put in charge of" sceler is unexpected; for the effect cf.
Plaut. St. 683 cado te praeficio, Stiche, and Cic. Red. Sen. 15 quast praefectis libi-
dinum. & quo: connecting relative (— et ab eo). Barbium Procu-
lum tesserarium et Veturium optionem eorundem: Plutarch
says that they were among the now-suspect adherents of Tigellinus and
Nymphidius Sabinus (G. 24.1; 25.2n. frimores . . suspectos). T. emphasizes
instead their subordinate rank; cf. below manipulares. The duties of a tesse-
ranus involved the daily watchword (Veget. 2.7); the optto was a kind of ADC:
Festus 184 M ofho in re militan appellatus s quem decurio aut centurio sibi rerum pri-
uatarum administrum, quo facilius obeat publica officia. Suetonius reports the
source of Otho’s funds (a kickback of a million HS from a slave whom Otho
had arrangeda lucrative post) and the careful planning of the solicitation (O.
5.2). Omitting the former and much of the latter T. emphasizes the small
numbers involved (duo). perductos *won over' OLD 3. pretio
et promissis: 1’s alliterative phrase is more compact than Plut. G. 24.1
‘some with money, others with hopes' and less detailed than Suet. O. 5.2 om-
nibus dena sestertia repraesentata et quinquagena promissa. pertemptandos:
cf. 29.2 pertemptani; T. uses temptari with the same meaning (75.1). trans-
ferendum et transtulerunt: for paronomasiac epigrams in Book : see
(in App. 2). 6.1, 16.4, 45.1, 48.1, 49.4, 81.1.
25.2 asciti: sc. sunt. suspensos...animos: cf. 2.4 suspensis
prouinciarum et exercituum mentibus. primores militum: T. uses primores
as both substantive (4.3 primores equitum, 71.2 primonribus cuuitatis, 88.2 primores
senatus) and adj. 81.1 primonbus feminis uirisque). uulgus is an insulting
label for soldiers, rare elsewhere, but not in T. (GG 1a(b); ‘two-fifths of
the occurrences of uulgus in the Histories refer to soldiers' Newbold (1976)
85). In Book r: 23.1, 46.4, 69, 80.2, 83.1. mutandae militiae: com-
pared with legionary soldiers, praetorians had an easier job (A. 1.17.6 ur-
banas excubias), higher pay (750 denarii per annum versus 375), a shorter
term of service (sixteen years versus twenty), and more influence, so any
change would be a loss. À worse change than transfer to the legions (which
seems to be envisaged here) awaited them under Vitellius, who discharged
them (2.67.1). They were easily won over by Vespasian (2.82.3; cf. 2.96.2,
3.43.1).
26.x infecit: with the infecting agent as the subject this is bolder than
9.11.1 legiones uelut tabe infectae and closer to Sal. Cat. 36.5 tanta uis morbi ac ue-
luti tabes plerosque ciutum antmos inuaserat (cf. fug. 32.4 ueluti tabes inuaserat, Hist.
fr. 4.46 qui quidem mos ut tabes in urbem conuectus). For other medical metaphors
 COMMENTARY: 26.1 155

in Book 1 see 4.1n. quid.. . aegrum. legionum quoque et auxilio-

rum: those in Rome in January of 69 (6.2nn.); see also 54.3n. asciscitur aux-
thorum mules. labare...fidem: a Livian metaphor (22.61.10, 27.1.5,
32.30.9). postero iduum die: sc. /anuanum; the day after the Ides is
14 January. postridie ezus dieis found occasionally (7LL s.v. postridie 254.69—74),
but for forward reckoning from a named day only Cic. Sull. 52 posterum diem
nonarum is cited as a parallel. Pliny's pridie posteroue pleniluni die (Nat. 7 .38) is,
however, similar, and such expressions are an easy extension of usages such
as Cic. Fam. 3.8.10 nonis Octobribus . . . profecti sumus; haec scripsi postridie euus die,
Fam. 16.20 aut nonis aut postndie, Att. 12.5.4 Tiro idibus reuertetur, te exspectabo
postridie, and Colum. 11.2.84 kalendis Nouembnbus et postndie. The transmitted
text has, however, been doubted on chronological grounds and variously
emended. Mommsen (1866) argued (and many agree) that postquam uulga-
tum erat is a reference to Galba's announcement of the German sedition in
his speech to the praetorians (18.2) and that the abortive proclamation took
place postridie, 1.c. on 11 January (for support for postridie and other emen-
dations see Wellesley's Appendix Critica). But news about the German
sedition kept arriving after the 10th (19.2 crebrioribus in dies Germanicae defec-
&tonts nuntiis) and postquam uulgatum erat is not precise enough to make postridie
alone a reference to 11 January. rapturi fuerint serves both as the
verb of a secondary sequence result clause and as the apodosis of a past
contrary-to-fact condition. The tension between the perf. subj., denoting
an actual result (3.1 n. prodiderit), and the fut. participle, denoting a potential
occurrence, makes this periphrastic form suitable for ‘near-miss’ condition-
als here and at Liv. 26.10.7 ea res tantum tumultum ac fugum praebutt, ut, misi castra
Punica extra urbem fuissent, effusura se omnis paurda multitudo fuenit. For further
examples see K-S 11 §215.6a. incerta...castra...consensum:
the objects of ttmuissent appear parallel but imply different structures: incerta
is a direct object, sparsa. . . castra an 'ab urbe condita’ expression (18.1n. ob-
seruatum. . . dirumpendis), nec facilem. . . consensum abbreviates a fearing clause
(e.g. ut consensus facilis fieret). incerta noctis: 4.3n. deterrimi seruorum.
For substantive incerta cf. 2.77.2 (proeliorum), A. 3.54.4 (mans et tempestatium),
4.23.2 belli; cf. Sal. Hist. fr. 1.24 per...incerta human: genens, fr. 2.87 cetens
fuga tuta fuit incerto noctis et metu insidiarum. With noctis 'I. also uses obscurum
(2.14.3). temulentos: praetorian drunkenness and disorder will igure
prominently in chh. 80-5. sed ne per tenebras...destinaretur
‘but lest in the darkness somebody else, whoever might be presented to the
troops from Pannonia or Germany (most of whom did not know Otho), be
 156 COMMENTARY: 26.1-26.2; 27-35; 27.1

proclaimed in Otho’s stead’; for the addition of a object clause to a verb

already supplied with a direct object cf. 84.1n. ne.. . ne. . . ut.
26.2 oppressa: sc. sunt. elusit ‘made light of ’; cf. 29.1 quidam mi-
nora uero, ne tum quidem obli adulationis. In connecting eludere with the elderly
Galba T. evokes a typical plot element of Roman comedy, the gulling of
the senex (c.g. Ter. Ph. 885 summa eludendi occasiost m nunc senes; cf. Hor. S.
1.10.40-1 Dauoque Chremeta | eludente senem, Manil. 5.473 elusos senes). Similar
forces were at work in Vitellius' court: 2.96.1. amtci adulantes molltus inter-
pretabantur. consilii quamuis egregii...inimicus: if this is not
simply a general critique, it is perhaps a reference to Laco's (otherwise
unattested) opposition to the only plan T. recommendis vis-à-vis the prae-
torians, namely, the payment of a donative, however small (18.3). For the
silence of all but T. on much pertaining to Laco see 6.1n.

27—35 The beginning of Galba's end

The narrative of January 69 moves forward again in ch. 27. At the out-
set Galba and Otho are juxtaposed, with Galba dignified but unrealis-
tic and ineffective, Otho hiding tumultuous emotion. The prosecution of
Otho's plans and his proclamation as emperor are noted briefly but de-
velop no momentum as yet (27.2—28). At ch. 29 the focus returns to Galba
and the successful adoption candidate, Piso, who makes his cameo ap-
pearance in speech (29.2—30). The remainder of the panel is devoted to
Galba’s response to Otho’s challenge (31.1—2, 32.2-33) and to the mood
in Rome, both military (31.3) and civilian (32.1, 34-5). As Ts material
gets more exciting forward progress slows: chh. 27—47 report the events
of a single day, 15 January 69. T. develops the details available to him by
drawing on other memorable stories (29.1n. fatigabaf) and story patterns
(27.1n. audiente. . . interpretante), by writing a speech for Piso (29.2-30) and
a debate for Galba's court (32.2-33), and by describing the behaviour of
various segments of the Roman populace. For the parallel tradition see
App. 1.

27.1 octauo decimo kalendas Februarias: between decimo and kalen-

das understand die ante: 15 January. haruspex Vmbricius: perhaps
Umbricius Melior — Aharusptcum in nostro aeuo peritissimus (Plin. Nat. 10.19) —
who was one of Pliny's authorities for Books 10 (birds) and 11 (insects), in the
latter as author ofa treatise de Etrusca disciplina. instantes insidias ac
 COMMENTARY: 27.1-27.2 157

domesticum hostem: for Umbricius' rather melodramatic utterance T.

personifies ins:diae and uses an oxymoron that Cicero applied to Catilinar-
ian conspirators (Cat. 3.14, 22, 28; cf. Flac. 95). Ts domesticus hostis points
more directly to Otho than doces Plutarch's *danger of treachery' (G. 24.2
56Àou kív6uvov). For the connection between exta and domestic disaster cf.
Liv. 8.9.1 Decio caput tocineris a familiart parte caesum haruspex dicitur ostendisse.
On the liver see Meer (1987) with the review by Linderski (1995) 595-9.
praedicit 'announces' (OLD 2), a technical term for prophecy. au-
diente . . . interpretante: this appendix recounts Otho's opportunistic
reinterpretation of the omens. In contrast to Galba, Otho is a believer
In omens (22.2 persuaserat, cf. 18.1 contemptorem talium). In Plutarch's ver-
sion his belief brings on panic, not confidence (G. 24.3). Structurally the
scene resembles feripeteia-producing messenger speeches such as that at
Soph. OT 1008ff., where Jocasta hears news of which only she understands
the significance then rushes off to take drastc action. architecto et
redemptoribus 'architect and agents'; redemptor is a technical term for
the purchaser of a public contract (Fest. 270M) but T. uses it here as an
agent noun for redtmere, whose semantic range includes private transactions.
Plutarch has 'builders and sellers' (G. 24.4). Hellegouarc'h suggests that T.'s
words double as a reference to the *mastermind and agents' of the plot.
conuenerat 'had been agreed upon' OLD 7; cf. Suet. O. 6.2 quod signum
conuenerat.
27.2 eoque: 13.3n. innixus liberto: a peculiar detail, which
has been taken variously as further characterization of Otho as either mollts
(Alford) or casual (Heubner) and as an unassimilated remnant of a variant
story recorded in Suetonius, that Otho excused his departure with a sudden
attack of illness (O. 6.3; Townend (1964) 357). For the retention of details
that conflict with T.'s narrative see also 31.1n. tnsidiis et simulatione, 62.2n.
nomne. . . prohibuit. Tiberianam domum: an imperial residence ini-
tiated by Tiberius on the north-facing slope of the Palatine, overlooking the
Forum (Richardson (1992) 136—7). The palace adjoined the Velabrum at its
north-west corner (see map 2). Velabrum: a vaguely definedarea south
of the Forum and west of the Palatine, the site of a busy market(see map 2
and Richardson (1992) 406-7). In Ts version Otho skirts the Forum, which
will shortly see Galba's assassination (41.2); Plutarch sends him right into
it (G. 24.4 els &yopav). miliarium aureum: it stood : capite Romani
fon (Plin. Nat. 3.66—7); for Pliny it was a logical point from which to measure
the lengths of roads leading from the centre of Rome to its various gates.
158 COMMENIARY: 2/7.2-28

It might have been chosen as a rallying point for its symbolic value as the
centre of Rome’s arterial network (though that symbolism is not explicitly
attested anywhere); it lay a considerable distance from the castra praetoria,
to which Otho was eventually carried (see map 1). tres et uiginti: a
small number as measured against the hundreds in the cohort on guard at
the Palatine, but perhaps the full complement of its speculatores (apart from
the opportunistic Julius Atticus; 35.2n.). For the numbers see Chilver ad loc.
sellae: Suetonius (O. 6.3) has a sella multiebris and other colourful details
not used by T.: when the bearers grew tired Otho continued on foot until a
sandal came loose, whereupon he was carried to the barracks on the shoul-
ders of his supporters. mucronibus: T. uses both mucro and gladius
of the praetorian weapon (cf. 80.2 rapta arma, nudah gladi). rapiunt:
sc. n castra praetona; cf. Suet. O. 7.1 quasi raptus de publico. miraculo
‘amazement’ OLD 4. Like T., Suetonius is hard put to explain the eager
adhercnce of non-conspirators to Otho's cause: O. 6.3 obuto quoque non alter
ac 51 conscius et particeps foret adhaerente. 'T he same combination of planning and
surprise characterizes Caecina's defection from Vitellius: 3.13.1 tnetpientibus
qui conscii aderant ceteros re noua attonitos in uerba Vesbasiami adigit. clamore
et gladiis: the same double reference to swords appears at Plut. G. 25.2.
sumpturi: agrees with plural sense of pars.
28 Iulius Martialis tribunus: only here and at 82.1. magni-
tudine subiti sceleris: causal abl. with fraebutt, referring to the scale of
Otho's uprising as it developed over the course of the day (by leaps and
bounds), not just to its state upon arrival at the castra praetona (which, on
T.'s reckoning, was still small: the initial twenty-three soldiers plus totdem,
27.2). In focusing on why Martialis acted as he did T. omits what he did,
namely, admit Otho and his train into the praetorian camp: cf. Plut. G.
25.3 'Of tribunes the one on guard at the camp, Martialis . . . allowed them
to enter.' an...metuens: an alternative explanation for Martialis'
action. For the structure cf. A. 15.56.3 (on a conspirator naming names)
Scaeutnus . . . imbecillitate, an cuncta tam patefacta credens . . . edidi ceteros. con-
tra tenderet 'exerted himself against; resisted' OLD 12. suspi-
cionem conscientiae: where T. explains how suspicions might have
arisen (cf. 3.10.2 nimtus pauor conscientiam argueret), Plutarch reports consen-
sus on Martialis’ innocence: G. 25.3 ‘not himself a conspirator, so they
say, but confounded by the unexpected event and afraid’. For more after-
the-fact speculation about loyalties see 31.1 quod postea creditum est, inswdus et
stmulatione, and ch. 42 on T. Vinius.
 COMMENTARY: 29.1-29.2 159

29.1 ignarus: nescius is used with like irony at 2.57.1 Vitellus uictonae suae
nescius. ignarus 1s applied to Galba again at 39.2 and 49.3. fatigabat
‘importuned’ (OLD 3b) conveys the futility of Galba's persistence in what
was a standard response to unfavourable omens, i.e. repeating the sacrifice
until a sign of divine favour - a /ifatio - was obtained (Gel. 4.6.6, Cic. D.
2.36). The scene may be modelled on literary treatments of the prelude to
Caesar's assassination, e.g. Suet. ful. 81.4 plunbus hostus caesis, cum litare non
posset, introut curiam spreta religione Sburinnamque (sc. haruspicem) trridens. If so, it
will be the first in a series of analogies to memorable Republican deaths:
Otho's suicide, paradoxically enough, wins accolades approaching those
of Cato (cf. Martial 6.32), and the deformitas of Vitellius' end matches that
of Pompey's (3.84.5). rumor rapi...senatorem,... Othonem
esse: for acc. + inf. supplying the content of rumor cf. 34.2 occisum
(sc. esse) in castris Othonem uagus . . . rumor. incertum quem senatorem
‘some unidentified senator’ (Irvine), a compressed expression for senatorem
quendam, quis senator incertum est (cf. Virg. Aen. 8.352 collem, quis deus in-
certum est, habitat deus); quem has been attracted into the case of its an-
tecedent. ex tota urbe reflects the course of Otho's progress from
the head of the Forum to the castra praetoria on the north-east outskirts of
the city (see map 1). obuius: sc. Othoni. alii . . . quidam: T. regu-
larly varies the pronouns used with alu: in Book 1, 27.2 alu. . . plerique, 39.1
aln...alu...plenque...plures, 41.2 alu. . plures, 41.3 quidam . . .alu. . . crebnor
Jfama. The construction here 1s further complicated by the different omis-
sions in the parallel participial phrases: the object (e.g. uisa, cf. A. 12.40.1 illo
augente audita) is missing in the first, the participle itself (e.g. referentes) in the
second. integra auctoritas maioribus remediis seruabatur:
inlegra is a predicate adj. ‘preserved tntact'. Otho receives similar advice at
2.33.2. For the medical metaphor see 4.1n. quid. . . aegrum.
29.2 Piso...in hunc modum allocutus est: as he had done for
Galba, so for Piso T. deepens his characterization by means of a speech.
Like that earlier speech, this one lacks an equivalent in the parallel tradition.
But whereas the earlier speech depended for its effect on its ‘dissonance
with the surrounding narrative' (Keitel (1991) 2775), this one must be read
in conjunction with the speeches that bracket it, both of which include
descriptions of Piso (15.2—3, 38.1; see also 21.1n. efferatum). Piso's purpose in
this speech is to secure the loyalty of the on-duty cohort. In short order he
claims a link between himself and his audience (sextus. . . esset), attacks his
rival (niul . . . exercuit), and explains what is in his audience's best interests
160 COMMENTARY: 29.2

(Galba. . . acciftetis), a structure mirrored in Otho's first speech (37—8; Fabia

(1893) 285, Keitel (1991) 2778). The first section contains some remarkably
false notes (see nn. on commtlitones, incruentam) and the invective verges on the
hysterical (euertere imperium, transfugae ac desertores) and even misfires (cf. 7 1.1
Otho . . . non deliciis neque desidia torpescere). 'The third section has to its credit
predictions that are borne out by subsequent events (uacua nomina; transcendet
haec licentia in. proutincias), but begins with another false claim (see n. on
consensus generis humani) and ends with a misstep (see n. on donatiuum). 'This
does not add up to an impressive performance. Of the four qualities in Piso
that Galba cites in explaining his selection, the first and fourth — praeclara
indoles tua and ea utta in qua. nifil praeteritum. excusandum habeas — appear to
have been irrelevant (15.2—3, cf. 30.1 niAul arrogabo . . . nobilitatis aut modestiae).
The second, amor patriae, is echoed but not confirmed in senatus et ipsius
impen uicem doleo (29.2), while the third, aetas tua quae cupidiates adulescentiae
iam effugent, undermines Piso's predicton of /ibidines in Otho, six years his
elder (30.1). More to the point is Otho's observation that Galba selected
a son sut simillimus (38.1). In the course of this speech it becomes apparent
that Piso resembles Galba not so much in disciplina and parsimonia as in
his refusal to acknowledge a reality that falls short of ideal. He emulates
Galba in glossing over unpalatable situations with appealing words (29.2
solactum, 30.2 consensus) and, more significantly, he fails to see that his epi-
gram nemo ... umquam impenum flagitio quaesitum bonis artibus exercuit (30.1) 18
as applicable to the facts of Galba's principate as to Otho's. In style the
speech distinguishes itself from the surrounding narrative by its bland anti-
theses and parallel structures, the simplicity of the uariatio, the rhetorical
ornaments, and the pleonasms. For further discussion and bibliography
see Keitel (1991) 2776-9. commilitones: a form of address not jus-
tified by Piso's career (14.1n.); Otho uses it with (slightly) more justification
at 37.1 (see n.) and 83.2, Galba with full entitlement at 35.2. In the first
three passages it introduces a request and therefore promises a future in
which the speaker will be under obligation to the miktes rather than, as in
the last case, reflecting shared experience. siue optandum...siue
timendum erat: a parenthetical comment on his adoption; for the verbs
cf. Sen. Dal. 10.7.9 at ille. . . nec optat crastinum nec timet. quo...fato:
sc. ascitus stm; indirect question, subject of positum est. non quia
‘not that’ (OLD 3b) -- subj. rebuts a listener's inference about the speaker's
reason for the preceding statement; here it denies a selfish motivation for
the question quo . . . fato. cum maxime ‘at this very moment’ OLD 6b.
 COMMENTARY: 29.2-30.3 161

uicem ‘on (someone’s) account’ + gen. OLD8. incruentam urbem

et res sine discordia translatas: belied by the retrospective, esp.
6.2 introitus (sc. Galbae) in urbem trucidatis tot milibus inermium militum infaus-
tus and 8—-9.1. Otho, in his response, supplies more evidence of bloodshed
(37.2-4).
30.1r uitia... euertere imperium: echoing Galba (on Nero): 16.2
sua immantitas, sua luxuria ceruicibus publicis depulerunt; cf. the author himself
at 89.2 Nero nuntus magis et rumonibus quam armis depulsus. habitune et
incessu: 22.1n. mollis. illo muliebri ornatu: cf. Suet. 0.12.1 mund:-
tiarum uere paene muliebrium. Feminine attire is not ascribed to Otho elsewhere
(Suet. O. 12.1 has him wearing linen in public for Isiac rites) but rather to
Nero (Suet. Ner. 51, cf. Dio 63.13.3 ‘he used to welcome senators wearing
a short flowered tunic and a muslin drape around his neck’). The topic
of men in women's dress (1.e. in silk or transparent fabric) was addressed
by sumptuary legislation and debate under Tibenus (4. 2.33.1, 3.53.4) and
lived on as a topos for moralists (e.g. Sen. Ep. 122.7, Plin. Nat. 11.8, Juv.
2.65—78; for further references see Courtney (1980) ad loc. and W-M ad A.
3.59.4). mereretur 'could he have earned?' For the impf. potential
subj. referring to *what could have or might have happened’ see NLS §121.
For the oxymoron cf. 2.10.3 Faustus. . . pessimis monbus meruerat and 4.34.1
dux uterque pari culpa mentus. imponit ‘deceive’ OLD 16.
30.2 consensus generis humani: another false claim (15.1n.
deorum homtnumque consensu). uacua nomina: cf. 55.4 oblitterata 1am
nomina. Nero...uos destituit, non uos Neronem: the desertion
in question, Nero's move to Alexandria (Plut. G. 2.1, Suet. Ner. 47.2, Dio
63.27.2), was never carried out (5.1n. ad destituendum Neronem. . . traductus).
Plutarch puts a similar charge in the mouth of the tribune Antonius
Honoratus, who persuaded the praetorians to show their loyalty to Galba
by killing Nymphidius Sabinus: G. 14.2 ‘Not even on account of these things
(1.e. Nero’s criminal and shameful deeds) did we tolerate deserting him, but
only when we believed Nymphidius' story that he deserted us first and fled
to Egypt.' T.s neat turn of phrase echoes words written by Caesar about
Nero's great-great-grandfather, L. Domitius Ahenobarbus: Ciu. 2.32.8 uosne
uero L. Domitium an uos Domitius deseruit?
30.3 minus triginta: presumably a reference to the twenty-four ab-
sent speculatores. After minus (and plus) quam is frequently omitted (A&G
9407C). centurionem aut tribunum sibi eligentes: as they do
at 46.1. exitus ‘consequences, results’ OLD 5; used by Otho at 21.2
IVa Wd N\ AVA AVA Bs4A N A 4R
AN 1 . MP AE &

51 nocentem innocentemque idem exitus maneat, and. again at 83.2. perniciost ex-
Mus consequuntur. perinde indicates an equivalence between the two
potential donatives (OLD 3). It is the reading of a single MS (Harleianus
2764), where the rest (and Heubner) read proinde. For confusion between
the two words cf. 33.2n. donatiuum: mentioned at long last, but in
terms too vague to be effective for long. Otho takes up the topic at 37.5.
ob fidem...pro facinore: for the antithesis between different routes
to gratitude cf. Thuc. 3.58.1 *earn an honourable gratitude rather than a
shameful one'.
31.1 aspernata: sc. esí. ut. .. euenit, timore magis et nullo
adhuc consilio apud signa quam, quod postea creditum est,
ingidiis et simulatone: badly garbled in transmission. M reads
ut. . . euentior le magis et nonnullo adhuc consilio par signas quod postea creditum est
insidiis et simulatione. ut . . . euenit timore is the reading of one branch of M's de-
scendants (see Wellesley's app. crit.). À correction found in another branch
of the tradition (nullo for nonnullo) yields an acceptable (if not inevitable)
antithesis between fimore magis et nullo adhuc consilio and insidus et ssmulatione.
One must then supply quam before quod to go with magis (52.2n. ut Vitellius).
apud signa (for M’s par signas) is an attributive prepositional phrase mod-
ifying cohors; cf. 3.35.1 sua quemque apud signa, 4.35.2 = 4.77.2 rarum apud
signa militem. It is clear from 41.1 and 43.1 that at least two of the praeto-
rians, Atilius Vercilio and Sempronius Densus, stayed on duty; probably
the majority did (cf. 38.2 (quoted below), 41.1 comitatae Galbam cohortis, 43.1
custodiae Pisonis). T hus reconstructed the sentence denies these praetorians
any credit for remaining on duty. For the historian's difficulty in discern-
ing motives during these tumultuous hours cf. 28n. suspicionem conscientiae.
For other textual remedies see Wellesley's Appendix Critica and Morgan
(1992) 56 n. 5. insidiis et simulatione: despite Ts denial here
of complicity on the part of this cohort, there are traces of that version
of the story elsewhere in his text, as at 38.2 nec una cohors togata defendu
iam Galbam, sed detinet (which may of course be a bluff), and 41.1 eo signo
(see n.).
31.2 Celsus Marius: 14.1n.; his career included a legionary com-
mand in an Illyrian province (Pannonia, A.p. 63). His mission was unsuc-
cessful (39.1 Manus Celsus haud laeta rettulerit). Vipsania in porticu:
no remains of this building are known, but its approximate location on
the south-east side of the Campus Agrippae just outside the Servian wall
at the base of the Quirinal can be determined from literary references
 COMMENTARY: 31.2-31.3 163

(Richardson (1992) 319-20). On the troop dispositions and their signif-

icance for T.’s narrative see Morgan (1992), esp. 57-8 'an arc running
from north-west to north to north-east of the Palace’. tendentes
‘encamped’ OLD 3. praeceptum: sc. est. Amullio Sereno et
Domitio Sabino primipilaribus: only here. primipilares were former
chief centurions. That ofhce was normally held for a year at a time but
might be iterated in different legions (Webster (1998) 114). It is presumably
men waiting for such renewals who are occasionally found carrying out
special military assignments such as this one and Otho's naval expedition
(87.2; cf. 3.70.1, A. 4.72.1). Libertatis atrio: the German vexilla-
tons were billeted in a lavishly decorated public library that was situated
just outside the porta Fontinalis (Richardson (1992) 41). They were there-
fore much closer to the Palatine and the Forum than either the Illyrian
troops or the praetorians (see map 1). caedem commilitonum:
6.2n. trucidatis . .. militum. pergunt...in castra praetorianorum
tribuni: the current prefect, Laco, was presumably too unpopular (6.1 n.);
cf. 81.2 praefectos rraetorii ad mitigandas militum tras statim miserat. Cetrius
Seuerus...Subrius Dexter: both are attested epigraphically (PIR*
c 703, PIR s 683); the latter was promoted to the equestrian bureaucracy un-
der the Flavians. Pompeius Longinus: sce below and PIR* P 622.
si 'to see i^ OLD 11. incipiens adhuc necdum adulta: for the
deletion of M's et before necdum see Nipperdey (1877) 199 and Fletcher
(1971) 384.
31.3 quia non ordine militiae sed e Galbae amicis fidus prin-
cipi suo et desciscentibus suspectior erat: ordine militiae ‘with mil-
itary status' (a typically bold abl. of description; Draeger (1882) $61) and
the parallel attributive prepositional phrase e Galbae amicis (cf. 24.1e proximis
Tigellini, 25.1 e libertis) describe Longinus (‘being. . . ; cf. A. 4.66.2 quia claris
maionibus et Varo conexus. For ordo militiae as *military status' cf. Cod. 7 heod. 8.1.11
sumere cingulum et militiae ordinem tenere numeranos wbemus; 1t is not strictly true
of Longinus, a praetorian tribune, for the time of the narrative, but refers
rather to his background (‘not a military man’), an unusual one. Praetorian
tribunes were typically career soldiers (20.3nn.; cf. also the label utr militaris
that T. applies to other praetorian tribunes: 3.73.2, 4. 4.42.2, 15.67.3). For
other explanations of the syntax see Chilver. nutauere 'remained un-
decided' (OLD 6) is a bald rendering of the metaphor here, which evokes
an object, usually a heavy one, moving in response to opposing forces but
still centred on a balance point (e.g. Juvenal's picture of great tree trunks
164 COMMENTARY: 31.3-32.1

swaying through the streets of Rome on carts, 3.256 nutant alte populoque
minantur). nuto appears in an explicit statement of the competing alterna-
tives of loyalty and rebellion at 2.98.1 nutabat, palam . . . Vitelltum, occultis nun-
tus Vespasianum fouens and again at 2.1 Galliae nutantes, 56.2 nutantem fortunam,
2.9.2 tnerarchi. . . nulantes, 2.76.1 nutantem (sc. Vespasianum), 3.40.1 nutantem
Caecinam, etc. Suetonius' story (C. 20.1) that these troops tried to join Galba
but lost their (short) way does not square with T.'s story of primipilares sent to
fetch them (Fabia (1912) 95). Atleast one member of the group made it to the
Forum in time to incur suspicion of being Galba's assassin (41.3). inde
rursus 'from there back again’. longa nauigatione: the west-east
leg could be accomplished in as little as nine days but the return journey
might take as many as seventy owing to the etesian winds (see 2.98.2 and
Rickman (1980) 128-9). On the chronology of the vexillations' travels see
Morgan (1992) 58—60, with his conclusion *'On January 15 the German
troops must have been back in Rome for a minimum of four months.'
Whatever the precise nature of their malaisc (about which T. is vague), the
important point was that Galba did not have the loyalty even of the few
troops he had coddled (Morgan (1992) 62).
32.1 Palatium: the Palatine hill, not the palace; cf. A. 14.61.1
(of a Roman crowd rejoicing) et Palatium multitudine et clamoribus complebant.
mixtis...postularent: the five-word main clause is dwarfed by the
twenty-word appendix (abl. abs., participial phrase, comparative clause),
emphasizing the negative characterization of the crowd over the fact of
their gathering on the Palatine. mixtis ‘mixed’ (sc. with the plebs); for
brevity's sake mixtis appears without either the dat. complement or the
prefix that usually completes the sense (cf. 34.2 mixtis tam Othonianis,
contrast 2.1 permixta, 38.3 miscentur auxiliaribus galeis scutisque, 53.3, 74.2).
miscere (eighty-three times in T.) evokes disorder, contributing to the dark
atmosphere that T. favours: in Book 1, 9.3, 10.2, 34.2, 38.3, 53.2, 53.3,
74.2. Caesar, by contrast, never uses miscere, and uses compounds only six
times. seruitiis: more clevated than seruis. dissono clamore
is formally parallel to mix&s seruitiis, but different in content, since seruatits
describes a portion of the crowd, clamore the commotion of the whole gath-
ering. dissono is distributive, i.e. some were calling for caedes Othonis, others
for exitium coniuratorum (cf. A. 1.34.2, 14.45.1 ila dissonae uoces respondebant
numerum aul aetatem aut sexum ac plurtmorum indubiam innocentiam miserantium).
The abstract and therefore more elevated clamor ('din', forty-seven times)
is commoner in T. than clamores (‘shouts’, nine times); here it is used even
 COMMENTARY: 32.1 165

in a situation involving distinct shouts. exitium (Acidalius) is prefer-

able to the MS reading exiltum, which credits the crowd with a capacity
for drawing nice distinctions (death for the rival, exile for his supporters)
that is wholly foreign to T's picture; cf. Otho's reprise at 37.1 auditisne ut
poena mea et supplicium uestrum stmul postulentur? poscentium 'of people
calling for’; 4.2n. primo gaudentium impetu. in circo aut theatro: cf. 4.3
plebs sordida et circo ac theatns sueta. In the circus there were chariot racing
and gladiatorial games (2.94.3), in the theatre, dramatic performances. For
unruly behaviour cf. 72.3, where a theatre crowd calls for a political ex-
ecution. For rivalry between elements of theatre crowds see A. 1.77.1-4
and 11.11.2; according to 19.25.4 Nero encouraged it. The image of the
populace as mere spectators of political upheaval recurs at 40.1, where
the crowd finally gets a bloody show; eodem die here links the two ‘shows’;
for another see 3.83 (with Shumate (1997)), and cf. Luc. 3.128—9 turba.. . . |
spectatrx scelerum. postularent: Seneca mentions a gladiatorial event
called the par postulaticium that seems to have involved crowd requests (Ep. 7,
cf. Suet. Cal. 30.3 cumque Tetrinius Latro postularetur, where the context is again
gladiatorial). neque illis iudicium aut ueritas 'in them was no
judgment or sincerity' (for ueritas see OLD 7); the negative creates a gap be-
tween the possible (iudicium and ueritas) and the real (neque illis) that expresses
T.’s scorn for the crowd's behaviour. With the crowd's mindless enthusiasm
(cf. 90.3 studits uotisque certabant, nec metu aut amore, sed ex libidine seruitii) one may
contrast the senate's equally unappealing but more prudent dissimulation
(45.1n. alium .. . populum); cf. also 90.3 clamor uocesque ex more adulandi nimiae et
falsae. quippe . . . postulaturis ‘in that they were going to demand'.
quippe here simply reinforces the explanatory participle (cf. 72.2 quippe tot
interfectis). See also 5.2n. quamuts .. . ablato and 7.3n. tamquam. . . festinantes.
diuersa 'different things', among them the death of Marius Celsus (45.2).
The generalization is darker than precise information would be (Walker
(1968) 51—2). Fickleness (dtuersa) is a regular attribute of Tacitean crowds
(cf. 45.1 alium crederes senatum, alium populum; 69 uulgus mutabile, 3.85 (quoted
below), 5.8.3 mobilitate uulgr expuls: (sc. reges), etc.). pari certamine
‘with equal enthusiasm’, cf. 57.1 secutae ingenti certamine. eiusdem. prouinciae
legiones. For this paradoxical critique of the fickle crowd’s unchanging
behaviour cf. 3.85 uulgus eadem prawtate insectabatur nterfectum qua fouerat
uiuentem. sed tradito more quemcumque principem adulandi
‘adulation of any princeps whomsoever having become customary'. sed is
prepared for by neque, but instead of introducing a phrase parallel to
166 COMMENTARY: 32.1-32.2

wdictum aut uentas it is followed by an abl. abs. adulandi is a. defining

gen. dependent on more (cf. 90.3 ex more aduland:); the phrase implies that
adulation has become part of the mos matorum, comparable to the tradi-
tional procedures for e.g. choosing the flamen Dialis (A. 4.16.2 uetusto more)
or extending the pomerium (12.23.2 more prisco). See also 44.2n. tradito. . .
more. licentia acclamationum ‘unruly shouts of approval’ (lit. ‘with
the lack of restraint characteristic of acclamations’; cf. 49.1 licentia
tenebrarum). licentia is an instrumental abl. parallel with studiis; the one noun
is modified by a gen., the other by an adj.
32.2 duae sententiae: the scene now shifts from outside the palace
to inside, the council of war. The debate or agon features in most genres of
Greck literature; in historiography from the time of Herodotus it is used as
a framework for the rhetorical presentation of arguments for and against
a particular course of action. The form provides analysis rather than nar-
rative (most obviously, perhaps, in the constitutional debates in Herodotus
(3.80—3) and Dio (52.1—40)). The particular type found here - an : camera
discussion among a leader's councillors — dertves plausibility in histories
of Rome from the Roman institution of the consiltum, the group of family
members, friends, and subordinates that a Roman would consult with be-
fore making important decisions, and is widespread in them. Caesar has
some notable examples (e.g. Gal. 5.28.2—91.4, Ciu. 1.67, 2.30), and Livy,
too, liked the form, even reading it into non-Roman discussions such as
Antiochus' council of war (35.17—19). For other debates in T. see 2.32-3,
3.1—2,4.76, 4. 2.76—78.1, 16.25—6. Here the two sententiae are distinct in tone.
Vinius offers a bland rhetoric of unrealistic plans, inaccurate assessments,
facile moral labels, and unlikely projections, all couched in un-Tacitean
parallel clauses. Given Otho’s haste, delay was an unpromising alternative.
In this whole disingenuous speech, in fact, T. is laying the foundation for
his claim that Vinius was already working for Otho (42n. conscius sceleris).
The opposing argument, occurrendum discrimini, receives a much more lively
presentation: the language is forceful and the sarcasm palpable. The scorn
with which ceten counter Vinius' points is striking - little heat is gener-
ated in most agones — and conveys the hostility among Galba’s advisors.
The debate thus contributes to a leitmotiv of H., the exposure of principes
to self-interested and competitive advisors (15.4n. ali. .. utilitas). For dis-
cussion and bibliography see Keitel (1991) 2790—4. Titus Vinius:
r.1n., 6.tn. opponenda seruitia: opponere ‘deploy’ OLD 3. A few
months later Vitellius' desperate attempt to hide himself in the Palace
 COMMENTARY: 32.2 167

failed when his slaves fled (3.84.4). firmandos aditus: cf. Virg. Aen.
11.466 pars aditus urbis firmet with Miller (1987b). T. has a similar expres-
sion at 3.76.2 tntuta moenium firmare. For the impracticality of the plan, see
393.1n. dum...cludi. non eundum: by lisung the rejected action last
Tacitus keeps his sentence structure from being predictable (i.e. periodic).
iratos seriously underestimates the soldiers’ mood. At 24.1 their animi
are flagrantes and about to be inflamed further, at 25.2 they feel :ra and
desperatio and are terrified at the prospect of a transfer, at 26.1 their minds
are crazed and infected by a tabes. daret. .. potestate: this excerpt
of reported speech with the anaphora of daret, the parallel structure of
three successive pairs of clauses (daret. . . spatium; scelera. . . ualescere, si ratw
sit. . . s1 paeniteat), and the use of the place-marker denique is highly rhetorical
(Adams (1973) 132). daret: jussive subj. in indirect statement (VLS §109
and 266.3). malorum paenitentiae. . . spatium ‘room (i.e. time)
for the wrongdoers to repent’. bonorum consensui: the events of
15 January showed that the support of the bon: on whom Galba relied
(16.3) was no use to him: they did nothing (26.1, 28.1) and his association
with them only spurred on the sedition (38.3 praecipuum pessimorum incitamen-
tum quod bont maerebant). For consensus see 15.1 n. deorum hominumque consensu.
scelera impetu, bona consilia mora ualescere: indirect statement
of a neatly expressed but badly reasoned sententia; prompt response was
called for (21.2n. nec cunctattone opus). ualescere: this inchoative verb
(eight times in T., more than in all other authors combined; conualescere
is preferred elsewhere) is responded to by its opposite, /anguescere, in the
speech of Vinius' opponents (33.2) and by a word of kindred meaning
applied by the narrator to the sedition as it developed (39.1 crebrescentis).
For other striking inchoative verbs in Book 1 see 21.1 concuptsceret, 71.1
torpescere, 80.1 eualutt. ultro ‘at will' (Wellesley; OLD 5), is balanced by
in aliena potestate. For the alternation adverb - prep. phrase cf. 89.2 and see
Sórbom (1935) 95. sit: the immediacy and urgency of the rhetoric is
enhanced by the repraesentatio (7.2n. postquam. . . nequiuenni). eandem
facultatem: sc. fore. regressus is best taken as a gen. parallel to
eundi and dependent on facullatem, despite the slight redundancy of facultas
regressus 'opportunity for retreat' where regressus alone would suffice (cf. A.
4.11.1 nullo ad paenitendum regressu and 12.10.2 ut.. . sit regressus ad principem
patresque). For the thought cf. 3.66.1 fidem in libidine uictonis. regressus has also
been taken as an acc. pl. (parallel to facultatem), and emended to regressum; see
Chilver.
168 COMMENTARY: 33.1

33.1 festinandum: cf. 62.1. niul in discordus ciuilibus festinabione tutus.

ceteris: two names are given at 33.2: Laco (the commander of the praeto-
rian guard) and Icelus (a powerful freedman). Here the vague but inclusive
cetens makes Vinius, who is named, look isolated. inualida adhuc
coniuratio paucorum: these advisors, too, underestimate the strength
of the movement, perhaps deliberately (26.2n. elusit). T. himself has de-
scribed Otho's conspiracy as small (25.2 pauct, 27.2 tres et uiginti), but
the praetorians were only waiting for a leader (6.2n. audent: parata). 'The
miscalculation (or misinformation) proved fatal to both Galba and his
advisors. trepidaturum etiam Othonem: sc. esse, 'Otho would
even be frightened'; infinitives of esse are omitted in the indirect state-
ment, which continues through 33.2 honestum. trepidaturum is the apodosis
of a condition whose protasis is implicit: s? festinatum fueril. For etiam see
OLD 4. qui introduces a causal relative clause that explains why Otho
would be frightened by a prompt resistance (NLS §157b). ignaros
is active 1n sense (‘men who didn’t know him’) and at present untrue
(chh. 23—5, but cf. 70.1 Othonts ignan (sc. decuriones). cunctatione nunc
et segnitia: circumstantial abl. segnitia denotes a failure of leadership
(e.g. 49.3, 52.4, 50.1, 2.40, 3.3, 4. 1.58.2, etc.) and rephrases cunctatione:
to hesitate is to fail your side (5.2n. /audata. . . celebrata). terentium
tempus 'of those wasting time'; i.e. Vinius. imitari principem: a
partisan expression; one who imitates an emperor cannot yet be an em-
peror. The first proclamation of Otho as frinceps has already taken place in
Tacitus' account (27.2). discat: 7.2n. postquam. . . nequiuerint. T he pro-
cess of learning to be frinceps is described in minute (and discreditable) de-
tail for Vitellius at 2.60—4, cf. 2.63.1 domtnationts magistris. compositis
castris: this had already happened: 36.1 haud dubiae iam :n castris
omntum mentes. prospectante Galba: they paint a humiliating pic-
ture of Galba looking on while Otho takes possession of the symbolic ‘keys’
of Rome, the Forum and the Capitol, the places that Galba will want to
seize when his situation becomes more precarious (39.1), and the ones that
Otho will in fact take: 40.2 forum wrrumpunt, 47.2 Otho...in Cafntolum. ..
uectus. dum...ianua ac limine tenus domum cludit ‘while he
(sc. Galba) shut off the house, to the extent of a door and doorframe’;
highly sarcastic. The Palace doors could not even be held against well-
wishers: 35.1 refractis Palatu foribus, cf. 82.1. For claudo *make inaccessible' see
OLD 3b; for tenus ‘to the extent of' OLD 3. For the purely temporal dum 4-
ind. in indirect statement see NLS §2211v. obsidionem nimirum
toleraturus: more sarcasm; on obsidto see 68.1n.
 COMMENTARY: 33.2-34.1 169

33.2 praeclarum in seruis auxilium responds (with scorn) to

Vinius’ opponenda seruitia (q.v.). si consensus tantae multitudi-
nis et...indignatio languescat: consensus refers to support for Galba
(32.2n. bonorum consensui), indignatio to resentment of anyone who tried to
take the highest place for himself; both sentiments contributed to the
preservation of the s/atus quo. What is described here will shortly come
to pass: 39.1 languentibus omnium studus. On languescat see 32.2n. ualescere.
Some editors emend to elanguescat, which T. uses at 46.3 and 4.42.6, but
the uncompounded form (which he uses eight times) responds precisely to
ualescere. consensus tantae multitudinis responds (with sarcasm)
to Vinius’ bonorum consensui. In the view of these advisors, the boni are
neither many nor reliable. proinde ‘accordingly’ introduces a sum-
mary of the argument thus far as preparation for the exhortation to come
(21.2n.). Heubner prints the variant ferinde. intuta quae indecora
‘the shameful course was not (even) safe’; cf. 68.1 intula obsidio, again in a
context of decision-making. T. follows Sallust and Livy in his predilection
for intutus (‘unsure’ OLD 2), which is rare outside the historians: T. nine
umes, Sal. once, Liv. twice, Amm. six times. id Othoni inuidio-
sius: cf. 4.1.3 Othoniani Vitellanique militis inuidiosa antea petulantia. ipsis
honestum: T. will later say that Galba and Piso perished by an hon-
ourable death, tamquam in acie (3.68.1; cf. 2.44.2 honestius in acie penturos).
With the plural ipsis the advisors profess willingness to die with Galba. In
fact they survive him, but are later executed by Otho’s partisans (46.5).
repugnantem ‘fighting back’, a strong word, followed by the even more
virulent minaciter inuasit and reinforced by samulante (‘egging on’); the debate
becomes (metaphorically) a brawl. Galba, T. suggests, was moved not by
reasoned argument, but by the force of personalities and by in-fighting
among his supporters. The battle lines were drawn within Galba's party
over the question of Galba's heir (13.1 :n duas factiones scindebantur). Vinius
(who urged Galba to adopt Otho) also lost the earlier fight. Laco: 6.1n.
Icelo: 13.1n. in publicum exitium: an ominous sounding phrase
in a neat antithesis, but only vaguely relevant to the situation. Icelus might
have disregarded public welfare in pursuing his private feud with Vinius,
but it is hard to sec how he damaged the state. T. cannot suggest that
Galba should have followed Vinius’ advice, since Galba’s cause was a lost
one (29.1 alieni iam impeni).
34.1 nec: with cunctatus, not accessit; cf. 71.2 nec Otho quast ignosceret.
speciosiora: internal acc. (NLS §1.iv) with suadentibus (cf. Liv. 22.3.8
omnibus in consilio salutaria magis quam speciosa suadentibus, from a similar
170 COMMENTARY: 34.1-34.2

context). See further 49.3n. famae... nec uenditator. accessit ‘went

along with' 4- dat., OLD 8. praemissus: sc. est; the prefix implies
that Galba meant subscquently to go himself, a plan short-circuited by the
rumours of Otho’s death (see below). From Piso’s mission (which no other
source reports; Townend (1964) 357) to the deaths of Galba and Piso, T.’s
account diverges considerably from the other sources, particularly Plutarch,
who is elsewhere close to T. tamen points out the oddity of Piso going
instead of Galba. At 29.1 Galba was being kept in reserve for a crisis, but that
crisis is at hand. in castra: sc. praetorianorum. Piso turned back before
he got there (39.1). ut 'in accordance with the fact that'. iuuenis:
sc. erat. magno nomine: 14.in. Psonem Licnianum. recenti
fauore: when Piso was presented to the troops their fauor was lukewarm
at best (18.1—2); the cohort on the Palatine was no more enthusiastic (31.1).
infensus ‘hostile to’ OLD 2. Vinius’ misdeeds had helped make Galba
unpopular (6.1n.), and Galba was unwilling to recognize the man’s faults
(49.3), so Laco and Icelus may have thought that Piso’s hostility to Vinius
would produce two desirable results, both the satisfaction of some of the
conspirators’ grievances and the removal of their own nval (cf. 39.2 agitasse
Laco gnaro Galba de occidendo Tito Vinw dicitur). et facilius de odio
creditur: cf. 2.60.1 et Vitelhus credidit de perfidia. In creditur 1t is unclear
whose beliefs are meant. Is it a statement about what T. believes? Or is it
a generalization ('people very easily believe in enmity between others’)? T.
normally uses credo to express his own views (c.g. 13.2 credo) or credidertm if he
is rebutting someone else's view (e.g. Agr. 12.6 ego facilius crediderim). But he
later uses a similarly vague expression (42.1 huc potius eius uita famaque inclinat)
for his own judgment between alternatives, and T. would have found it easy
to believe that the upright Piso hated Vinius, deterrimus mortalium.
34.2 The scene shifts back to the crowd outside the Palace.
uixdum: this adverb and the absence of connectives convey the speed
with which events were unrolling. Occisum: sc. esse, indirect state-
ment dependent on rumor. Another faked report of a death (Vespasian's)
is devised by Civilis and Classicus to persuade Cerealis to head the Gallic
revolt at 4.75.1. rumor: sc. erat. With rumor postponed to the end of
the clause the reader gets the news of Otho's death before the source is
discredited, an effect that evokes the uncertainties of the time, the difh-
culty of getting reliable information (cf. 35.2 tnofia uen). ut in magnis
mendaciis 'as so often in tall tales', cf. Sen. Ben. 7.30.2 nec quisquam fin-
gere contentus est leuia, cum magnitudine mendacii fidem quaereat. 'The alliteration
 COMMENTARY: 34.2-35.1 171

gives this cynical aside a colloquial tone comparable to that in Plaut. Rud.
515 dum tuts ausculto magnidicis mendacits (cf. Capt. 671 falsidwis fallaciis) and
Ps. 943 mera mendacia 1am fundes. For the self-perpetuation of lies cf. 4.50.1
ueraque et falsa more famae in matus innotuere. For magnis cf. A. 15.36.4. quae
natura magnis timoribus, deterius credebant quod euenerat. interfuisse...et
uidisse: an almost tautological doublet emphasizing the insistence with
which these hars pressed their fabrications on the credulous. credula
fama inter gaudentes et incuriosos 'among people who rejoice with-
out thinking rumour finds credence'; cf. A. 14.4.1 facili feminarum credulitate
ad gaudia. Bad news, too, found ready belief (19.2). For the irresponsibility
cf. 2.90.2 uulgus. . . uacuum curis et sine falsi uerique discrimine. . . . clamore et uo-
cibus astrebebat and 4.49.3 gaudio clamoribusque cuncta miscebant indiligentia uen et
adulandi libidine. fama 1s personified and characterized as gullible; she hears
news and, believing it, spreads it; cf. 2.78.4 has ambages et statim exceperat fama
et tunc aperiebat. multi arbitrabantur: Suctonius asserts on his own
authority what T. says people were thinking at the time: G. 19.2 sed extractus
(sc. Galba) rumoribus falsis, quos conspirati, ut eum in publicum elicerent, de industria
dissiparant. 'T., like Suetonius, will have found the notion that the rumour
was part of Otho's plan in his sources, but it does not fit with T.'s assertion
that Vinius was one of Otho's conspirators (42n. conscius sceleris) since the
conspirators' plan cannot have involved both luring Galba out with the
rumour and keeping him in through pressure from Vinius. Authorial sup-
port is therefore withheld from the claim that the rumour was deliberately
spread. (Neither Plutarch nor Dio mentions a plan for luring Galba out.) For
authonal distancing cf. also 7.2 fuere qui crederent and 85.2 plerique credebant.
compositum auctumque: sc. esse. mixtis iam Othonianis: dat.
of agent (used more than thirty times by T.; A&G §375, Draeger (1882) §51).
uulgauerint: repraesentati (7 .2n. postquam . . . nequiuerint). For rumour as an
instrument of policy cf. 51.5 callide uulgatum.
35.1 tum uero introduces similarly shocking scenes at 81.2, 4.29.2 tum
uero strepitus dissoni etc., Agr. 37.2 tum uero . . . grande et atrox spectaculum, and A.
1.35.4. tum uero, quasi scelere contaminaretur, t often begins sentence, line, and
revelation in Virgil (e.g. Ecl. 6.27 tum uero. . . wderes, Aen. 2.105 tum uero arde-
mus, 2.228 tum uero. . . pauor, 2.309 tum uero manifesta, 2.624 tum uero. . . utsum,
etc.); cf. Sal. Cat. 61.1 tum uero cerneres, Liv. 28.20.6 tum uero apparuit, and see
further Chausscric-Laprée 520-31. non populus tantum 'not only
the populace'. populus. .. plebs: again at 36.2, 40.1, 82.1, etc. With
these subjects ruere (modified by in plausus et studia) 1s used metaphorically,
172 COMMENTARY: 35.1

while with plengue 1t is literal (modified by tntus). For the syllepsis cf. 9.2
nec witus nec utnbus miscebantur and 67.1 plus praedae ac sangutnis Caecina hausit.
imperita plebs: cf. 89.1 uulgus et. .. communium curarum expers populus and
50.1n. non senatus. .. uulgus. Under the imperial constitution the plebs, be-
ing deprived of the decision-making responsibilities it had enjoyed during
the Republic, was necessarily inexperienced. T. does not have the same
regret for its reduced role in the state (cf. A. 1.15.1 neque populus ademptum
tus questus est, nisi tnani rumore) that he has for the likewise diminished sen-
ate (45.2n. altum .. . populum, 85.3n. uersare. . . torquere). in plausus et
immodica studia: plausus is the concrete form of the abstract (and there-
fore more elevated) immodica studia ‘lavish enthusiasm’; 5.2n. laudata ..
celebrata. ruere is the first of a series of historic infinitivcs (ostentare, sa're,
affirmare) that convey the urgency of the moment (an effect enhanced by the
frequentative ostentare): everyone was in a hurry to have his presence regis-
tered to prove that he had not been among the Ofhoniant. At 45.1 a similar
scene, again with a series of historic infinitives, shows the transfer of loyalty
to Otho (see n.). Plutarch (G. 25.4) has the crowd arrive while Galba is still
sacrificing (cf. 29.1 affertur rumor) and adds the detail that Vinius, Laco, and
some freedmen drew swords to protect Galba (6.1 n. Laco). praerep-
tam sibi ultionem querentes: sc. esse. ignauissimus quisque:
subject of querentes, modified by nimit; its form is singular but its meaning plu-
ral (‘all the cowards’). Modifiers take their form accordingly (A&G §317¢);
cf. 2.44.1, 2.66.3, 2.84.2, 4.62.1 ignautssimus quisque. . . pauentes. nimii
is an adj. with more feel (‘excessive’) than content; uerbis indicates its sphere
of applicabihty: cf. 3.75.1 sermonis nimius and 4.23.3 praeferoces initio et rebus
secundis nimi. linguae feroces ‘fierce in tongue’, a bold and typically
Tacitean gen. of reference (NLS §73.6); cf. A. 1.32.2 animi ferox, 4.7 occul-
tus odit, 12.22.1 atrox odit, with Harrison (1994). donec...leuaretur:
T. regularly uses the subj. after donec, even when, as here, there is no
sense of purpose involved (NLS 82241ii). inopia ueri...consensu
errantium: Galba's decision is based solely on consensus errantium; T. is
the one who perceives tnopia uen. thorace: only here in T. Suctonius
says Galba's corselet was made of cloth (G. 19.1 lorica ltntea), but T. credits
the garment with protecting Galba's chest from wounds (41.3). neque
aetate neque corpore: Galba is deficient in both energy and strength
(cf. 12.2 fessa 1am aetate Galbae, 12.3 apud infirmum). Otho, by contrast, reacts
with vigour to an even more dangerous irruption when a band of mis-
guided soldiers break into the Palace looking for their princeps (82.1), and
 COMMENTARY: 35.1-35.2; 36-43 173

even the middle-aged Vitellius can handle unruly soldiers who rush in upon
him while he is at a party (2.68.4). resistens is an emendation for
M'S szstens, with. which aetate and corpore are hard to understand, since abla-
tives with siso in the active voice elsewhere in T. are locative. It is not Galba's
ability to stand that is important here, but his ability to withstand the pres-
sures, both physical and psychological, that surround him. neque. . . reststens
marks his incapacity for the former, uictus (in the preceding sentence) for
the latter. The initial syllable will have been lost after corpore. For a defence
of ststens see Morgan (1993b) 374.
35.2 obuius: the absence of any connective (asyndeton) contributes
to the rapidity of the narrative. Iulius Atticus speculator: only
here. For speculatores see 24.2n. Atticus, the boldest of the rumour-mongers,
does not succeed, since Galba snubs him. The effect is reinforced by the
distribution of T.’s narrative: in Plutarch Galba's departure follows imme-
diately on Atticus' revelation (G. 26.2), but in T. Galba is already on his
way out when Atticus arrives, and his departure is not mentioned again
until 39.1. cruentum . .exclamauit: cf. Sal. fug 101.6, where a
Numidian claims to have killed the Roman general Marius. That pas-
sage, too, has a bloody sword: simul gladium sanguine oblitum ostentans. . .
quem 1n pugna . . . cruentauerat. On cruentus see 6.1n. occisum: sc. esse.
‘commiilito,’ inquit ‘quis iussit?’: Galba’s bon mot is reported, to
various ends, in all surviving accounts of his reign (Plut. G. 26.2, Suet.
G. 19.2, Dio 64.6.2; see App. r). In T. it illustrates Galba's ostentatious
imperviousness to the more obvious manifestations of adulation. in-
signi...incorruptus: this description, which gives a foretaste of the full
obituary (49.2—4), generalizes from the events just narrated: Galba intends
to resist the seditious soldiers who have put Otho at their head (mtnan-
tibus intreprdus) and refuses to be flattered by the opportunistic Julius Atticus
(aduersus blandientes incorruptus).

36—43 The coup d’état

The scene now returns to the praetonan barracks, where the coup is gath-
ering momentum. After a paragraph illustrating the breakdown of tradi-
tional military discipline, which ends with Otho playing the slave to his own
troops (36.3 omnia seruiliter pro dominatione), comes a speech in which Otho
is held up to Piso’s measure (chh. 37-8). With ch. 39 the focus shifts back
to Galba's party; their final frantic discussions end with the arrival of news
174 COMMENTARY: 36-43; 36.1

about Otho. A brief glance back at the barracks shows Otho dispatching
the troops (40.1); after a rhetorical flourish to fill time (40.2) the soldiers
arrive in the Forum to murder first Galba (ch. 41), then Vinius (ch. 42) and
Piso (ch. 43).

36.1 baud dubiae iam: sc. erant. non contenti agmine et

corporibus... Othonem uexillis circumdarent: the sense of non
contenti is completed by an implicit inf. (ctrcumdare) modified by agmine et cor-
poribus *with a throng of bodies' (hendiadys); for the scene thus summarized
see 27.2 and cf. 2.29.3 laudantes gratantesque circumdatum (sc. Valentem) aquilis
signisque in tribunal ferunt. 'T. makes Otho look like a puppet, Plutarch has
Otho hang back at the last moment (G. 25.1—2), while Suetonius' Otho is
more decisive (O. 6.9 in castra contendit. . . ad princifnia deuenit). suggestu:
the raised platform from which a commander addressed his troops in
camp (cf. 55.4) and on which symbols of power were displayed (cf. A.
16.29.2). T. uses both suggestus and tribunal to designate the structure, as does
Caesar. signa...uexillis: praetorian signa were ornamental pikes
bearing symbols (fashioned in silver: Plin. Nat. 33.58) of a unit's identity
and history (founder, decorations, commemorative insignia) and tmagines of
emperors (Durry (1938) 198—206). The uexillum was a pennant associated
with the praetorian cavalry units (Durry (1938) 203 ‘qui dit uexillum dit cav-
alene’; cf. 2.11.2 quinque praetonae cohortes et equitum uexilla). Both recur in the
story of Otho’s coup (41.1n. uexillarius, 44.2 nter signa cohortium). tribu-
nis aut centurionibus: praetorian officers (a tribune and six centurions
for each ofthe twelve cohorts) would have been placed or confirmed in their
ranks by Galba after Nero's death; for specific purges and appointments
see 20.3 and compare the purge of Othonian centurions after Vitellius' vic-
tory at 2.60.1. Earlier these officers had made pro-Galba noises (18.3), so
when the sedition developed momentum and many of them, including the
tribune on duty, Julius Martialis, went along with it they were not trusted
(28.1). The tribunes sent from the Palace to the praetorian camp to reclaim
the troops' loyalty for Galba met with a hostile reception (31.3). Conflict
between men and officers also dominates the story of the praetorian riot in
chh. 80—5. gregarius miles...iubebat: soldiers were now acting
the commander's part; cf. 36.2n. exhortatione mutua, 46.1 omnia deinde arbi-
trio militum acta. caueri...praepositos 'that precautions be taken
against the officers’; lit. ‘that .the officers be guarded against', a passive
inversion of expressions such as A. 11.1.1 moneret Claudium cauere utm atque opes
 COMMENTARY: 36.1-36.2 175

pnincipibus infensas and 13.13.3 amici orabant (sc. .Neronem) cauere insidias muliens.
For the warning cf. Plut. O. 3.2, where the praetorians urge Otho not to trust
leading men (Tous &§10Adyous). Such suspicions contribute later to the riot:
cf. 80.2 fremit miles et tribunos centurtonesque proditionis arguit, 82.1 undique arma
et minae, modo tn centunones tribunosque. Discord between ranks is a constant
theme in T.'s account of the civil wars, leading, in Book 1, to the deaths
of at least eight officers (59.1 four centurions, 58.2 one centurion, 80.2 a
tribunc and two centurions); at 82.3 praetorian officers demand discharge,
so impossible has their position become. In A.D. 70 a conciliatory officer
trying to signal the end of civil war ascribes such discord to fate: 4.72.3 fato
acta dichtans quae militum ducumque discordia. . . euenissent. insuper: with
wbebat. 'I. uses this adverb some thirty-one times (Cicero never, Sallust once,
Caesar four times); like Livy, who uses it forty-eight times, he found it useful
for conveying exasperation, indignation, and outrage (c.g. 46.3, 50.1, 64.3,
86.1).
36.2 strepere is the first of a long string of historic infinitives that ex-
tend the description begun with wbebat. exhortatione mutua: thcse
soldiers, instead of being exhorted by their leader, are exhorting one an-
other, another indication that they have taken command of the situation;
contrast 3.27.3, 5.106.2 exhortatio ducum, Á. 14.36.1 Suetonus. . . exhortatones et
preces miscebat. uariis segni adulatione uocibus 'the changeable
cries of aimless adulation'. segni adulatione explains uanis. The construc-
tion is hard to parallel (Virg. Aen. 4.701, 5.89 uartos aduerso sole colores, s
close), but for the meaning cf. 4.6.2 uarüs, ut sunt homtnum ingentia, sermontbus.
ut...aspexerant 'whenever they saw' NLS §217.2c. prensare is an
emendation; M has fressare. Comparable scenes elsewhere in T. involve em-
bracing, not just touching: 66.1 arma genua uestigia prensando, 2.46.2 proxim
prensare genua, 4.46.3 prensare commanipularium pectora, A. 14.10.2 centurionum tn-
bunorumque. . . prensanttum manum gratantiumque. 'The term, like complecti armis
below, may be borrowed from Virgil (Aen. 6.360 prensantem . . . uncis manibus
cafita aspera montis) though the context differs from Virgil's (Miller (1987 b)
95—9). complecti armis: modelled on Virg. Aen. 12.433 Ascanius fusis
circum complectitur armis, where with armis (from armus, -1 ‘upper arm’ as well
as arma) Virgil ‘has furnished a notable ambiguity’ (Pease on Aen. 4.11).
Virgil’s line concludes an arming scene and is followed by Aeneas kissing
his son per galeam (12.434), so arma is perhaps predominant; in T., after
manibus, armis 1s most casily taken as a body part, but Virgil's arma adds the
point that Otho's original supporters, the on-duty speculatores, were armed,
176 COMMENTARY: 36.2-36.3

while those who joined in camp were not (until 38.1). iuxta: adverbial.
praeire sacramentum 'dictated the oath', combining two technical ex-
pressions. frae:re is used for the dictation of a formula by a priest (e.g. Liv.
42.28.9 praeeunte uerba . . . pontifice maximo i1d uotum susceptum est; Varro L 6.45
augur consult. . . praeit, quid eum dicere oporteat) or other magistrate (V. Max.
4.1.10 seriba. . . sollemne et censon precationts carmen praeiret). It is not elsewhere
used of a soldier's oath of obedience to his commander,; for this the regular
expression 1s sacramento (or sacramentum) dicere or rogare: Caes. Ctu. 1.23.5 milites
Domitianos sacramentum apud se dicere iubet, Gal. 6.1.2 sacramento rogauissent; Tac.
A. 1.28.3 Percennio et Vibuleno sacramentum dicturi sumus? Both here and at 2.74.1
T. adds the religious solemnity of praeire to the taking of the soldier's oath.
36.3 nec deerat Otho...adorare 'nor did Otho fail to salute’.
desum 4- inf., a construction that T. also uses at 3.58.3, 4.1.2, 4.11.1, and
4.80.3, is more common in poetry than in prose. uulgum: 25.2n.
omnia seruiliter pro dominatione: sc. facere; cf. 84.1n. pro me. For the
antithesis cf. Sal. Hist. fr. 1.55.2 dominationis in uos seruttium suum mercedem dant.
uniuersa classicorum legio: 6.2n. trucidatis . . . militum. ita coepit:
Suetonius reports the content of Otho's speech in a single sentence: O. 6.3
ad concihandos pollicitationibus militum antmos nial magis pro contione testatus est
quam id demum se habiturum quod sibi illi reliquissent. 'This accords reasonably
well with 'I.'s omnia seruiliter pro dominatione (36.3), but does not match the
range of material in the speech T. gives Otho. According to T., Otho's
ostensible purpose was to rouse further his already eager supporters (36.3
accendendos. . . ratus). 'To do so he employs many of the topoi of battle exhor-
tations which, when used to incite Roman soldiers to overthrow a Roman
ruler, generate for the reader both a general irony and a specific reminis-
cence of Sallust's Catiline (Keitel (1987)). But the speech also derives effect
from comparison with the speech of Otho's rival, Piso, and with Ts own
retrospective of events (chh. 4—11), which covers some of the same ground.
The speech draws on the hostile tradition about Galba that Plutarch and
Suetonius transmit via anecdotes and moral labels (see nn. on ch. 49.2—4).
In criticizing Galba T.s Otho uses stronger language than T. allowed him-
self and cites more names in the long list of occist (37.3), but his criticisms
hit the mark much better than Piso's did (29.2n. Piso. .. allocutus est). Only
occasionally does his rhetoric go beyond what the narrative warrants. But
ignorance and exaggeration mar his description of the contemporary sit-
uation and his view of the future is short-sighted in the extreme (perhaps
deliberately so), contrasting unfavourably with Piso's accuracy. Perhaps
 COMMENTARY: 36.3-37.3 177

inevitably Otho shares his opponents’ recourse to falsa nomina, yet he ends
well, discarding moral claims and offering a pragmatic epigram. Stylisti-
cally the speech has more in common with the two preceding speeches than
with the narrative, containing a wealth of parallels and antitheses, several
instances of anaphora and pleonasm, and two neat epigrams.
37.1 quis ad uos processerim: names and labels represent sta-
bility; that they fail in revolutionary times, a topos since Thucydides at
least (3.82—3), is a theme of the narrative of 15 January: 29.2 Caesar as-
ctus sum, 29.2 solactum, 31.1 consensus, 37.4—5, 40.2 pulchrum et memorabile
facnus, 42n.. Sulpicius Florus. .. ciuttate donatus. The present passage may
allude more specifically (and utterly ironically) to Scipio's speech recall-
ing mutinous soldiers to traditional discipline (Liv. 28.27.3—4; see Keitel
(1987) 74). commilitones: before his quaestorship (see 13.1n.) Otho
presumably did the years of military service that customarily preceded a
senatonal career, which gives some slight justification for his use of the term.
But scc 29.2n. imperatorem. .. an hostem: 17.2n. pro. . senatu.
37.2 poena mea et supplicium uestrum: cf. 32.1 caedem Othonis
et conturatorum exitium. poena... postulentur: in Book 1 T. pairs
poena with four different verbs: cf. 58.1 ad poenam exposcentium, 72.1 ad poenam
flagitauerunt, 84.3 ad poenam uocare. et...promisit: the obj., poenam et
supplicium, can be supplied from the context, but Galba did not in fact
promise punishment (see 35.2). cuius lenitatis est Galba 'for such
is Galba's clemency'; lit. *for he 1s of this clemency'; the rel. pronoun intro-
duces a parenthetic comment (OLD 12b, K-S 11 §195.5). T. uses gen. where
abl. is standard. nullo exposcente forms a neat antithesis with pos-
tulentur but is irrelevant to the scene referred to (6.2n. trucidatis. . . militum).
tot milia innocentissimorum militum trucidauerit: at 6.2 they
arc simply ?nermes.
37.3 horror animum subit: orror occurs only here in T. The best
parallels are poetic: V. Fl. 8.67 ille silet, tantus subut (sc. lasonem) tum wirginis hor-
ror, Stat. Theb. 10.160—1 eccerepens. . . horror| Thewodamanta subit, 9.861 - 2 sic 1u-
uenem saeut conspecta mole Dryantis | tam non ira subit, sed lett nuntius horror. For subire
see 19.2n. ret.. . subisse. feralem, which describes things associated
with death or the underworld, occurs eight times in T.; before T. (but not
after) the word is more common in poetry than in prose, though it is found in
a declamation (Sen. Contr. 9.2.2) and in Pliny the Elder (three times). In the
retrospective T. characterized thc introttus as infaustus and formidolosus (6.2).
Galbae: sc. esse. decimari deditos iuberet, quos deprecantes
178 COMMENTARY: 37.3-37.5

in fidem acceperat: in the retrospective T. reported none of these damn-

ing details; Suet. G. 12.2 also mentions decimation. For the procedure see
Polybius 6.38. See also 51.5n. dectmani legiones. his auspiciis: for the
metaphor cf. A. 15.74.2, where a dedication to Jupiter Vindex is interpreted
after the fact as an auspicium et praesagium of the revolt of Julius Vindex.
occisi...castris: like Ts retrospective, this list surveys the empire then
focuses on Rome. Here again Otho gives details — the first three deaths
on his list — omitted in the retrospective. occisi Obultronii Sabini
et Cornelii Marcelli in Hispania: both men were senators, both get
brief mentions in the Annals (13.28.3, 16.8.3). Various posts have been con-
jectured for them in Spain, including governor and legate of Baetica (see
PIR" o 4 and Chilver ad loc. for discussion and bibliography; on Marcellus
see also PIR?c 1403). By analogy the third name, Betuus Cilo, is assigned
to the governor of Aquitania; the man is otherwise unknown (PIR" B 124).
Fontei Capitonis: 7.1—2nn. Clodii Macri: 7.1n. Cingonii:
6.1n. Turpiliani: 6.1n. Nymphidii: 5.1n.
37.4 quae usquam prouincia . . . correcta: considerably exagger-
ated, judging by T.’s provincial overview in chh. 8-11. emendata
et correcta: contrast T.'s assessment at 20.3 nec remedium in ceteros fuit.
supplicia et contumelias uestras: Galba discharged some praetorian
officers (20.2) and forbore to bribe or flatter the guard (5.2; 18.2 nec ullum
oralioni aut lenocimum addit aut pretium).
37.5 Polycliti . . . Vatinii . . . Aegiali: in the sing., Neronian agents
(A. 14.39.1—2, A. 15.34.2; cf. PIR* P 561, PIR v 208; Aegialius only here).
T. uses pl. proper names with the same tone of outrage at 2.95.2 Polyclitos
and A. 12.60.4 Mahios posthac et Vedios (cf. also A. 15.14.2). petierunt,
an emendation for M's perierunt, is accepted by Goelzer (cf. petiuerunt, Ritter
(1836), citingA. 15.25.2 qui peterent quod eripuerant). Syntax requires a transitive
verb and sense a verb that suits the antithesis with rapui. One family of
descendants has parauerunt, but that is both inherently vague and feeble as
a contrast for 'grabbed'. For a long list of other conjectures see Wellesley's
app. crit.; Heubner prints perdiderunt, which ruins Otho's rhetoric: Nero's
henchmen undoubtedly grabbed more than they wasted, too, so there is
little point in saying that Icelus did. grassatus esset ‘would have
proceeded' OLD 3; the word is also associated with predatory violence
(OLD 2). In T. it is paired with instrumental abl. such as ueneno (3.39.1), dolo
(4..16.1), disstmulatione (4.56.2), and ferro (A. 15.60.2) and 1s used both of Nero
prowling the back streets of Rome and assaulting passers-by (A. 13.25.2)
 COMMENTARY: 37.5-38.2 179

and of the great fire (A. 15.40.1). The agent noun grassator is attested in Cato
(cited at Gel. 11.2.5); Cicero and Caesar ignore the word-group almost
entirely, while Sallust uses it three times (cf. esp. fug. 64.5 cufndine atque
ira. .. grassan). It abounds in imperial prose. Suetonius, who uses grassan
and related words eleven times, applies it to Galba’s henchmen (Vinius
among them) at G. 14.2 his diuerso wittorum genere grassantibus, which may
indicate that T. transferred the term from its context in the source to his
independent creation, Otho’s speech. uiles 'of hittle account’ OLD 4.
una illa domus: for domus 'property, wealth' (not in OLD) cf. A. 2.33.2
angustas ciutum domos with its context and Juv. 3.10 sed dum tota domus raeda
componitur una and especially 14.259 wncrementa domus (with Courtney (1980)
ad loc.). quod uobis numquam datur et cotidie exprobratur:
a neatly balanced homoioteleuton to conclude the rehearsal of the present
regime's crimces. cotidie exprobratur *is a daily source of reproaches' refers,
presumably, to quips like Galba's ‘legt a se militem, non emv’ (5.2).
38.1 tristitia: 14.2n. morns anhqui . . . seuerus. notabili tempes-
tate...auersantes: see 18.1. infaustam: 6.2n. introitus. . . infaustus
omtne. auersantes 'expressing aversion to'; cf. A. 1.28.2 (soldiers in-
terpreting a lunar eclipse) auersari deos lamentantur. idem...animus:
sc. ac uester. For their actual state of mind see 35.1. apud quos: sc. e;í;
the antecedent uos is derived from uestra. honestis consiliis robur:
22.2n. Othoni . . . comes.
38.2 non ad bellum...uoco: contrast Piso at 30.3 transcendet haec
licentia in prouincias, et ad nos scelerum exitus, bellorum ad uos pertinebunt. om-
nium militum arma nobiscum sunt reveals either surprising igno-
rance about the situation in Germany or extreme duplicity. See 50.1n.
nouus. . . nunfius. una cohors...detinet, together with signum meum
below, conflicts with 31.1 nullo adhuc consilto. They may be imperfectly as-
similated bits of a different version of the story, or Othonian bluff. A second
reference to the signum at 41.1 eo signo manifesta . . . studia makes the former
the more likely. cohors togata: Durry ((1938) 207) infers from this
passage that on the praetorians guarding the Palace formal civilian dress
(1.e. a toga) normally concealed a sword; he contrasts A. 16.27.1 (on the trial
of Thrasea Paetus) aditum senatus globus togatorum obsederat non occultis gladus.
imputet 'claim credit for' -- acc. of the favour, dat. of the beneficiary; cf.
G. 21.4 gaudent munenibus, sed nec data imputant nec acceptis obligantur, 55.4. cui
imputaretur, 71.2 exemplum . . . imputauit. On competition for a new emperor's
favour see also 5.1 n. pracuentamque gratiam. non potest laudari nisi
 180 COMMENTARY: 38.2-38.3

peractum: the epigram offers a 'dual focus' (Plass (1988) 29) - an absolute
moral category (that which is praiseworthy) clashes with a contingent prag-
matic category (success or no success) - and neatly completes the speech
with the word 'complete'. Aristotle recommends this type of antithesis (Rhet.
1399a30—4); T. uses it again at 45.2 Othoni nondum auctontas inerat ad prohiben-
dum scelus; iubere tam poterat. For the thought cf. A. 12.67.2 haud ignarus summa
scelera tncifi cum penculo, beragi cum praemio.
38.3 aperire .. . iussit: for the omission of the subject of the inf. after
tubere sce OLD 1a. armamentarium: presumably an arsenal, but lit-
tle is known about such buildings (see Bishop and Coulston (1993) 199-201).
An attempt to remove weapons from this one for a routine troop transfer ini-
üates the praetorian riot of chh. 80—-5. FrRpta: sc. sunt. sine more
et ordine militiae ‘without [regard for] military custom and hierarchy'.
ut praetorianus aut legionarius insignibus suis distingueretur
explains more et ordine: cf. Agr. 14.1 uetere. . . populi Romam consuetudtne, ut haberet
instrumenta seruitutis et reges. Military custom prescribed a visual (and hier-
archical) distinction between praetorian and legionary based not on their
equipment, which was very similar, but on ornamental devices (insignia),
which had to be affixed to battle kit (cf. Caes. Gal. 2.21.5 temporis tanta
futt exiguitas .. ut non modo ad insignia accomodanda sed etiam ad galeas induendas
sculisque tegimenta detrahenda tempus defuerit; Bishop and. Coulston (1993) 61
suggest helmet crests, in particular); see also 57.2 wnsignia armorum ar-
gento decora. miscentur auxiliaribus galeis scutisque: practorian
and legionary soldiers *were mixed in with auxiliary helmets and shields'
(presumably on auxiliary soldiers; on their distinctive gear see Bishop and
Coulston (1993) 206—9). Individuals from legionary and auxiliary units play
important roles in the praetorian proclamation of Otho (e.g. 41.3 Camurium
quintae dectmae legionis militem, 42 lulio Caro legionario milite, 43.1 Sulpicius Florus
e Bntannicis cohorübus) and the mrxing of troops is, in T’s view, a symp-
tom of civil war (54.3n. asciscitur auxiliorum miles, also 32.1 n. mixtis). Others
(Alford, Irvine, Heubner, Fyfe, etc.) suggest that praetorians and legionaries
equipped themselves with auxiliary gear. instigator: this is its earliest
known occurrence; cf. 22.3n. instnctor. incitamentum: sc. erat. An
incitamentum is usually a spur to virtuous action (e.g. G. 7.2 fortitudinis tncita-
mentum; Cic. Arch. 23 hoc (sc. gloria) maximum et periculorum incitamentum et labo-
rum; Sen. Ep. 64.9 quidni ego magnorum uirorum . . . imagines habeam incitamenta
animi; Curt. 4.14.1 ingentia spei glonaeque incitamenta) but T. likes to reverse its
valence, often as part of an epigram, as here and at A. 1.55.3 quae. . . apud
 COMMENTARY: 38.3-39.2 181

concordes wincula cantatis incitamenta wrarum apud infensos erant, 3.10.2, A. 2.38.1,
6.1.2, 14.14.3. quod boni maerebant: a Ciceronian querela (Pis. 26
maerebant bont; Dom 26. maerentibus bonis omnibus; Dom. 129 lugerent semper boni),
but in a military context.
39.1 iam exterritus Piso: the scene moves outside of the camp,
which Piso is approaching from the Palatine. T. does not make explicit
the consequence of what Piso hears, which is that he abandons the idea
of approaching the praetorians and returns (a long way) to the Forum,
but relies on the deterrent effect implicit in exterrere (e.g. A. 1.42.9 uultu
et aspectu Actacas legiones exterruit; A. 1.56.5 exterruit Caecina. . . ferens arma).
rostra occupanda: sc. esse. Another symbolic rallying point (27.2n. mi-
lianum aureum). 'The same plan is recommended to another conspirator
at A. 15.59.1. utque . . . effagerat: this sententia shares elements with
others at 3.84.4 quae natura pauons est, cum omnia metuentr praesentia maxime
displicerent and A. 15.36.4 quae natura magnis timonbus, deterius crederent quae
euenerat.
39.2 ignaro Galba: 29.1n. siue ut...mulceret, seu...
credebat...uel odio: 7.2n. mobilitate ingeni. mulceret: mulcere is
used by T. four times in this context: 85.1, 3.10.3 facundia aderat mulcendique
uulgum artes, 4.72.3 donec Cerealis mulceret antmos. Always more common in
poetry, it is used by a variety of imperial prose authors (Livy, Velleius,
Seneca, Pliny the Elder, Quintilian, Apuleius) and was memorably applied
to a political context at Virg. Aen. 1.153 regit dictis animos et pectora mulcet
(cf. 1.197, 5.464). As in the Virgilian passages, the soothing is often ac-
complished by words (e.g. Vell. 2.85.4 Caesar quos ferro poterat interimere uerbis
mulcere cuptens; see TLL s.v. 1562.63—81); only T. suggests murder as a so-
lace. seu conscium Othonis credebat: 42n. huc. . . fuent. hae-
sitationem attulit: Aaesiatio also appears at 2.4 5.2 ea res haesitationem attulit
and 4. 1.80.3. It is Ciceronian (Fam. 3.12.2). T. generally prefers cunctatwo
(thirty times; also Ciceronian) and mora (passim; cf. 89.3 moras afferrent).
difficilis: sc. est (or esset, 1f the causal clause is Vinius' reasoning: .NLS
9285); cf. 85.3 arduus. . . modus. trepidi nuntii ‘frightening news’ OLD
3a; CÍ. 51.5 atroces nuntui. nuntit and diffugia are syntactically parallel but actu-
ally sequential - the former presumably precipitate the latter (cf. Agr. 34.3
nouissimae res et extremo metu torpor). diffugia: diffugere s common but the
noun occurs only here; for the scene cf. 3.84.4 dilapsis etiam infimis seruitio-
rum. languentibus . . . ostentauerant: studus and ostentauerant link
this abl. appendix with the scene at 35.1 (studia, ostentare).
 182 COMMENTARY: 40.1-40.2

40.1 fluctuantis: only here in T., though common in both prose and
poetry (see 7LL s.v.). The wave analogy is also used by Plutarch, though
less boldly: G. 26.3 'His litter was swept hither and thither (5e0po kóxei)
as if in a swell and often threatened to capsize.' completis undique
basilicis ac templis, lugubri prospectu: T. uses a similar pair of abl.
appendixes at A. 3.7.1 erectis omnium animis petendae e Pisone ultione et crebro
questu. lugubri prospectu 'the view being a dismal one' (Alford); for
prospectus as ‘that which is seen from a vantage point' (OLD 2) cf. Cic. Luc.
80 o praeclarum prospectum: Puteolos uidemus, Átt. 12.9.1. prospectu maris. Only
Statius uses it with a similarly dark modifier: 7heb. 6.205 prospectu . . . nefasto.
More commonly the view is pleasant: Plin. E. 5.6.30 tucundum prospec-
tum, Vitr. 1.2.6 prospectus. . . elegantes, Apul. Met. 10.29 prospectu gratissimo. A
different analysis of lugubri prospectu, argued most thoroughly by Morgan
(1994b), makes the phrase an editorializing apposition: "The expectancy of
the crowd. . .struck him - and was meant to strike the reader - as a lugubri-
ous prospect' (241). prospectus 1s, on this view, a metaphor for the author's
perspective on his material. neque...ulla uox: sc. erat. populi
aut plebis: 35.1n. non tumultus: sc. ezat. quale magni me-
tus et magnae irae silentium est clarifies the paradox of non tumultus,
non quies. The sententia s modelled on a battle scene in Xenophon's Agesiaus:
2.12 "There was no battle cry there, nor again silence, but the sound was such
as ($oov1| 5& Ti5 ]v Toiau ) ofav . . .) anger and battle supply'; Xenophon's
fuller syntax is simpler and devoid of paradox. Some make the phrase de-
pendent on quies alone (Chilver, Husband (1915), citing a parallel at Liv.
1.29.2). As such, it describes an indifferent crowd, one not moved by fear or
anger. See further Morgan (1994b) 238-9. tamen marks the inaccu-
racy of the report. occupare pericula boldly combines two distinct
senses of occupare. ‘Seize’ (OLD 2) is used elsewhere with intangible objects
(e.g. 56.2 fortunam) including pencula: Sen. Ep. 24.5 (on Mucius Scaevola
holding his hand in the flames) acrior. . . ad occupanda pericula uirtus. But ‘get
ahead of" or ‘forestall’ (OLD 11 c) is suggested by the preceding praeciites ire
and is proverbial: Otto s.v. principium (1). The closest parallel is Stat. Theb.
10.671 i, precor, accelera, ne proximus occupet Haemon (sc. fatum). With pericula as
object it is hard to see this as a metaphorical chariot race ( pace Morgan
(1994b) 240).
40.2 Vologaesum aut Pacorum auito Ársacidarum solio:
Vologaeses (or -us) was a contemporary of Nero mentioned in Annals
I2—15, esp. 15.2 and 15.11—17; Pacorus was his brother (A. 15.2, 14, 31).
 COMMENTARY: 40.2-41.2 183

soltum Arsacidarum is used again at A. 2.2.2. inermem et senem:

cf. Plut. G. 15.2 (on Petronius Turpilianus) 'an old man alone and unarmed'
(yépovra yuuvóv kai &vorrAov). disiecta plebe: cf. Suet. G. 19.2 di-
mota paganorum turba, Plut. G. 26.4 'the soldiers ordered all private citizens out
of their way'. proculcato senatu: Virgil uses proculcare for the heed-
less trampling of a master by his slave (Aen. 12.532—4). Morgan (1994b) 244
observes that ‘the collective senatu (rather than senatonbus) 1s meant to bal-
ance plebe'. rapidi equis: each praetorian cohort had ninety mounted
soldiers, the equites praetoriani (Durry (1938) 99). Suetonius agrees with T. in
mentioning only mounted soldiers here (G. 19.2 equites); Plutarch and Dio
also mention soldiers on foot (G. 26.3; 64.6.3). nec illos. . . religio:
contrast Liv. 7.6.3—4 tum M. Curtium. .. templa deorum tmmortalium, qua foro
imminent, Capitoliumque intuentem. .. se deuouisse. — terruere quo minus
facerent scelus: 18.1n. scelus cuius ultor est quisquis succes-
sit: Vitellius did in fact execute anyone who claimed credit for the crime
(44.2). The victory of Vitellius was treated (however implausibly) as a kind
of vindication of Galba (2.55.1), but the Flavians, too, made a show of vin-
dicating him (3.7.2, 4.40.1). Nobody avenged Otho. Of other emperors,
Gaius was avenged by Claudius ( Jos. 47 19.265), Nero by Domitian (Suet.
Dom. 14.4), and Domitian himself by Nerva, albeit reluctantly (Suet. Dom.
23.1; Dio 68.3.3).
41.1 comminus ‘close at hand’ (OLD 2) is a usage developed first in
poetry (e.g. Lucr. 4.406-7 supra sol montis esse uidetur | comminus; Ov. Pont.
1.5.74 aspicit hirsutos comminus Vrsa Getas, Luc. 1.206 utso leo comminus hoste; cf.
Stat. Silu. 3.5.38 Lethaeos audirem comminus amnes); its original meaning was
military ‘hand to hand’. uexillarius...dereptam Galbae ima-
ginem: rmagines of emperors were fastened to praetorian standards amidst
the unit's insignia and to uexilla below the pennant; an zmago is visible be-
neath the uexillum in scenes 32 and 103 of Trajan's column (see Reinach
(1909-12) r: 342, 366; also p. 244). The same symbolic act marks Caecina's
defection from Vitellius (3.13.1. stmul Vitellit imagines dereptae); the defection
of the sixteenth legion from Rome itself was even more thorough: 4.62.2
reuulsae imperatorum imagines. Atilium Vercilionem: only here and
at Plut. G. 26.4. The spelling of his cognomen is not certain (PIR? A
1310). eo signo: 31.1n. insidis et simulatione. Plutarch does not have
this detail. manifesta: sc. erant.
41.2 iuxta Curtii lacum: the combination of event and location has
a symbolic power that T. exploits again at 2.55.1, 2.88.5, and 3.85.1. Three
184 COMMENTARY: 41.2-41.3

aetiological accounts of the place name survive (see Richardson (1992)); the
basin was long since dry. The most well-known story concerns the deuotio
of M. Curtius (e.g. Liv. 7.6.1—6): 'The self-immolation of Curtius closed the
chasm that threatened the destruction of Rome, but the murder of Galba
can only symbolize its reopening' (Scott (1968) 57—62; quotation from p. 58).
The murder of an emperor on that spot had a particular irony since people
marked the fulfilment of annual vows for an emperor's safety there (Suet.
Aug. 57 .1). trepidatione ferentium: Plut. G. 27.1 ‘the litter having
been upset’ lacks this detail, which contributes to the picture of Galba's
abandonment by all close to him. uarie prodidere: in chh. 41—6
the principal figures of Galba's reign are killed: Galba at 41.5, T. Vinius in
42, Piso at 43.2, Laco and Icelus at 46.5. Galba's murder is also reported
by Plutarch, Suetonius, and Dio (G. 27.1—2; G. 19.2—2.1; 64.6.3), those of
Piso, Vinius, and Laco by Plutarch alone and only briefly (G. 27 .4); the fate
of Icelus is not noted by any other source. Accounts of these deaths, partic-
ularly that of Galba, apparently existed in some numbers and with details
that were not always compatible. The source used by both T. and Plutarch
for Galba's death already knew three different names for the assassin, and
there are different versions of both Galba's last words (here) and Vinius' (42).
The most striking discrepancy in surviving accounts concerns a praetorian
centurion, Sempronius Densus, whose glorious death is a prelude to Galba's
death in Plutarch and Dio, and to Piso's in T. (43.1). Inferences about the
sources underlying the accounts of these deaths (see 43.1n. tnsignem. . . uidi)
are of limited value for the book as a whole, since such stories might
well have survived independently of the larger historical narrative of the
year 69; exitus-scenes were a popular literary form in the period (Pomeroy
(1991)). alii suppliciter interrogasse: sc. prodiderunt eum. quid
mali meruisset *what harm did he deserve?' (OLD s.v. mereo 4b); cf. Dio
64.6.4 'but what evil have I done?' (xai Tí koxóv &rroínoo). plures ob-
tulisse ultro percussoribus iugulum: thus at Plut. G. 27.1. Suetonius
reports that this was the more common of the two versions in nearly iden-
tical words (see App. 1). agerent ac ferirent: indirect statement of
‘agite, fente’. si ita e re publica uideretur: cf. Plut. G. 27.1 ‘Strike,
if this is better for the Roman people.' Scott ((1968) 57) detects an allusion
here to the patriotic deuotio of M. Curtius (see above). non interfuit
occidentium quid diceret: a moment of supreme Tacitean cynicism.
41.3 de percussore non satis constat: at 2.23.5 1. assigns a kind
of collective guilt to all involved by referring to a disruptive element of the
 COMMENTARY: 41.3-42 185

Othonian army as the ‘interfectores Galbae’. Terentium euocatum:

ordinanly euocatus would designate a veteran of the praetorian or urban
cohorts (OLD), but Galba had revived an older use of the term (‘soldier
selected by a commander’) for his elite bodyguard: Suet. G. 10.9 delegi
et equestris ordimis tuuenes qui. . . euocati appellarentur excubiasque circa cubiculum
suum uice militum agerent. It would suit Ts theme of betrayal if a member of
Galba's select bodyguard turned on him (cf. 31.3n. longa nauigatione, 43.2n.
Sulpicius Florus. . . donatus), but T. does not provide enough information
to show which meaning is active here and Plutarch omits the label
altogether. quintae decimae legionis: stationed at Vetera: 9.1n.
inferions Germaniae legiones. impresso gladio iugulum eius hau-
sisse: told in slow motion by comparison with Suet. G. 20.2 wgulatus est
ad lacum Curtii and Plut. G. 27.2 ‘lit his throat’ dréodpale ¢ aUrodv. mm-
presso gladio is a detail appropriate to deaths of high drama in poetry (e.g.
Sen. Oed. 1036—7utrumne pecton infigam meo | telum an patenti conditum wgulo
imprimam? cf. Herc. 1312, Thy. 1057) and prose (Petr. 80.4 nudo ecce iugulum;
conuertite huc manus, imprimite mucrones. ego mori debeo qui amicifiae sacramentum
deleui, cf. Sen. Contr. 1.7.4, V. Max. 5.4. ext. 6). haurire 'to gouge' (OLD 3)
belongs to the same tonal register (7LL s.v. 2573.70—83). T. uses neither
elsewhere. adiecta: sc. sunt.
42 de quo et ipso ambigitur: ¢/ connects the uncertainties about
Galba's assassination with the uncertainty about Vinius' last words. For the
detailed development of one of two alternatives - in this case speechlessness
and speech - between which T. professes himself unable to decide cf. 14.1n.
siue. . . Lacone instante and also 3.7 1.4 hic ambigitur. . . depulerint. Plutarch again
accepts the second version without demur: G. 27.4 'he cried out that his
death was contrary to Otho's intention'; cf. 41.2n. plures.. . iugulum, and
see 43.1n. insignem. . . uidit. consumpseritne . . . metus: a bold and
original expression for fear-induced specchlessness, indebted to but utterly
different from Virgil's famous lines at Aen. 4.279-80 at uero Aeneas aspectu
obmutuit amens | arrectaeque horrore coma et uox faucibus haesit. There are par-
allels for fear as the subject of consumere (e.g. Stat. Theb. 10.563 consumpsit
uentura timor) and sound as its object (e.g. Plin. Ep. 2.17.22 omnem sonum me-
dia inanitate consumil), but there is nothing equivalent to T.’s fear-swallowed
words. proclamauerit: sc. Vinius. finxit formidine: for this
alternative there is a closely comparable passage later. Where Vinius failed
in his bid to claim allegiance with the victor, two Othonian generals suc-
ceed, defending themselves to Vitellius by saying (falsely) that they had gone
186 COMMENTARY: 42-43.1

over to him even before the final battle (2.60.1). huc potius eius uita
famaque inclinat, ut...fuerit: T. uses tncinare 'to favour belief" (cf.
OLD 9d) in deciding between alternatives again at A. 14.2.2 eadem ceten
quoque auctores prodidere, et fama huc inclinat (cf. Liv. 29.33.10 haec animum :n-
clinat ut. . . credam. For Vinius' disreputable past see 48.2—3. conscius
sceleris: this verdict underlies details of the preceding narrative, including
Vinius' disingenuous advice to Galba during the debate and Otho's easy
betrayal of him (37.5n.; see also 34.2n. mult: arbitrabantur). Vinius cast his lot
in with Otho's before the adoption (13.2) and could expect nothing from
Piso (34.1n. tnfensus). Plutarch's verdict is more elaborate but less clear: G.
12.3 ‘of tragic events and great disasters he provided for some a cause (Tois
utv altiav), for others a pretext (Tois 8¢ Trpóqaoiw).. Causa: g cause
(cf. atríav above), but not the cause. For Vinius as a hability to Galba see
6.1n. ante aedem diui Iulii iacuit: a temple dedicated in 29 s.c.
on the site of Caesar's cremation at the hands of the populace (Aug RG
19.1; Dio 51.22.2); it lay near the /lacus Curtii (see map) and offered asylum
(Dio 47.19.2; see Richardson (1992) 213-14). Iulio Caro legionario
milite: only here. in utrumque latus 'from one side to the other’;
cf. Virg. Aen. 12.508 transadigit costas et crates pectons ensem. transuer-
beratus: sc. est; again at 3.17.1 uexillanum fugientem hasta transuerberaret.
43.1 insignem...uidit: an abrupt transition from the possibly
craven and certainly criminal Vinius to the shining virtue of a Roman
centurion. A later laudatory chapter begins with a similar sentence 4.42.1
magnam eo die pretatis eloquentiaeque famam Vipstanus Messalla adeptus est. In Book
1 only Galba merits the adj. insignis (35.2), but see also A. 2.17.4 (quoted in
n. on modo manu below). Densus’ heroics are reported with a similar rhetor-
ical enhancement in Plutarch and Dio (see App. 1), but in both authors
he was defending Galba, not Piso. Apropos of Galba's death T. is closer
to Suetonius, who maintains that no one even tried to assist the emperor
(G. 20.1, cf. G. 19.1 desertum a suis). Suetonius does not mention Piso's death
or Densus, but it has reasonably been inferred that in describing Galba's
solitary death he and T. were following a source not used by Plutarch
or Dio (see also 41.2n. plures. .. wgulum and 42n. de quo.. . ambigitur). As to
whether that second source paired Densus' resistance with Piso's death
or whether the pairing is T.s, it is impossible to say. At some point the
version in Plutarch (G. 27.5, with Piso wounded, fleeing, and killed by a
certain Murcus at the temple of Vesta) was melded with the Densus story
to produce the causally coherent sequence we see in T. aetas nostra
 COMMENTARY: 43.1-43.2 187

uidit: Plutarch uses a different personification: G. 26.4-5 *the only one

among the thousands seen by the sun who was worthy of the Roman em-
pire’. For T.'s phrase cf. Agr. 2.3 swut uetus aetas uidit quid ultimum in. libertate
esset, ita nos quid in seruttute and A. 4.3.1quem widit sequens aetas praepotentem
and, for the pride in positive evidence about the present, A. 3.55.5 nostra
quoque aetas mulla. . . imitanda posteris tulit. modo manu modo uoce:
for the scene cf. A. 2.17.4 Arminius manu uoce uulnere sustentabat pugnam. 'The
pair manus-uox is common (7 LL s.v. manus 358.56—69). quamquam:
with uulnerato (OLD 4); cf. 63.1quamquam. . . exceptos, 64.4 quamquam bene de
parte meritus, 76.1 quamquam. . . obstricta. effugium dedit: cf. A. 2.17.5
uirtus seu fraus. . . Ingutomero effugium dedit (a passage that follows shortly af-
ter the description of Arminius quoted above). On T's self-imitation see
Woodman (1988) 176—9. T. uses effugium again at 72.2 and altogether sixteen
times, more than twice as often as any other author.
43.2 aedem Vestae: further from the centre of the Forum than
the spots where Galba and Vinius were killed (see map). contu-
bernio...abditus: cf. 3.74.1 Domitianus. .. apud aedituum occultans and con-
tubernio later in that passage. nominatim: cf. Suet. O. 6.3 missis qui
Galbam et Pisonem trucidarent. Plutarch specifies Piso's name via a vignette:
G. 27.3 *They say that Otho, when the head (sc. of Galba) was brought
to him, cried out, "This is nothing, comrades. Show me the head of
Piso!”’ in caedem eius ardentis: imitated at Amm. 22.9.11 n
Stluani necem . . . arsisse. T. uses ardescere similarly at A. 11.25.5 ardesceret tn nuptias
incestas (sc. Claudius). ardentis, an emendation for ardentes, brings the passage
into line with the parallel tradition (see n. above) and with T.’s usage (for
which cf., in Book 1, 5.1 Nymphidu Sabini . . . molientis, 12.2 Galbae. . . agitantis,
66.1 Fabt...commendantis, 72.2 Vini. .. praetexantis). Sulpicius Florus
e Britannicis cohortibus, nuper a Galba ciuitate donatus: an
auxiliary soldier (32.1n. mixtis). Only T. reports his name (Sulpicius from
Sulpicius Galba) and citizenship grant, which are further evidence of
Galba's failure to hold even those he had benefited (31.3n. longa nauigatione,
43.1n. Terentium euocatum). Statius Murcus speculator: Plutarch
gives this story only briefly: G. 27.4 ‘he was pursued and slain by a cer-
tain Murcus at the temple of Vesta' (43.1n. tinsignem.. . uidit). The nomen
is sometimes emended to Staius to align this name with one attested a
century earlier (see MMR v. 3, p. 200; the earlier Staius’ nomen, attested
on stone, is frequently corrupted to Statius in the MSS). trucidatus:
sC. est.
188 COMMENTARY: 44-50; 44.1-44.2

44-50 Setting the stage for Otho's reign

Galba's reign ends in ch. 43. Otho's begins, effectively, in ch. 71. The
intervening chapters set the stage (darkly) for Otho's reign (chh. 44—50) and
describe Vitellius' gathering force (chh. 51—70). In content and pace these
two panels are very different: the first stands still in time (15 January) and
place (Rome), the second moves steadily forward from the death of Vindex
in the late spring of 68 to the early spring of 69 and carries Vitellius' legions
from their bases along the Rhine to the brink of and then over the Alps.
The present chapters thus form an interlude between two sections of great
activity, a pause for burying the dead (46.5, 47.2—49), sampling emotions
( JOy 44..1, 47.1; fear 50.1, 50.4; sorrow 50.1), and watching Rome's various
groups reorient themselves around the new princeps (45—6, 50).
Scanty in events, these chapters are lavish in style. Epigrams abound
(twelve in seven chapters; see App. 2). There is a profusion of asyndeton
and alliteration, and much repetition. Both Sallust and Virgil contribute
their own unhappy tints to T.'s scene. Judging by chh. 44—50, the outlook
for Otho’s principate is gloomy indeed; the good news does not begin to
register until ch. 71. In these highly stylized chapters T. is relatively distant
from the parallel tradition.

44.1 nullam caedem Otho maiore laetitia excepisse... dicitur:

cf. 3.75.2 caedem es . laetam fuisse Muciano accepimus. insatiabilibus:
elsewhere in T. only A. 4.38.4 tnsatiabiliter. perlustrasse 'to have
scrutinized’ OLD 2b. confuderat ‘had troubled’ (OLD 10) is also
paired with magine at Virg. Aen. 12.665 obstipuit uana confusus imagine
rerum (cf. TLL s.v. 262.45-8). For the situation cf. A. 15.36.2 seu facinorum
recordatine numquam timore uacuus (sc. .Nero). Suetonius conveys Otho's state of
mind with less psychological analysis but still memorable effect via a dream
in which he is driven from the throne by Galba's ghost (O. 7.2; cf. Dio
64.7.2). Pisonis . .. credebat: after the neat parallel structures of
the beginning (nullam . . . nullum, seu. . . seu, matestatis in Galba . . . amicitiae in
Tito Vinio) the asyndeton and shift of construction (Pisonis in place of the
abl., indirect statement in place of direct) are abrupt.
44.2 praefixa contis capita: cf. Virg. Aen. 9.465—7 ipsa arrec-
fis (utsu miserabile) in. hastis | praefigunt capata...| Euryah et .Nis; Miller
(1987b) 96. Virgil's tableau, however, concludes a tale, sad but glori-
ous, of courage and devotion, very different from the present scene of
 COMMENTARY: 44.2-45.1 189

three solitary deaths variously sullied. gestabantur inter signa:

cf. 36.1 medium inter signa Othonem. aquilam legionis: sc. classicorum
(36.3). certatim .. . ultionem: to the facts shared with Plutarch and
Suetonius (bloody display, 120 affidavits demanding rewards, executions;
see App. 1) T. adds the four-fold anaphora of qui, the hollow claim of
virtue (ut pulchrum . . . facinus), and the claborate appendix (non. . . ulftonem).
For the claimants’ behaviour cf. 3.69.3 (on having been in the besieged
Capitol) uictore Vespasiano multi id meritum erga partes simulauere. tradito...
more, both here and at 32.1, suggests that the mos matorum was yield-
ing to a new imperial mos less estimable than the old. For the uaniatio scc
14.1n. siue. . . instante. munimentum...ultionem: stands in appo-
sition to and comments on the principal action of the sentence (the or-
dering of executions for all who claimed part in Galba's assassination);
cf. 46.4 rem...utilem, 59.1 grande momentum, 62.3 laetum augunum (with n.),
Q0.1 wstissimum donum, 3.31.2 extremum malorum, A.1.49.3 piaculum furons and
see Draeger (1882) $77 and Goodyear (1972) ad A. 1.27.1. Here the abstract
nouns lend only specious elevation since Vitellius neither protected himself
nor was avenged but was rather forced to contemplate Galba’s death at his
own cruel end (3.85.1). Vespasian constituted himself Galba’s true successor
(40.2n. scelus. . . successil).
45.1 alium crederes senatum, alium populum: cf. 2.90.1
tamgquam apud altenus cuatatis senatum populumque and see also 32.1n. pan
certamine and Qo0.3n. pnuata cuique. I'’s interest in the social chaos of
the period (see below on ruere cuncti) is not shared by Plutarch, who
uses the same anaphora with reference to the senate and gods: G. 28.1
As if they were now other men or the gods were other gods, the
senate met and swore loyalty to Otho.' For crederes see 10.2n. palam
laudares. ruere...anteire...certare...increpare...laudare
...exosculari...facere: the long string of historic infinitives in
asyndeton is a stylistic reference to Sallust (e.g. Cat. 6.5, 12.2, fug. 6.1, 23.1,
38.5, 94.3—6). See also 35.1 n. ruere. cuncti: the collapse of hierarchies
both social (see also 32.1 mixtts serutitits) and military (46.1 n. arbitrio militum,
84.1 confusi pedites equitesque) was a side-effect of the political crisis, but as
Otho secures his power the traditional order begins to re-emerge: 71.2
pnmonbus caudatis...in. uulgus. .. mlitibus, 83.1. optimus quisque.. . uulgus . et
plures. T he full panoply of distinctions does not appear untl the restoration
of the Capitolium: 4.53.3 magistratus et sacerdoles et senatus et eques et magna
pars popul. militum iudicium: ironic, in view of the motivations
 190 LUMMLEINIAKY: 425.10-45.2

and methods T. attributes to Otho and his supporters (see chh. 23—5); T.'s
own word is arbitrium (46.1). exosculari recalls Otho's kisses for the
crowd (36.3) and, more poignantly, is recalled by the praetorians' kisses
for Otho's corpse: 2.49.3 uuinus manusque eius exosculantes. quantoque
magis falsa erant quae fiebant tanto plura facere: for the form of
the epigram cf. A. 1.7.1 quanto quis illustro tanto magis falsi ac festinantes. For
the notion of hiding oneself behind an illusion, a tactic adopted by both
ruled and ruler (cf. A. 1.11.2 ut sensus suos penitus abderet (sc. Tibenus), with
Goodyear (1972) ad loc.), T. has a wide variety of expressions. In Book 1 see
also 19.1 effusius qui noluerant, 69 dicendi artem apta trepidatione occultans, 81.1
modo constanham simulare. Sincerity, as in the soldiers’ affection for Otho
(2.46.1 neque erat adulatio) or in the mourning for Germanicus (4. 3.2.3
aberat quibpe adulatio) was the surprising thing. See also 32.1n. neque..
uentas. nec...temperans: an effective picture of Otho as the sole
defence for civilians (who have been reduced to atom-hke singularity —
singulos) against the collective antmus militum, a role he plays again at the end
of his life (2.49.1). Contrast the Flavian leaders, temperandae uictoriae impares
(4.1.3). uoce uultuque: again at 3.58.3, 4. 3.67.3, 15.55.4, 16.29.1.
45.2 Marium Celsum: 14.1n. expostulabant: the subject,
milites, $ understood from autdum et minacem militum animum. indus-
triae...innocentiaeque...infensi: reversed at 71.3 eandem uirtutem
admirantibus cut trascebantur. Here alliteration helps convey moral outrage,
but the abstract nouns, which lack precise referents in the narrative, are
somewhat weak. For other epigrams based on inverted standards see (in
App. 2) 2.3, 38.3, 49.3, 50.3, 52.2, 59.1, 71.2, 77.3, 88.2. caedis et
praedarum initium: similar phrasing at 39.2 inzfto caedis orto diffcilis modus
and 2.52.1 causam et inittum caedis quaerebant, cf. also 64.3 quaesita bells causa.
For slaughter of civilians later in the year see 4.1.1—3, where cruelty and
greed are again twin motivators: quae saeutitia sanguine explebatuy, dein uerterat in
auantiam. apparebat: presumably to Otho. Othoni nondum
auctoritas inerat ad prohibendum scelus; iubere iam poterat:
Otho's most recent orders had opened the arsenal (38.3) and killed Piso
(43.2). As is common in epigrams, the second member is more laconic:
here foterat replaces auctonitas inerat and the obj. is omitted (cf. in App. 2: 5.2,
10.2, 13.2, 25.1, 38.2, 49.4; see further Plass (1988) 31). Similar constraints
are shown for Vitellius (58.2) and predicted for the Flavians (3.66.3). In the
parallel to the present passage Plutarch simply notes that Otho was afraid
to oppose his soldiers (G. 27.6). T.s nondum contrasts with Piso's absolute
 COMMENTARY: 45.2-46.1 191

nemo umquam (30.1). The story of Otho's principate does show a gradual
reaffirmation of the social hierarchy (45.1 n. ruere cuncti), but the praetorian
outbreak of chh. 80-5 shows how fragile it was. At 83.1 reputans non posse
principatum scelere quaesitum subita modestia et prisca grauitate retinenn Otho is no
better off than he is here; subita points again to the future but the notion
is less plausible the second time round. ita. . . subtraxit: wssum (sc.
Celsum) is the obj. of subtraxit, daturum goes with affirmans, which is a paren-
thetic supplement to simulatione trae, so et is ‘indeed’ or ‘in fact’ OLD ob.
For other views see Alford, Heubner. simulatione irae uinciri
iussum: rephrased at 71.1 per speciem utnculorum. saeuihae militum. subtrac-
tum (sc. Celsum). Vitellius uses a similar tactic: 58.1 simulatone uinculorum.
The rusc fails for Antonius Primus (3.10.3). Plutarch's Otho (G. 27.6) gives
the soldiers a rational argument for delaying Celsus' execution - he had
questions to ask him, he said. T.’s scene, by contrast, pits one concealed
motive against another: Otho's strategic simulation is matched by the cal-
culations of the soldiers, whose demand for Celsus' punishment actually
aimed at a more general (and more profitable) slaughter (caedis et praedarum
inilium . . . quaen apparebat). daturum: sc. esse.
46.1 arbitrio militum: arbitnum was properly an attribute
of the senate (4.9.1, A. 1.26.1, 13.5.1, 14.28.1) and the pnnceps (A. 1.15.1,
1.26.1). acta: sc. sunt. Plotium Firmum: also in Plutarch (by
emendation; PIR? P 503). His promotion from fraefectus uigilum to praefectus
praetorio mirrors that of Tigellinus before him (72.1n.) and others after,
but his rise from the ranks (of the praetorians, it is usually assumed, to
explain thcir favour for him here) to an equestrian post is unusual for this
period (Baillie Reynolds (1926) 33, 122—7). For his character see 82.2n.
allocuti . . . horridius. adiungitur: even in reporting the selection of
two prefects of equal rank T. varies the construction; cf. 48.3 below
on the wills of Piso and Vinius. Licinius Proculus: known from
T., Plutarch, and Dio, none of whom says anything about his prior career
(PIR? L 233). T. gives the impression that friendship with Otho was his only
recommendation for the job. His subsequent power was great (87.2 plurima
fides Licinio Proculo; 2.39.1 uts ac potestas pene Proculum praefectum; cf. Plut. O.
7.4) but ill-placed. Later scenes reveal lack of experience (87.2 bellorum
insolens; 2.33.1 imperitia) and of moral compass (2.60.1 necessarüs magis
defensionibus quam honestis; cf. 2.44.1). Plutarch adds the charge of cowardice
(O. 13.1). Proculus survived Otho but presumably lost his post when
Vitellius discharged the praetorians (2.67.1). For his character see further
192 COMMENTARY: 46.1

82.2n. allocuti . . . horrnidius. suspectus . . . fouisse: cf. 4.34.4 suspectus

bellum malle. Flauium Sabinum: clder brother of Vespasian,
prominent in the events of 69 (PIR? F 352 and 356). The thirty-five years’
service to the state mentioned in his obituary at 3.75 included a command
during Claudius' expedition to Britain in 43, seven years as imperial legate
in Moesia (perhaps A.D. 49-56), involvement with thc census in Gaul, and
twelve years as urban prefect (perhaps 57—60, 62—8, 69). His praetorship
and suffect consulship presumably fall some time before those of Vespasian
(A.D. 39 and 51 respectively). Despite Ts eulogy domi militaeque clarus
Sabinus has no known military successes. His long tenure as urban prefect
never earns I.’s notice in the Annals (he apparently had no role in the
suppression of the Pisonian conspiracy, for example). Galba replaced
Sabinus with Ducenius Geminus 1n 68 (14.1n.). Sabinus' return to office
is dated by its collocation here to 15 January; Plutarch, giving it a different
context, scems to put it as late as March (O. 5.2), which is unlikely. As
the year proceeds Sabinus' official post and his connection with Vespasian
push him further into prominence: after Otho's death he administers to
troops in Rome the oath of loyalty to Vitellius (2.55.1) and facilitates the
execution of Cornelius Dolabella, a man spared by both Galba and Otho
(2.63.1-2; on Dolabella see 88.1n.). The latter action T. portrays as a
failure of nerve: 2.63.2 Sabinus. . . facilts mutatu et in alieno discrtmine sibi pauens.
For the mid-year consulship of Sabinus' homonymous son see 77.2n. Caelto
ac Flauto Sabinis and, on both men, Townend (1961). After the Flavian
victory at Cremona in October Sabinus began discussions with Vitellius
about a negotiated peace (3.65.2), but the plan was foiled by a riot that
resulted, eventually, in the burning of the Capitol (3.69—71) and in Sabinus'
lynching (3.74.2). His handling of the situation was sharply criticized
(3.78.2), unjustly so, according to T.: haud facile quis unt assignauent culpam
quae omnium fuit. His death made a peaceful transfer of power more difficult
(3.81.2). After his brother's accession he was honoured with a state funeral
(4-47). As Vespasian's brother, Sabinus had been urged to claim a share of
influence (3.64—5); his lack of enthusiasm was viewed by some as fraternal
jealousy (3.65.1), but again T. offers a more favourable interpretation. Two,
in fact: frailty (3.65.1 inualidus senecta, cf. 3.59.2) and character (3.65.2 mitem
utrum; Cf. 2.63.2 Sabinus suopte ingenio mitis). Further rumours arose from
the prospect of conflict with Mucianus (3.75.2). Ts laudatio is curiously
lukewarm: 3.75.1 utrt haud sane spernendw, tnnocentiam. tustiiamque eius. non
argueres. Public opinion may have preferred Sabinus to Vespasian (quod inter
 COMMENTARY: 46.1-46.2 193

omnes constitent, ante principatum Vesbasiani decus domus penes Sabinum erat; see
also Suet. Ves. 2.2), but in T.'s eyes he did not quite measure up (see further
Gilmartin Wallace (1987)). praefecere: presumably the urban co-
horts, who were under the command of the praefectus urbis, a consular with
more status than the (equestrian) praetorian prefects, but much less power
(O. F. Robinson (1992) 183-4). Plutarch, by contrast, says that Sabinus
was Otho's choice (O. 5.2). T.'s topic here — arbitrium militum — and the mor-
alizing fervour it engenders in his prose leads him away from the parallel
tradition. iudicium Neronis secuti: the same motive is ascribed
by Plutarch to Otho (see App. 1). plerisque...respicientibus:
respicere 'take account of' OLD 7; in Plutarch this is Otho's precaution
(App. 1).
46.2 flagitatum: sc. est. uacationes 'exemptions from fatigues'
OLD 1, rephrased less technically below as militare otium. After Otho's
concessions to the city troops comes a subsidy of particular interest to
the legions. Vitellius, at the head of the German legions, adopts thc
same policy (58.1; Otho may in fact be matching rather than anticipating
Vitellius). T.'s account, the source of which is unknown, has more details
than the narrative requires — indeed no other author mentions the
measure. The situation 1s nevertheless not wholly clear. Webster (1998) 118
and Chilver ad loc. speak of bribes for relief from unpleasant work, but what
T. describes is an annual exaction (tributum annuum; uacatines annuas), and
it 1s hard to see how Otho's subsidy would have rendered bribes obsolete.
Credit for a permanent solution seems in fact due to Hadrian, who
designated a category of soldiers, the immunes, permanently exempt from
fatigues (Webster (1998) 118-20). Abuses in the allocation of exemp-
tions were among the grievances expressed by mutinous legions in
A.D. 14 (A. 1.35.1, 1.17.4). Both the historical analysis and the language
of this passage share much with Sallust’s rhetoric of moral dechne
(see nn.). sparsa: sc. eat. neque...quisquam...pensi
habebat 'nor did anyone have any scruples about' (OLD s.v. pendo 7),
a Sallustian expression (Cat. 5.6, 12.2, 23.2, 52.34, Jug. 41.9) used to
characterize moral lapses by both Livy (e.g. 26.15.4, 43.7.11) and T.
(D. 27.1, A. 13.15.3). The negative neque. . . quisquam intensifics the tone of
outrage. per latrocinia et raptus...redimebant: the subject,
gregaru milites, is understood from the context. The epigram, built around
twin antitheses (thief/slave — soldier, activity - leisure) caps the expression
of outrage. The end of the epigram juxtaposes clashing concepts, first
194 COMMENTARY: 46.2-46.5

militare and ottum, words nowhere else united, then ottum and redimebant,
which are from equally disparate semantic spheres; for the first compare
Vell. 2.78.2 ne res disciplinae intmiisstma, otium, corrumperet militem and 87 .2n.
urbanae milihae. T. pairs raptus and . (atroinia again at 35.2 and 2.58.1.
Conditions appear to have worsened since Augustus' principate, when the
uacatio fee was deducted from the regular stipendium (4A. 1.17.4). For the
uariatio prep. phrase — abl. scee Sórbom (1935) 84-5.
46.3 fatigari: historic infinitives are also used singly at 50.1 maerere, 51.3
quaerere, 52.3 instigare, 71.1 tonpescere, 89.1 senttre. socordia: cf. Sal. fu.
2.4 ingenium . . . incultu atque socordia torpescere sinunt, with 24.2n. per socorduam
praefect, and. 2.73, 2.98.2, etc. insuper: 36.in. alius atque
alius: only here in T. (cf. Rhet. Her. 4.54, 4.63). corrupti agrees with
the plural notion of a/tus atque altus (cf. 27.2 sumptun, 35.1 mmu). ad
seditiones. . . discordias. . . bella ciuilia: for the progression cf. Sal.
Hhst. fr. 1.12 plurumae turbae, seditiones et ad postremum bella ciuilia orta sunt.
46.4 uulgi largitione: the objective gen. is based on a dat. 'ob-
ject’; cf. A. 15.48.3 uoluptatum parsimonia (X uoluptati parcere), H. 2.59.1 tn
appulsu litors (^: . liton. abpellens). ex fisco suo, thc reading of one
branch of MSS (see Wellesley's app. crit. and cf. 58.1 uacationes centurio-
nibus ex fisco numeral), is preferred over M's et fiscum suum, in which et has no
function. exsoluturum: sc. se esse. rem haud dubie utilem:
on Aaud dubie see 7.1n. For the acc. see 44.2n. muntmentum. bonis
postea principibus: for adverbs — particularly those of time and place —
used attributively, a usage in which T. follows Livy's lead and that, like the
attributive use of prepositional phrases (e.g. 50.4 omnum ante se prinapum),
aids brevity, see K-S 11$59.2 and cf. 65.1n. mullae inuicem clades. — per-
petuitate disciplinae 'as a permanent rule of the service' (Church and
Brodribb). For disciplina *military regulations' see 7 LLs.v. 1324.73-1325.74.
T. uses fas disciplinae to allude to the totality of the military code at A. 1.19.3;
cf. H. 2.68.1 apud Vitelltum omnia indisposita temulenta, peruigiliis ac bacchanalibus
quam disciplinae et castris profnora.
46.5 Laco praefectus . . . confossus: sc. est. On Laco see 6.1n. This
sentence is either elliptical even by Tacitean standards or corrupt. The
difficulty lies in making a connection between (amquam. .. seponeretur and
confossus. À. 16.9.1 Silanus tamquam Naxum deucheretur Ostiam amotus, post mumici-
pu Apuliae. . . clauditur has spurred emendations here, of which the simplest
is replacing praefectus with profectus, which then governs tamquam (for this and
other repairs see Wellesley's app. crit.). But Laco's title is balanced by the
 COMMENTARY: 46.5-47.1 195

reference to Icelus' status, ut libertum, in the following sentence, and profectus

gives Laco surprising freedom of movement amidst the bloodbath of 15
January. À better repair inserts amotus before ab euocato, but the loss of the
word is hard to explain and, oncc in, seems cloyingly regular. Better to ex-
plain the connection as lying in Otho: Otho created the pretence of exile for
Laco while preparing his exccution (this view is implicit in Alford’s ‘while
professedly being removed to an island’). The connection is elided when
T. makes Laco the subject and the verbs passive. tamquam °‘as if’
revives the theme of duplicity: as with the rescue of Marius Celsus, Otho
cffects something he gives no indication of intending. Marcianum
Icelum: 13.1n. ut in libertum palam animaduersum: sc. est;
cf. 68.2 in lulium Alpinum. .. Caecina animaduertit. For executions of other
freedmen see 4.11.3 serutli supplicto and 4.3.2 patibulo affixus.
47.1 exacto per scelera die nouissimum malorum fuit laeti-
tia: cf. Á. 4.50.1 rebus turbatis malum extremum discordia accessit. 'T.’s laetitia
is more pungent than Dio's ‘pretence of gladness’ (64.6.5a). prae-
tor urbanus: with both consuls dead, the praetor was the senior mag-
istrate with the power to convene the senate; for other such occasions see
Talbert (1984) 185-6. omnes principum honores: of the remain-
ing honores — the term covers titles, offices and powers, and prerogatives
- the principal were imperium, the right to convene the senate, the office
of pontifex maximus, and the name Imperator (Brunt (1977) 95-107). The
formal transfer of imperial power was effected by one or more senato-
rial decrees that were ratified by a series of leges passed between January
and March in comit&a (Brunt (1977) 98—101). Here and for the accessions of
Vitellius (2.55.2 in senatu cuncta longis altorum principatibus composita statim decer-
nuntur; cf. 2.90.2) and Vespasian (4.3.3 at Romae senatus cuncta principnbus solita
Vespasiano decernif), varying the expression each time, T. omits the legislative
phase (so too Plut. G. 28.1 and Suet. O. 7.1), over-emphasizing, perhaps,
the senate’s role (and its servility). T.’s phrasing also stresses the similarity
of the three senatorial decrees, obscuring somewhat the fact that Otho,
unlike Vitellius or Vespasian, was present at the meeting. Indeed he spoke,
according to Suet. O. 7.1; see also Dio 64.8.1. adnitentibus cunctis:
T.’s evocation of senatorial aims and anxieties in this appended abl. abs.
is not paralleled - apart from Dio's *pretence of gladness' (see on /laetittia
above) — in the other sources, which focus instead on Otho's self-justifying
speech (Suet. O. 7.1) or the irony of his accepting declarations of a loyalty
he had not shown to Galba (Plut. G. 28.1). T. shows a similarly ingratiating
 196 COMMENTARY: 47.1-47.2

senate welcoming the Flavians (4.4.3). abolere ‘efface the memory

of' OLD 3; first attested in Virgil (four times), it proved useful during the
imperial period (Liv. eleven times, Sen. eight, Plin. Nat. ten, Suet. twenty-
two times), particularly to T. (twenty-six times, plus twice of abolitio). See
Wolfflin (1888) 118-19. conuicia ac probra: another near doublet
(cf. raptus et latrocinia), used again at 2.52.1 and 3.10.3. On long-remembered
insults see also A. 5.2.2quarum (sc. facetiarum) apud praepotentesin longum memona
est. promisce is uscd dxchrcntly at each of its three appearances in
Book 1; for 'from many sources' (here) cf. A. 4.37.3 promiscis adulationibus.
Some of the criticisms of Otho probably occurred at 35.1 posito metu m-
cauts. . . mmu uerbis, linguae feroces, a scene of similar social chaos. See also
66.1n. and 84.4n. nemo sensit: since Otho was not present to hear
the insults (see above) his (eventual) knowledge of them came from later
reports. nemo sensit refers then to perceptions not on 15 January, but in the
balance of Otho's reign, as is made clear in the final words of the sentence.
That 1s, he caused no one to feel that the insults were fixed in his memory.
Emendation (see Wellesley's app. crit.) is not needed. Plutarch's version is
simpler and more complimentary: O. 3.1 *he did not remember personal
grievances against anyone at all'. omisisset: for the omission of utrum
sce 17.2n. fro...senatu
47.2 cruento adhuc foro per stragem iacentium: Plutarch
(G. 28.1) exploits the detail differently, synchronizing it with the senate
meeting and singling out ‘headless bodies in consular robes’ (i.e. Galba
and Vinius). The death toll is unknown. in Capitolium...uectus:
for a sacrifice. Both Plutarch (O. 1.1) and Suetonius (O. 7.1) place Otho's
sacrifice on the next morning, the latter connecting it with an ominous
dream from the night of the 15th. Dio reverses the order of sacrifice and
dream (64.7.1; cf. 64.7.2 ‘after this’). T. does not mention the sacrifice
specifically, nor does he report Otho's dream or his regret for the posi-
tion he found himself in (expressed by a Greek proverb quoted by both
Suetonius and Dio ad. locc.). For Vitellius' ascent to the Capitolium see
2.89.2; the temple burned before Vespasian's arrival in Rome. con-
cedi corpora sepulturae: an unusual expression modelled on the last
words of Mezentius: Virg. Aen. 10.906 *me consortem nati concede sepulcro’;
Miller (1987b) 96. Verania uxor survived Piso by many years. Pliny's
gossip of c. A.D. 104 includes a story about how she was inveigled into giving
a legacy to a man accused in the Senate of having gnawed her husband's
head (Ep. 2.20.1—5; cf. H. 4.42.2). frater Scribonianus: 15.2n. est ibi
 COMMENTARY: 47.2-48.2 197

frater. Crispina filia: 13.2n. widua fila. composuere ‘buried’

OLD 4c. quaesitis redemptisque capitibus: according to
Plutarch, Verania got Piso’s head for the asking, but Crispina had to pay
10,000 HS for Vinius' (G. 28.2). Plutarch also mentions Laco's head and
specifies that they were all delivered to Otho (G. 27.5), but on Laco's death
see 46.5n.
48.1 Magnum Claudius, Crassum Nero interfecerant: ía-
mous Republican names (14.1 n. Pisonem Licinianum) neatly interleaved with
those of emperors. For the death of Magnus see Suet. Cl 29.1-2, for
that of Crassus see Plin. Ep. 1.5.3, Tac. H. 4.42.1. ad hoc tan-
tum...praelatus est ut prior occideretur: the equation of prefer-
ment (praelatus) and death generates a wry tone; for the paronomasia (prae-
. .. frior) see 25.1n. fransferendum . . . transtulerunt.
48.2 Titus Vinius: 1.1n. The style of this obituary is blander than
that of Piso's: much information is packaged in periods (legatum . . . ausa,
igitur. . . furatus). Its content matches Plut. G. 12.1- 2 closely, but Plutarch
uses the material instead to introduce Vinius; for some stylistic differences
see Intro. §18. — quinquaginta septem: this number implies that
Vinius was a very old twenty-six or twenty-seven at the time of his first
military service (c. A.D. 39 under Calvisius Sabinus; see below) and should
perhaps be emended to forty-seven (Sumner (1976) 431-2). pater
illi: sc. erat. Forms of esse are frequently omitted in these obituaries.
maternus auus e proscriptis: another suspect datum (Chilver
ad loc.). Caluisium Sabinum: legate of Pannonia under Gaius
(c. 39; Thomasson (1984) r: 100 and PIR? c 354). His wife's name was
Cornelia. uxor...ingressa...temptasset...ausa: Plutarch
makes Vinius the subject (see App. 1). mala cupidine uisendi:
female involvement in military affairs earns T.s disapprobation at e.g.
A. 1.69.2 and 2.55.6. At A. 3.33-4 he recounts a senatorial debate on
the subject. uigilias et cetera militiae munia...temptasset:
cf. Dio 58.18.4 ‘she was charged with making the rounds of the sentries
and viewing the soldiers’ exercises’; Plut. omits this detail. temptasset,
an emendation for M's nonsensical temperasset, suits T.’s picture of a
woman taking the initiative (cf. A. 1.69.4 nuul relictum. imperatonbus, ubi
femina manipulos interuisat, signa adeat, largitionem templel). Another possible
emendation is temerasset: cf. 58.6 castra incorrupta et intemerata, A. 1.30.3 castra
infausta temerataque, see Wellesley's app. crit. principiis ‘headquarters
building' OLD 10. Ausa: sc. est.
 198 COMMENTARY: 48.3-49.1

48.3 mutatione temporum: i.c. by the assassination of Gaius in

41. cursu honorum inoffenso: :noffensus commonly characterizes
a path or motion (A. 1.56.2 siccitate et ammibus modicis inoffensum ier. prope-
raueral; TLL 1735.10—44) but T.'s application of it to a metaphorical cursus
is not found again until much later (7LL 1736.36—50). tamquam
‘on the grounds that’ 7.3n. furatus: sc. est. The story also appears
(without Vinius’ name) at Suet. Cl. 32. fictilibus: modest dinnerware
(Juv. 3.161, 10.25).
48.4 proconsulatu: abl. of time when. in abruptum tractus:
a metaphorical adaptation of Virgilian physical hazards: Aen. 3.422 sor-
bet in abruptum fluctus (sc.. Charybdis), 12.687 fertur in abruptum magno mons
improbus actu; the Virgilian images suggest a downward plunge. Cf. also
Agr. 42.4 plerque per abrupta. . . ambitiosa morte inclaruerunt and A. 2.55.4 orta
tempestas raperet (sc. Pisonem) in abrupta. For a similar metaphor cf. 78.2 in
suspenso. prout...intendisset: frout 'according as' OLD 1; cf. 59.1
prout inclinassent. For intendere *direct! see OLD 9. prauus aut indus-
trius eadem ui: an abrupt and epigrammatc conclusion to the obituary,
juxtaposing opposites (depravity ~ industry) and asserting a connection be-
tween them (eadem); cf. A. 2.2.4 perinde odium prauis et honestis (also
a concluding
epigram) and 11.33 ad honesta seu praua tuxta leui (sc. praefecto).
49.1 corpus diu neglectum et licentia tenebrarum plurimis
ludibriis uexatum: di; 'for a long time’ is odd, given that burial
was on the 16th (see below), so some take dtu as 'by day' and the an-
tithesis dtu... licenha tenebrarum as a variant of the common doublet dtu
noctuque (2.5.1, A. 15.12.4, H. 3.76.2 noctu dieque, TLL s.v. 1557.18—44).
Others alter the word order (see Wellesley's app. crit.). For licentia tene-
brarum cf. 32.1 licentia acclamationum — here too the basic meaning lies
in the gen. (‘in the darkness’), while /centia characterizes. plurimis
ludibriis uexatum: see 41.3. Plutarch identifies the offenders as slaves
of Patrobius (see below): G. 28.9 'after mutilating and insulting it in ev-
ery way they cast it where those condemned by emperors die’. dis-
pensator Argius. .. contexit: Plutarch reports that Helvidius Priscus,
to whom T. gives a full introduction at 4.5—6, was an intermediary (see
App. 1). Suetonius identifies the place of Galba's tomb (Aurelia uia) rather
than its character (hurnilt). e prioribus seruis: longwinded for 4-
bertus, if that is indeed what it means (cf. Plut. G. 28.3 é&reAevOepos)
and odd if it denotes rather a slave owned before Galba's accession (so
Hellegouarc'h). primoribus has been suggested as a repair (see Wellesley's
 COMMENTARY: 49.1-49.2 199

app. crit.), but dispensator *steward' has already explained, more precisely
than 'high-ranking' would, Argius' position. caput...ante Patro-
bii tumulum...repertum: the other sources ascribe the mutlation
of Galba's head to the slaves (Plut. G. 28.2-3) or a freedman (Suet.
G. 20.2) of Patrobius and, stressing retribution, make the place of its dis-
posal the place where Patrobius died. Ts postera demum die repertum, by
contrast, emphasizes the head's abandonment. punitus a Galba:
presumably in 68 (Dio 64.3.4); for Galba's victims see Murison (1993)
56 n. 32.
49.2 hunc exitum habuit Seruius Galba: Galba, who died first,
is remembered last. Plutarch's obituary begins similarly 'such was what
happened to Galba' (G. 29.1) but, apart from a few shared details of lan-
guage, is very different, T.'s being a character sketch and career outline,
Plutarch's a review of Galba's place in history. Despite its shorter compass
(109 words vs 156) T’s obituary both incorporates material that Plutarch
placed at the beginning of his Life and draws together threads spun in
his own narrativc. Almost nothing 1s not illustrated earlier. quinque
principes...emensus 'having traversed [the times of ] five emperors'
(Alford) is more compact and conveys the extent of time better than Plut.
G. 29.2 'having lived during five emperors' reigns'. For the participle
cf. V. Max. 8.13. ext.1 Masinissa . . . excessit, regni sbatium. LX annis emensus.
uetus in familia nobilitas: alluded to by Galba himself at 15.1 Suipiciae
et Lutatiae decora and by Mucianus at 2.76.2 Galbae tmagines. In introducing
their Liwves both Plutarch (G. 3.1) and Suetonius (G. 2.3) discuss some of
the Sulpicii and trace Galba's connections with Q. Lutatius Catulus (cos.
78 B.c.) and Livia. Like Suetonius, Silius credits Galba with a genealogy
stretching back to Minos and Pasiphae (8.468—70). In Juvenal's satire on no-
bility Galba represents ancient nobility of birth (8.5). magnae opes:
briefer than Plut. G. 3.1 ‘agreed to have been the wealthiest private individ-
ual to attain the house of the Caesars’. medium ingenium: cf. Liv.
1.32.4. medium erat in Ánco ingenium, et Romuli et Numae memor. Plutarch (G. 3.2)
limits the sphere of Galba's *avoidance of extremes' (&rrépirTov) to expendi-
tures (see below on 49.3 pecunia.. . . parcus). magis extra uitia quam
cum uirtutibus: saeuitia and auantia are charges advanced by Otho (37 .4,
cf. Suet. G. 12.1 de eo fama saeuttiae simul atque auaritiae), but as he had done in
the narrative, so here T. denies (or moderates) them: 5.2n. sentum atque auari-
&am, 6.1n. et.. . trucidatis, 37 .2n. cutus . . . Galba; see also 5.2n. legi. . . em: and
87 .1n. saeuitia Galbae. 'The virtues credited to Galba in the narrative - 18.3
200 COMMENTARY: 49.2-49.4

antiquus ngor and nimia seuentas — are annulled by their inappropriateness to

conditions (anfiquus, mmia).
49.3 famae nec incuriosus nec uenditator: more pungent than
Plut. G. 11.1 ‘a large-minded man, apparently above vulgarity’. Plutarch
illustrates this phrase with Galba's refusal to use Nero's trappings en route to
Rome in 68. In T. the first quality can be seen at 34.1 spectosiora suadentibus
accessit, the second at 16.3 cum inuidia quamis egregii errmus, 18.2. nec ullum ora-
&oni . . . lenocinium addit, 19.1 apud senatum non comptior. . . sermo (and for a like
trait in Piso see 30.1. niul arrogabo mihii nobilitatis aut modestiae). For uenditator
'touter' cf. Gel. 18.4.1—2, which describes a :actator and uenditator Sallustianae
lechonts, and 5.14.3 (describing another boastful scholarly type) in praedican-
dis doctrinis sui uenditator. pecuniae alienae non appetens, suae
parcus: modelled on but opposite to Sal. Cat. 5.4 alient appetens, sui profusus,
briefer than Plut. G. 3.2 'the restraint of his manner of life and his thrift in
expenditures gave him the reputation of parsimony once he became em-
peror'. The second trait is illustrated by anecdotes in Plutarch (G. 16.1) and
Suetonius (G. 12.5, 13); in T. it is a criticism expressed by Otho at 37.4 par-
$tmoniam pro auanitia. publicae auarus: illustrated in ch. 20; see also
O. 12.1. For a criuque of the text see Wellesley (1967) 211—15. amico-
rum...ignarus: cf. 12.5 ipsa Galbae facilitas, there in connection with the
peculation of mali, and 7.2 Galbam. . . comprobasse, apropos of their crimes.
Plutarch (G. 29.4) and Suetonius (G. 14.2) make similar charges with specific
reference to Galba's handling of Vinius, Laco, and Icelus. The only friends
in the narrative who could be considered bon: are Piso and Marius Cel-
Sus. obtentui: sc. erat, used without the metaphor at 2.14.3 obscurum
noctts, obtentui fugientibus. segnitia: according to Suet. G. 9.2 (on Galba
as governor of Spain) showing segnitia was a form of self-defence, quod nemo
rationem otu sut reddere cogeretur. For the antithesis cf. Agr. 6.3 gnarus sub Nerone
temporum, quibus inerta pro saprentia fuit.
49.4 militari laude: 5.2n. laudata. .. seuentas. apud Germa-
nias .. .Africam. .. Hispaniam: Plutarch (G. 3.2—3) and Suetonmus (G.
6—8) give more details about Galba's provincial commands. omnium
consensu capax imperii, nisi imperasset: lists of capaces imperi gen-
erated by Augustus (4. 1.13.2) and Trajan (Dio 69.17.3) are on record;
according to T., Tiberius predicted that Galba would be emperor, but not
that he was capax (A. 6.20.93 'degustabis imperium'; cf. Suet. G. 4.1 with Murison
(1991 b) ad loc.). The famous epigram on Galba employs a 'slightly off-center
logic' (Plass (1988) 95): by omitting the main clause of the contrary-to-fact
 COMMENTARY: 49.4-50.3 201

condition (*he would have retained his reputation' uel sim.) T. juxtaposes a
widely held belief about Galba's potential (omntum consensu capax tmperii) with
the circumstances that proved it utterly wrong (imperasset). The abruptness
and completeness of the reversal makes T.’s epigram more forceful than
Suetonius' antithesis: G. 14.1 matore adeo et fauore et auctonitate adeptus est quam
gessil imperium, which admits of degrees (matore). Plutarch expresses a similar
point still more diffusely: Galba had leadership qualities (G. 29.2 &v8pós
f)yeuovikoO) but left behind none still eager for his rule (29.4). Epigram
form is used for similar reversals at 10.5, 38.2, and 39.1 (see App. 2).
50.1 nouus insuper de Vitellio nuntius: it is news to the reader,
too (14.1n. nthil. .. certum); the details come in chh. 55— 7. uelut...
fataliter electos: similarly 71.2 uelut fataliter. uulgus quoque: for
the uulgus’ exclusion from governance cf. 35.1 impenta plebs, 89.1 communium
curarum expers populus, and 4.38.3 uulgus. .. cut una ex re publica annonae cura,
with Newbold (1976). maerere: 46.3n. fatigan.
50.2 saeuae pacis: at 2.1 of the Flavian period (ipsa etiam pace
saeuum), here, presumably of the Julio-Claudian past; cf. 89.2 sub
Tiberio et Gato. . . pacis aduersa, A. 1.10.4 pacem. . . cruentam. repetita...
memoria: for the abl. abs. cf. Liv. 8.18.12 memoria ex annalibus repetia.
captam totiens suis exercitibus urbem: the known dates (all B.c.) are
88 (Sulla), 87 (Cinna and Marius), 82 (Sulla), 49 (Caesar), 43 (Octavian), 41
(L. Antonius); the first three occasions were particularly bloody. uasti-
tatem Italiae: a much used phrase, most memorably by Livy for Hanni-
bal's dream ofthe fate of Italy (21.22.9), but also in connection with civil war
(Cic. Sest. 12, Sal. fug. 5.2). Pharsaliam Philippos et Perusiam
ac Mutnam: the dates (all B.c.) are 48, 42, 40, 43. For the connectives
cf. A. 1.1.2 Tiberii Gaique et Claudi ac Neronis, 12.64.1 quaestore aedili tribuno ac
praetore et consule . . . defunctis.
50.3 euersum: sc. esse. ituros: sc. se esse. In indirect state-
ment I. often omits subject se: here with :furos, at 51.4 with donatos; see
Adams (1972) 370—1 “The omission. .. is common in historians other than
Velleius. The ellipse is usually an easy one. T.’s liking for the usage in-
creases: in the minor works he rarely allows it, but in the Annals in
particular it becomes very frequent.' :turos is often treated as a rhetor-
ical question, but in the absence of an interrogative particle (contrast
2.75.1 quid enim profuturas (sc. esse) cohortes alasque? and A. 2.2.2 ubi illam
glonam (sc. esse)?) 1t 1s preferable to take it as a grimly sardonic state-
ment. For the syntax and tone cf. A. 1.26.3 eundum ergo senatum consulendum
202 COMMENTARY: 50.3-50.4; 51-54; 51.1

(sc. esse) quotiens supplicia aut proeha indicantur. an ‘or perhaps’ introduces
a second possibility (OLD 9; cf. 3.25.1uagus inde an consilo ducis subdtus
rumor), not a disjunctive question (17.2n. fro...senatu). deteriorem
fore qui uicisset: cf. Sen. Ep. 14.13 apropos of the struggle be-
tween Pompey and Caesar: polest melior uincere, non polest non pewr esse qui
uicent.
50.4 augurarentur: clsewhere in T. only at G. 3.1 futurae. . . pugnae
fortunam ipso cantu augurantur. ambigua de Vespasiano fama: sc.
erat. Criticisms collected by Suetonius include lack of ambition (Ves. 2.2),
difficulty in attaining the aedileship (2.3), servility towards Gaius (2.3),
unpopularity as governor of Africa (4.3; he was pelted with turnips), going
to excessive lengths to get money (4.3-4), obscure family (4.5). T. focuses
on Vespasian's auaritia: 2.5.1 51 auantia abesset, antiquis ducibus par. solus
omnium ante se principum: the logical flaw (Vespasian wasn't one
of his own predecessors) is like that at Thuc. 1.1.1 on a war ‘most note-
worthy of those that preceded' (&&ioAoycrarov Tv Trpoyeysvnu£voyv);
the expression is compressed but perfectly intelligible. See also 46.4n. bonis
postea brincifibus.

51-54 Disaffection in Germany and Gaul: causae

T. turns away from the foreboding of ch. 50 to provide background for
the motus Vitellianus. In addition to answering the questions why here? and
why now? this section characterizes the forces from which Vitellius drew
his armies and the men who led them.
Ch. 51 is devoted to the currents of emotion in the German armies in
the aftermath of their easy victory over Vindex: a sense of power and greed
for the profits of power clashed with a consciousness of having backed
a loser in Nero. The resulting discontent was fanned by the Gauls. Lax
discipline facilitated the growth of sedition, ominous rumours added ur-
gency. Chh. 52-53.2 introduce Vitellius, newly arrived in the area, and
his principal legates, Fabius Valens and Caecina Alienus. In ch. 54 a small
incident illustrates the tinderbox atmosphere of the two-legion camp at
Moguntiacum.

51.I initia causasque: 4.IN. non...causaeque. expediam,

introducing background material (cf. 4.12.1, 4.48.1, G. 27.2, A. 4.1.1), varies
Sal. fug. 5.3 pnus quam huiusce modi rei imittium expedio, pauca supra repetam.
 COMMENTARY: 51.1-51.2 203

The formula is Virgilian: Miller (1987b) 97. caeso cum omnibus

copiis Iulio Vindice: 6.2n. opprimendis Vindwis coeptis, 8.1n. suber memoriam
Vindicis. Vindex took his own life, so T.’s expression is more brief than
precise. ferox praeda gloriaque exercitus: cf. 8.2. For ferocia
of eagerness, often ill-advised, for battle and its rewards cf. 79.1ex ferocia
et successu praedae magis quam pugnae intenta, 2.43.1 ferox et noui decoris auida,
5.11.2 poscebant. . . pericula, pars uirtute, mulhi ferocia et cufndine praemorum. 'The
adj. is so used by Sallust ( fug. 94.4 .Numtdae. . . secundis rebus feroces) and Livy
(e.g. 1.25.11 gemunata wictonia ferocem, 3.61.13 feroces ab re. . . bene gesta, 25.39.9
Jferoces. . . uictona proelium ineunt) but not Caesar. expeditionem et
aciem, praemia quam stipendia malebat ‘preferred campaign
and battle — the rewards (sc. of war) — over regular pay’. praemia shows an
abrupt pragmatism (war = rewards) echoed in stipendia, which parallels
the (elided) antithesis to war, pax. The sentence as a whole emulates
the antithesis and the inconcinnity, if not the precise form, of Sal. Cat.
17.6 incerta pro certis, bellum quam pacem malebant. For the military doublet
cf. Agr. 33.2 tot expeditombus, tot proelus, Liv. 3.12.5. nunc in expeditionibus,
nunc in acie, 37.53.18 nulla expeditio, nullum equestre proelum, Suet. Dom. 19 tn
expeditione et agmine, 4.58.1 proelum et acies, 4.50.4 per arma atque acies. For
the abrupt change in terminology cf. 5.2n. laudata. .. seuentas and 33.1n.
cunctalione . . . segnitia.
51.2 infructuosam ‘unprofitable’(OLD 2) voices the seditious sol-
dier's view of military service; cf. A. 1.17.4 militiam ipsam grauem, infructuosam
(and sterilem pacem later in this seditious speech). At D. 9.1 laudem inanem
et infructuosam the adj. again contributes to a negative characterization of
its speaker, Aper. ingenio...seueritate: causal abl. with. infructu-
osam and asperam, appended to an already complete main clause. Further
unannounced clauses follow. ingenio loci occurs first in Sallust (Hist.
fr. 3.28 pugna . . . ingenio loci prohibebatur, cf. fr. 1.100 quas duas insulas . . . constabat
suopte ingenio alimenta mortalibus gignere). Cicero uses natura: Ver. 5.26 hic situs
alque haec natura esse loct caehque dicitur. For similar expressions in T. cf. 2.4.3
arduo opere ob ingenium montis, 5.14.2 camporum suo ingenio umentium, A. 6.41.1
locorum. . . ingenio sese. . . tutabatur. caeli ‘climate’ (OLD 7) is used again
in Mucianus’ description of the rigours of a posting to Germany: 2.80.3
Germanica hiberna caelo ac labonibus dura. inexorabilem: in Livy, too, of
a fundamental Roman institution viewed through seditious cyes (those of
Tarquinius' sodales): 2.3.4 leges rem surdam, rem inexorabilem esse. paratis
utrimque corruptoribus et perfidia impunita: stated more strongly
204 COMMENTARY: 51.2-51.4

later: 3.61.3 nec ulla . . . flagitit poena, et praemits defectorum uersa fides ac reliquum
perfidiae certamen. uiri arma equi: formulaic: A. 12.37.2 habut equos
utros, arma opes, Liv. 23.24.9 arma uiros equos obruerunt, etc. See Heubner
(1963). ad usum et ad decus supererant ‘more than sufficed for
use and show'. decus, an emendation for M's nonsensical dedecus, often has
a utilitarian partner, as at [Sal.] ad Caes. 1.7.3 usum atque decus and Vegetius
4.31 decore et utibitate, cf. also Agr. 6.1 decus ac robur, 33.6 tincolumitas ac decus,
G. 13.3 1n pace decus in bello praesidium.
51.3 aduersus Vindicem contractae legiones: the three legions
of Upper Germany (rv and xxn from Moguntiacum, mod. Mainz, xxi
from Vindonissa, mod. Windisch; cf. 53.2 bello aduersus Vindicem unmiuer-
sus adfuerat) and at least one legion in strength from Lower Germany
(probably 1 from Bonna; sce further 53.2n. praeuentus erat). These troops
were probably together for at least three months (assuming a joint march
to Vesontio beginning in late March and the force's continued existence
until after news of Nero's suicide arrived in mid-June; see Murison (1993)
7-—11. quaerere: 46.3n. fatigan. instigatrix: 22.3n. inshnctor, and
cf. A. 3.40.1 exstimulator acernmus. Galbianos: cf. legio Galbiana (2.86.1,
3.7.1, 3.10.1). Partisan groups were frequently named from their leader’s
nomen or cognomen, both by opponents (e.g. Pompeiant in Caesar's Ctu.
passim) and by themselves: SCPP 55—6 milites alios Pisonianos, alios Caesarianos
dia laetatus sit (sc. Piso); see further Wólfflin (1898). hoc enim nomen
fastidito Vindice indiderant: the omission of subject (Gallt, milites, for-
mer Vindiciani?) and dat. complement (is or sib2?) obscures the meaning.
Retaining Galli (1.e. Gauls who had opposed Vindex) as subject is the sim-
plest solution. Heubner (and Wólfflin (1898)) take the Rhine legions as the
subject, but T. presented the legions' view of their opponents in 51.3. tndere
is uscd by T. of self-naming (2.61.4 tamque assertor Galliarum et deus (nam id sibi
indiderat), A. 14.61.2. plebis sibi nomen indiderint, etc.) as well as name-calling
(À 1.23.3 cui . .. uocabulum ‘Cedo alteram’ indiderant, 2.56.3 il (sc. Artaxiae) uoca-
bulum indiderant ex nomtne urbis, etc.), so former Vindiciani are another possible
subject, though the omission of sibi is difficult.
51.4 Sequanis Aeduisque: the Sequani are not mentioned again;
for the Aedui see 64.3n. ac deinde...infensi: i.c. ac dende cui-
tatibus prout opulentia cuique erat tnfensi. prout opulentia...infensi:
for Vitellian exactions from Vienna, the capital of the . Allobroges,
and Lucus, the capital of the Voconti, see 65.2-66. En route to Italy
Vitellius' armies would have passed through stll other tribal centres and
 COMMENTARY: 51.4-51.5 205

cities (see Murison (1993) 86—g1). For the wealth of the area generally
see Suet. Ner. 40.4 opulentissima prouincia, and Duncan-Jones (1981). ex-
pugnationes. .. hauserunt animo: only animo reveals that the dam-
age is intended, not actual; cf. Virg. Aen. 10.648 animo spem turbidus hausit
inanem, 12.26 hoc antmo hauri; contrast 3.84.1. quidquid tot proelis labons ac
pericult hausissent. Stylistic elevation (tricolon, metaphor, abstraction) con-
veys the arrogantia (see below) of the Vitellians; for tone and image cf.
Cic. Phil. 11.10 quid eum non sorbere animo, quid non haunre cogitatione, cuius
sanguinem non bibere censetis? raptus penatium, even if penates are un-
likely in Gallic households, suggests a lack of moral scruple (cf. auaritia
below) fully evidenced in the subsequent narrative. super: 8.1n. super
memonam Vindicis. contumacia 'provocation', usually pointless and
sometimes harmful: thus in the elder Agrippina (4. 5.3.2 arrogantiam ons et
contumacem animum), her son Nero (A. 4.60.1 uoces. . . contumaces et inconsultae),
Cn. Calpurnius Piso (4. 3.12.1 contumacia et certammzbus asperasset tuuenem; cf.
A. 2.57.3 precibus contumacibus), and Thrasea Paetus (4. 16.22.2 contumaciam
sententiarum). 'I.’s warmest praises go to those who show how to avoid 1t:
Agricola (Agr. 42.3 non contumacia neque inani iactatione libertatis famam fatumque
prouocabat) and M. Lepidus (A. 4.20.3 liceat. . . inter abrubtam contumaciam et
deforme obsequium pergere iter ambitione ac perculis uacuum). See also 3.1n. con-
tumax. . . seruorum fides. remissam...donatos: sc. esse; with donatos
supply also se (50.3n. :turos). For some details sec 8.1 nn. recenti dono Romanae
ciuilatis and àin posterum tributi leuamento.
51.5 accessit...dimitti: for the structure cf. 5.2 accessit. . . emi.
decimari legiones et promptissimum quemque .. . dimitti: both
rumours were extrapolated from Galba's actual disciplinary measures:
37.3n. decman. . . acceperat, 20.3n. exauctorati. 'T.'s language implies a com-
mon cause between soldiers and centurions that is both at odds with the
course of earlier seditions (e.g. A. 1.20.1 centuriones. . . insectantur, Á. 1.32. 1in
centurnones inuadunt) and belied by the present one (see 56.1). atro-
ces nuntii, sinistra...fama: 5.2-7.3. infensa: sc. Galbae erat.
Lugdunensis colonia: mod. Lyon. Ofhcially established at the con-
fluence of the Rhone and the Sadne in 43 B.C. on a site earlier settled
by colonists who had been driven out of Vienna (Dio 46.50.4; 65.1n. et
Viennenses), Lugdunum received significant investments of capital both prac-
tical (walls, forum, theatre, quays, dikes, roads, aqueduct, etc.) and symbolic
(imperial mint, altar and sacerdos of Rome and Augustus, federal sanctuary
of the Gauls) under the Julio-Claudians, emerging as 'the virtual capital
206 COMMENTARY: 51.5-52.1

of the Three Gauls under the High Empire' (Drinkwater (1983) 21). Based
there were the governor of Lugdunensis, the procurators of Lugdunensis
and Aquitania, and, unusually, an urban cohort (64.3n.; for the enlarged
garrison in 69 see 59.2nn. /(aliza legione and ala Taunana). After a devas-
tating fire in 65 the city received compensation from Nero (4. 16.13.3). It
remained loyal to him during the revolt of Vindex — probably the gov-
ernor of Lugdunensis at the ime — and was punished by Galba (65.1n.
reditus Lugdunensium). In January of 69 Lugdunum followed its then gover-
nor, Junius Blaesus, in joining the Vitelhan cause (59.2 for Blaesus, 64.3
for Lugdunum); the city contributed materiel to Valens (64.3, note gaudio)
and served as a temporary capital for Vitellius (2.59.3; similarly in 70 for
young Domitian (4.85.2)). See further Drinkwater (1975), Chevallier (1975)
912—39, Fishwick (1987) 97-137, CAH? x1 493-500. plurima ad fin-
gendum credendumque materies: sc. erat; cf. 89.2 longo bello materia.
T. uses both materia (twenty-two times before and three times in the An-
nals) and matenes (here and nine times in the Annals); as with the omission
of se above, so here his practice anticipates that of the Annals. odio
metu et, ubi uires suas respexerant, securitate: the reference to
utres (cf. 8.2 in tantis utribus), highlighted by the list's inconcinnity, ends the
paragraph on an ominous note. For similar abl. lists see 57.2n. tnstmctu et
tmpelu et auantia. ¥or et see, in Book 1, 56.1 segnis pawdus et socordia innocens
and 71.1 diatae uoluptates dissimulata luxuria et cuncta ad decorem imperi composita
and GG s.v. e£ 390-1.
52.1 hiberna legionum: Bonna (Bonn), Novaesium (Neuss), and
Vetera (Xanten). His administrative base was colonia Agribpinensis (Cologne:
56.2n.). cum cura adierat: cf. A. 11.18.2 Corbulo prouinciam ingres-
sus magna cum cura et mox glona. Both cum cura, which expresses general
approbation (unusual in T), and some of the details that follow present
Vitellius more favourably than does Suetonius (e.g. Vit. 8.1: castra uero tngres-
sus niil cuique poscenti negauti). redditi.. . ordines: sc. erant. ordo means
‘military rank’ (OLD 3b), especially that of centurion (7 LL 964.1—21, 33—-
45). À possible beneficiary is Claudius Faventinus, centurio per ignominiam
a Galba dimissus (3.57 .1). For the focus on centurions cf. A. 1.44.5. re-
missa ignominia, allenatae notae: the distinction between ignominia
and notae, if there is one, is collapsed in Suetonius' version: Vit. 8.1 tgnomi-
ntosis notas . . . dempsit. Military punishments included both permanent mea-
sures (demotion, dismissal) and temporary ones, including barley rations
(Liv. 27.13.9, Suet. Aug. 24), quarters outside camp (Liv. 10.4.4, A. 13.36.5),
 COMMENTARY: 52.1-52.2 207

harder service (Liv. 23.25.8), and stoppage of pay (Festus 69M); cf. the
list at Dvg. 49.16.3.1 (Modestinus) foenae militum huiuscemodi sunt: castigatto,
pecuniaria multa, munerum indictio, militiae mutatio, gradus deiectio, qgnomintosa mis-
510. plura...quaedam: objects of mutauerat. in quibus 'among
them', connecting relative (cf. 22.2 e quibus) introducing a parenthetical ex-
ample of Vitellius' judicious measures. sordes et auaritiam 'sordid
greed' (hendiadys; cf. 60 per auaritiam ac sordes), with mutauerat, which serves
in both main clause (plura. . . mutauerat) and parenthesis (sordes. . . mutauerat).
A rhetorically elaborate and morally emphatic reference to extortion in the
distribution of military posts, which, though technically the responsibility of
the emperor, was in practice carried out by the commanding officer (see e.g.
Á. 2.55.5, 3.49.2). T. usesthe technical term for extortion only in connection
with actual charges (c.g. 77.3 repetundarum criminibus. . . ceciderant). adi-
mendis assignandisque . . . ordinibus: for the abl. gerundive phrase
with sordes et auantiam cf. A. 3.19.2 finis . . . ulciscenda Germanici morte (another
difficult passage) and see NLS §207.4d. —— integre: of provincial admin-
1stration at 48.4 Vinius proconsulatu Galliam Narbonensem seuere integreque rexit, A.
13.46.3 (of Otho in Lusitania) integre sancteque egit, Suet. Ves. 4.3 sortitus Africam
integerrime. . . administrauit, Quint. [nst. 12.1.16 integerrime prouincia administrata,
Plin. Ep. 7.25.2 procuratione. . . proutnciae integerrime functus.
52.2 consularis legati mensura: cf. Quint. Inst. 2.3.7 praecep-
torem. . . summittentem se ad mensuram discentis. ut...humilis: sc. aat.
ut Vitellius: u/ is added to emend the text. For the loss of VT before
VIT cf. the loss of quam before quod at 31.1, se after sanguine at 58.2, -ta
after ostenta at 78.1, and -que before quos at 5.1.2. For ut...ita see 4.2n.
apud 'in the estimation of' OLD 12. apud seueros...fauentes:
for the variety of views cf. Plut. G. 22.4—5 'In the poverty for which he is
reproached by some, Vitellius offers clear proof of his probity and mag-
nanimity.' comitatem bonitatemque: the doublet, unique in T.
though he uses comitas eighteen times, voices gushing approval. Suetonius
reports a more sober estimate (Vit. 7.3 facili ac prodigo antmo) and his details
illustrate camaraderie rather than generosity: greeting soldiers with a kiss,
inquiring whether they had had breakfast, and showing with a belch that
he had done so. donaret sua largiretur aliena: the words of the
fauentes, as the subjunctives show. sine modo and stne iudictio are T.’s additions
(Heubner ad loc. ‘two separate utterances are layered together’), perhaps
replacing a more favourable adverb (‘unstintingly’ ue/ sim.). Generosity is
one of the qualities mentioned by Sallust's Cato apropos of the changed
208 COMMENTARY: 52.2-52.3

meanings of words: Cat. 52.11 bona aliena largir liberahtas . . . uocatur; both pas-
sages look back to Thucydides (37.1 n. quis ad uos processertm). auiditate
imperandi 'in their greed for control’; for selfish motives in a would-
be emperor's entourage cf. 7.3 (Galba), 24.1 (Otho), 2.99.2 (Vespasian).
Heubner deletes auiditate tmperandi as a. gloss, and the phrase, even when
not deleted, is often emended (see Wellesley's app. crit.; of the emendations
the best is Nipperdey's (1877) impen dandi, based on A. 12.64.3 Agrippina,
quae filio dare imperium, tolerare impentantem nequibat; see also Wellesley (1967)
215 -17). But tmperare is apt: it represents the control consequent on winning
a war at e.g. Cic. Phil. 8.12 matores . . . ut imperent arma cafnebant, Off. 1.38 cum
Cimbnis bellum . . . gerebat uter esset, non uter imperet, Rep. 5.1 fuse lateque imperantem
rem publicam, Sal. fug. 18.12 uicti omnes in gentem nomenque imperantium concessere.
ipsa uitia pro uirtutibus interpretabantur: sc. fauentes; cf. 5.2 haud
minus utiia pnincipum amarent quem olim utrtutes uerebantur and, for the expres-
sion, Sal. fug. 92.2 (of Marius' failings) omnia non bene consulta in uirtutem
trahebantur. Dio, likewise connecting uttia and support for Vitellius, speci-
fies: 64.4.2 "That he had been a sex object for Tiberius and continued to
live in accordance with that licentiousness concerned them not at all, or
rather, they deemed that he suited them for precisely this reason.'
52.3 modest quietique: sc. erant. These qualities surface later:
2.20.1 modesto agmine per Italiam incessit, 2.19.1 totts castris modesti sermones. For
modestia and quies as military virtues cf. 84.2 fortissimus tn ipso discrimine exercitus
est qui ante discrimen quietissimus and see 6on. strenui: paired with a neg-
ative ad). only here; strenuus et fortis, by contrast, is formulaic (e.g. Cato Hist. fr.
83 operam ret publicae fortem atque strenuam perhibuit, twice in Sallust, fifteen times
in Livy, four times in Seneca; cf. also Sal. fug. 67.3 wxta bont malique strenui
et imbelles inults obtruncan). profusa cupidine et insigni temeri-
tate: sc. erant. Alienus Caecina: the more attractive and energetic
of Vitellius' two legati(cf. 2.30.2 studia . . . militum in Caecinam inclinabant, 2.56.2
minus auaritiae in Caecina, plus ambitwnis; PIR? c gg). Formally named here at
his introduction into the text, he 1s elsewhere simply Caecina (eighty-five
times). For his character and prior career see 53.1—2, for his progress to
the Alps chh. 67—70. His legion was probably rv Macedonica (55.3n.) based
at Moguntiacum. Though successful against Otho's forces and rewarded
by Vitellius with both power (2.92.1; including a suffect consulship: 2.71.2)
and possessions (3.13.3 domos hortos opes), he declared for Vespasian before
the second battle of Bedriacum (3.13.1). This timely betrayal prolonged
his life (though perhaps not his career: no further offices or honours are
 COMMENTARY: 52.3-52.4 209

attested, despite Jos. Bf 4.644 ‘honours beyond expectation’), but he was

killed at Titus’ behest before the end of Vespasian’s reign on suspicions
of further treachery (Suet. 7i. 6.2, Dio 66.16.3 with Murison (1999)
ad loc). Valens: 7.1n. detectam. ..cunctationem: 8.2n.
nec statim pro Galba Vergimus. oppressa...consilia: 7.1n. Fonta
Capitonis. instigare: 46.3n. fatigan. ipsum: sc. esse (forms of esse
are omitted in the indirect statement, which continues through secun-
tatem). This ‘scducer’s rhetoric’ (Irvine 133) is functionally equivalent to
but formally distinct from Otho's silent soliloquy (21.1 —2), Galba's constlium
(32.2-33), and the musings of Vespasian's supporters (2.6.1—2). A closer
formal parallel is Mucianus' speech to Vespasian (2.76—7), but its context is
different (2.76.1 coram ita locutus). See further 15.4n. ali. . . utiitas and 32.2n.
duae sententiae. The style here is hard-hitting at first: three asyndetic, exag-
gerated (ubique, nullam), paired phrases in which each second member is
longer than its first build to the exhortation panderet modo sinum. 'This ex-
hilarating picture is reinforced by the seemingly flattering comparison of
Vitellius and Verginius Rufus, which modulates smoothly into a warning
about the dangers of such pre-eminence. The effect? quatiebatur his. . . segne
ingenium (51.4). T he exhortation is absent from the parallel tradition, but see
55.4n. non . . . locutus. nullam in Flacco Hordeonio moram: 9.1i n.;
cf. Plut. G. 22.5 'Flaccus Hordeonius . . . should be ignored.' adfore
Britanniam: a true prediction: 59.2 ne :n Bntannia quidem . dubitatum.
secutura Germanorum auxilia: also true: 61.2n. precarium
seni imperium: for the ad). ‘on sufferance’ (OLD 1) cf. Sen. Thy. 215
precanio regnatur. panderet modo sinum: for image and exhortation
cf. Sen. T Ày. 430 cur bonis tantis sinum subducis? Ep. 119.1. stnum laxa, merum
lucrum est; cf. also 3.69.1 tamquam omnis res publica in Vesbasianum stnum cessisset,
Sen. Ep. 74.6 ad haec quae a Fortuna sparguntur sinum expandit, Juv. 1.88 quando
mator auaritiae pandit sinus?, 14.327 —9 st nondum impleut gremium, s1 panditur ul-
tra, | nec Croest fortuna umquam nec Persica regna | sufficient animo. uenienti
Fortunae occurreret: for fortuna cf. 56.2 occupan nutantem fortu-
nam . . .placuit, 77.1 Vitelho . . . ad capessendam principatus fortunam bello opus erat,
for occurrere cf. 33.2 occurrendum discnmint and A. 15.5.2 uemienti matn occur-
rere (of Nero intercepting Agrippina), parallels that, with Pers. 3.64 uentent:
occurnte morbo, bode ill for Vitellius' encounter with fortuna.
52.4 dubitasse Verginium: 8.2n. nec slatim pro Galba Vergimus.
tres patris consulatus, censuram, collegium Caesaris: 9.1n.,
and cf. the similar list given by an unnamed speaker at Plut. G. 22.5
210 COMMENTARY: 52.4-53.1

‘his father [having been] censor, three times consul, and colleague, in
a manner of speaking, of Claudius Caesar’; see further 55.4n. non...
locutus. quatiebatur ‘roused’ OLD 5b; cf. 2.86.4 igitur mouere et quatere
quidquid usquam aegrum foret (Where aegrum means 'liable to abandon Vitellius)
and 4.28.1 aliam manum Mosam amnem transire iubet (sc. Cualts), ut Menapnos et
Mortinos et extra Galliarum quateret. segne ingenium: Vitellius' segni-
&a, in abeyance during the exciung days of early January, returns at 62.2
tonpebat Viellius; cf. 2.59.1. niail. . . Vitellio conquirenti, 2.73 socordiae... Vitello
adoleuerit, 2.90.1. somno et luxu pudendus, 2.94.2 insitam animo ignauiam, 2.971
awxilia. . . exciuM, segniter et necessitatem dissimulans, 3.55.1 Vitellius ut et somno
exctus, 3.36.2 . praetenta instanha futura pan obhuwne dimiserat, 3.56.2 summu
discrminis incunosus, and finally 3.86.1 nomen locumque inter brimores nulla sua tn-
dustna, sed cuncta pains clantudine adeptus. On segmtia itself see 33.1n. cunctatione
nunc et segnitia.
53.1 decorus. .. incessu: Plutarch’s description of Caecina (0. 6.3)
mentions his size and manner of speaking, but not his youth, spint, or
stride. T., emphasizing youthful energy (and excess) here, reserves other
traits for 2.20.1. decorus iuuenta: decorus is an emendation for M's
decori; cÍ. 57.2 insignia. . . argento decora, 2.80.2 decorus etiam. . . facundia, 4.40.1
decorus habttu, A. 11.16.1 tpse forma decorus. A case can also be made for de-
cora, a correction found already in M's descendants: A. 12.44.3 Radamistus,
decora procentate, ur corpons msignis, A. 2.73.2 utrumque corpore decoro, genere 1n-
signt, A. 11.36.3 s modesta wuenta sed corpore insigm, cf. 4.11.2 nomen insigne et
decora wsius wuenta. . . celebrabantur. cito sermone 'with a rapid man-
ner of speaking’ OLD s.v. sermo 6; cf. Cic. de Orat. 3.216 uox cta tarda, Jer.
Ep. 33.6 cto sed non cauto sermone, 43.2 uelocior pes, citus sermo, auns attentior,
[Acro] on Hor. Carm. 4.3.5 Pindarum. . . in dicendo citum. Sallust uses citus of
Cauline's hectic demeanour: Cat. 15.5 citus modo modo tardus tncessus. 'Yacitus
uses it eleven times, more than any other prose author (seven times in
Ammianus); the adjective is favoured by poets, the adverb more generally
popular. Haste was characteristic of Caecina: 67.1 turbidum ingenium, 67 .2
belli auidus, 67 .2 propere, 68.2 statim, 70.2 agmen hibernis adhuc Alpibus transduxit,
cf. 2.99.2 Caecinae ambitio uetus, torpor recens. cito has, however, been suspected:
how does rapidity of speech attract studia militum? scito, Lipsius’ widely ac-
cepted emendation, describes a more obviously attractive quality (cf. Cic.
N.D. 1.93 scito tllo sermone et Attico). According to Plutarch, Caecina's speech,
like his style of dress, was ‘uncommon’ (0. 6.3 oV . . . dSnpoTikSs), but the ex-
ample he provides is confused (see Hardy (1890) ad loc.) and sheds no light on
 COMMENTARY: 53.1-53.3 211

the modifier here. iuuenem ‘as a young man’; legionary legates were
ordinarily praetorian in rank and age (‘at least in their thirties, though
Agricola was only twenty-eight', Webster (1998) 112). impigre: fre-
quent and favourable in Livy (forty-eight times, paired with e.g. oboedienter,
fideliter), generally of attention to duty: 3.27.5 imfigre . . . omnes . . . praesto fuere,
21.12.1 Maharbale. . . impigre rem agente; cf. Agr. 13.1 Britanni dilectum ac tributa et
iniuncía imperi munia tmfngre obeunt and Sal. Jug. 88.2 Marius imfigre prudenterque
suorum et hostium res panter attendere. Used here, wryly, of treachery (compare
52.3 mali et strenut, 87 .2n. urbanae militiae imfiger). No details are known, but
see 37.3n. occist. . . in Hispania for the fate of Caecina's immediate superiors
in Baetica. compertum ‘having been found (to have committed an
offence)’ OLD 3. flagitari: flagito ‘summon to stand trial’ (OLD 1b;
cf. 4.42.6 delatores. . . puniendos flagitabat), like arcesso (cf. A. 2.50.1 Vanllam. ..
delator arcessebat), is briefer, livelier, and less technical than expressions with
uoco (e.g. 2.10.1. Vibius Crispus. . . Anntum Faustum. . . ad cognitionem senatus uo-
cabat, 4.45.2 uocati qui arguebantur, A. 2.34.2 uocata in 1us Vrgulania) and cito
(which T. avoids). Galba's procedure compares favourably with Vitellius":
2.64.1 uocatum (sc. Dolabellam) per eprstulas. . . interfict wssut.
53.2 miscere cuncta: adapted from Sallust (Cat. 10.1 saeutre fortuna
ac miscere omnia coefnt) and much used: 3.73.2 cuncta miscent, 4.29.2 miscen
cuncta, 4.49.3 cuncta miscebant, etc.; see also 32.1n. mixtis, 2.3n. agerent uer-
terent cuncta. priuata uulnera rei publicae malis operire sta-
tuit: similarly Catiline (Sal. Cat. 31.9 *incendium meum ruina restinguam’) and
Civilis (5.25.3 illum domesticts malis excidium gentis opposuisse); for the common-
place see Woodman (1983) ad Vell. 2.91.3—4. operire: cf. Cato fr. 59
(ORF?) tuum nefanum facinus peire facinore operire. postulas. translatus:
8.2n. tarde. . . desciuerant. praeuentus erat: T., focusing on the army's
psychology, omits a detail: it was Fabius Valens, commander of a legion
(and presumably the uexilla) from Lower Germany, who first took the oath
of allegiance to Galba (Plut. G. 10.3). For the compettion for temporal
priority in winning the emperor's favour sec 5.1n. praeuentamque graliam.
53.3 Ireueri ac Lingones: 8.1n. proximae . . ciuitates.. lreveran
support for Vitellius is mentioned at 57.2, 63.1, 2.14.1-3 (where an aia
Treuerorum resists the Othonian expedition into Narbonensis), 3.35.2 (a
Treveran officer), that of the Lingones at 57.2, 64.2. Otho apparently
tried to win over the latter with citizenship (78.1n.). Both groups became
prominent in Civilis' rebellion (see Heubner’s Index historicus). When the
Lingones eventually capitulated they numbered 70,000 (Front. Strat. 4.3.14),
 212 COMMENTARY: 53.3-54.3

but T. is dismissive: 4.67.1 fortuna melionbus affuit: fusi Lingones. atro-

cibus edictis aut damno finium: 8.1n. non.. . ademphs. propius
‘more intimately’ OLD 3a. seditiosa colloquia: ilustrated at
54.1. paganos ‘civiians’ OLD 2; cf. 3.24.3 (addressed to the
praetorians) 'mist utncitis, pagant'. One sign. of the confusion of civil war
is their presence in battle: 2.14.2, 2.14.3, 2.88.1, 3.77.2, 4.20.2. T. does not
use paganus outside H.; cf. A. 3.46.1 oppidam. in Verginium fauor:
8.2n. nec. . . Verginius.
54.1 miserat ciuitas Lingonum . . . dona legionibus: the legions
seem to be those at Flaccus' base, Moguntiacum, but for traders from the
Lingones at Vetera see CAH* x 529 with note 29. At 59.1 T. reports that
the Batavian cohorts (see n.) were 1n ciuttate Lingonum; he does not connect
their presence with the Lingones’ initiative here. dextras ‘metal
models of a hand or clasped hands' OLD 1c; cf. 2.8.2 dextras, concordiae
insignia. ipsius exercitus pericula et contumelias: the former
only rumoured (51.5), the latter quite real (e.g. 51.4 tn tgnomtniam exeratus
iactabant).
54.2 nec procul seditione aberant: cf. 26.1adeo parata apud malos
seditio, introducing an incident that, like this one, reveals the temper of
the troops. Otho's supporters show more control. Hordeonius
Flaccus: 9.1n. nocte...excedere iubet: for a similar tactical error
see 8o.1. atrox: sc. erat. interfectos: sc. eos esse. per tene-
bras et inscitiam ceterorum 'under cover of darkness and their com-
rades' ignorance' (Godley); cf. 3.22.2 agmtnis disiecti per iram ac tenebras.
54.3 obstringuntur...legiones: cf. 4.76.3 legines foederbus
Galliarum obstrictas. Presumably the soldiers bound themselves to resist the
rumoured pencula (51.5, 54.2), but T. conveys the conspiracy's surrept-
tious (tacito) and brooding (suspectus, uoluens) atmosphere rather than its
aims. tacito foedere: for tacitus ‘secret’ see OLD 8, but that translation
enfeebles T.’s oxymoron, which exploits the tension between the utterance
necessary for an agreement and the silence necessary for conspiracy;
cf. Prop. 4.7.21—2 foedenisheu taciti, cutus fallacia uerba | non auditun dinpuere
noti. asciscitur auxiliorum miles: for auxiliary involvement in
legionary sedition see also 26.1, 38.3, 60. circumdatis cohortibus
alisque: to have aroused suspicion carcumdatis must indicate an unusual
position. That separate legionary and auxiliary castra was standard for the
permanent Rhine camps is implied at 4.61.3 (cf. 3.46.2), but the fortifica-
tion by auxiliaries of a marching camp separate from that of the legions
 COMMENTARY: 54.3; 55-62 213

is prelude to treachery at 4.57.1: tumque primum discreti a legromibus proprio

uallo castra sua circumdant. The setting here 1s Moguntiacum, where the alae
and cohortes ought to be outside the legionary castra, but how circumdatis dif-
fers from that arrangement is not clear. faciliore...concordiam:
20.2n. gaudium.

55—62 Vitellius! preparations: initia

In ch. 55 discontent develops into open revolt. Drawn up to renew the
sacramentum on the first day of the year, the four legions of Lower Germany
in their three separate camps are reluctant and restive: inifium. erumpendi
circumspectabant. An initium comes from Upper Germany (55.3), but the ab-
sence there of a suitable leader brings a temporary halt to rebellion and a
clearly specious oath ofloyalty to the SPOR (55.4). Back in Lower Germany
Vitellius' willingness to lead sets things moving again (56.2) and momentum
then gathers quickly: support accrues first from one, then the other legions
of Lower Germany, then from the legions of Upper Germany, and finally
from Gallic peoples (57.1—2). The pacing of the narrative is masterful and
Tacitus' own: no other source begins the narrative of 1 January in Lower
Germany (see, e.g., 55.1n. adactae) or conveys the snowballing at the end.
How accurately T. reflects the actual events is another question (Murison
(1979)).
In chh. 58-9 Vitellius begins to rule. Deference to the demands of his
soldiers is apparent at every turn, and support begins to arrive from more
distant parts: Belgica, Lugdunum, Raetia, Britannia.
In ch. 60, on Britain, the narrative again pauses. The province was a
standing interest of 'T.'s, generously chronicled in the Annals as well as the
ÁAgricola. 'The episode described here illustrates the collapse of disciplina in
Rome's armies. The chapter ends with a tag generalizable to the civil war
as a whole: audendo potentwr.
By ch. 61 Vitellius has developed a plan of attack: duo duces, duo itinera
bello, a plan that gives shape to the subsequent narrative, where chh.
62.3—66 cover Valens’ iter, 67—70 Caecina’s. Ch. 62, which sketches the mrra
diuersitas between Vitellius (torpebat Vitellius) and his men (tnstructi intentique),
provides an ominous backdrop to the invasion. The invasion itself begins
in a falsely bright light (62.3 laetum augurtum).
The start of the Vitellian movement should be read in conjunction with
Otho's beginning (chh. 23-47) and especially with Vespasian's (2.74-—86).
214 COMMENTARY: 55-62; 55.1-55.2

Numerous parallels of theme and language, and also some striking differ-
ences, are mentioned in the notes.

55.1 adactae: sc. sunt. For adigo 'cause (a person) to take (an oath) OLD
9a, cf. Suet. G. 16.2 on the legions of Ubper Germany on 1 January: adig:
sacramento nisi 1n nomen senatus recusarunt. raris primorum ordinum
uocibus, ceteri. . . exspectantes: for the uanatio abl. abs. ~ adj. cf. 79.2
Sarmatae. . . graues. . . adempta equorum permcitate and see Sorbom (1935)
9I. primorum ordinum may indicate ‘front ranks’ (OLD 2, cf. Caes.
Gal. 7.62.4 cum pnimi ordines hostium. . . ocadissent), ‘centurions of the first co-
hort' (OLD 3b, 52.1n.), or 'centuries of the first cohort' (OLD 3c, cf. 3.22.4).
The first fits T.’s impressionistic scene best. silentio: pregnant silence
also characterizes the scene where Vespasian leads his men in an oath of
loyalty to Vitellius (2.74.1). insita mortalibus natura...sequi:
causal abl. abs. *it being human nature to follow' (lit. 'the nature fixed
in mortals being to follow’); for the inf. (A&G §452) cf. 2.20.1 insita morta-
libus natura . . . introspicere and 2.38.1 uetus ac iam pridem insita mortalibus potentiae
cupido; see further 7.3n. u est mos.
55.2 legionibus inerat diuersitas animorum: cf. 62.1 mira tnter
exercitum imperatoremque diuersitas, 4.27 .3, tanta illi exercitui diuersitas inerat licen-
ttae patienhaeque, and Sen. Suas. 2.15 tn quibus quanta fuent animorum diuersitas,
the earliest attestation of the abstract noun. primani quintanique:
based in Bonna (mod. Bonn) and Vetera (mod. Xanten) respectively. Lzgio
1, together with its commander, Fabius Valens (7.1n.), probably served un-
der Verginius Rufus at Vesontio (51.3n. &um. . . legiones). A vexillation went
with Valens into Italy (2.100.1) but the eagle remained in Bonna (4.19-20),
where the legion became embroiled in the Batavian uprising, eventually
swearing fealty to the impenum Galharum (4.59.2), seeing its legate killed
(4.70.5), and returning to the Roman side (4.70.5). It failed to redeem itself
in battle (4.77.3; cf. 61.2n. legto unaetutcensima) and was one of the four legions
dissolved by Vespasian in the sequel. v Alaudae was the senior of the two
legions based at Vetera (see below on quinta decima). Six decades earlier the
quintant had led the disturbances on the Rhine (A.p. 14: A. 1.31.3). The eagle
accompanied Valens to Italy (2.43.2, 68.2, 100.1), where the legion was
tenaciously loyal to Vitellius (3.14). Some of the legion's troops remained
at Vetera to be besieged, defcated, and betrayed by Civilis (4.18.1, 35.3,
60.2). The legion was later deployed on the Danube. See further Ritterling
(1924) 1376 -8o on /egio 1, 1564—-71 on v Alaudae. Galbae imagines:
 COMMENTARY: 55.2-55.3 215

41.1n. uexillartus
. . . imaginem. quinta decima ac sexta decima le-
giones...circumspectabant: based in Vetera and Novaesium (mod.
Neuss) respectively. xv Primigenia was more cautious than its senior partner
at Vetera (see above). It had never seen much real action. A vexillation
accompanied Valens to Italy (2.100.1, 3.22—3) but the bulk of the unit re-
mained at Vetera, where they shared the fate of the soldiers from v Alaudae
(see above). The legion was dissolved by Vespasian. One of the alleged killers
of Galba, Camurius, might have been a member of this legion (41.3n.).
Legio xv1, like xv, sent a vexillation to Italy with Valens (2.100.1, 3.22). The
fate of those who remained on the Rhine matched that of the primani (see
above). The legion was dissolved by Vespasian. See further Ritterling (1924)
1758—60 on xv, 1761—5 on xvI. circumspectabant 'sought' OLD 3;
for the scene cf. 2.29.2 torpere cuncti, circumspectare inter se attoniti et id ipsum,
quod nemo regeret, bauentes.
55.3 quarta ac duoetuicensima legiones, isdem hibernis ten-
dentes: as at Vetera, so at Moguntiacum, mod. Mainz, a long-established
unit (v Macedonica, created by Julius Caesar) was quartered with a newer
one (xxil Primigenia, created by Caligula), and here too the senior unit took
the lead. Double camps were later banned (Suet. Dom. 7.3). rv Macedonica
sent a vexillation to Italy with Caecina (2.100.1). The remainder shared
the unhappy fate of the first and sixteenth legions (see above); the unit was
dissolved by Vespasian. The history of xxi Primigenia probably included
first-hand experience of Galba's seueritas during his period as governor in
A.D. 40 (5.2n. laudata. .. seuentas). The legion's initial hesitancy was soon
overcome: the four centurions who were imprisoned and eventually killed
for loyalty to Galba came from xx11 (56.1, 59.1). A vexillation set out for Italy
with Caecina (2.100.1); the eagle followed with Vitellius (2.89.1 with Chil-
ver's note ad loc.). Though some soldiers remained in Germany (4.37.2), the
majority escaped the shameful developments on the Rhine and the legion
was redeployed rather than dissolved. See further Ritterling (1924) 1549—-56
on V, 1797—1820 on xxit. For the MS variations duoetuicensima~ duodeuicensima
see Wellesley's Appendix Critica; the identity of the unit is not in doubt.
dirumpunt...turbantibus: Plutarch is much briefer: G. 22.3 *Going
up to the statues of Galba they overturned them and dragged them down.
After swearing allegiance to the senate and the Roman people they dis-
persed.' While similar in information, T.’s version incorporates themes
important in the Histones — the infectious spread of sedition (ut in tumultu),
political posturing (ne. . . utderentur), the collapse of the military leadership
e
216 COMMENTARY: 55.3-55.4

(nullo legatorum tribunorumue pro Galba nitente) - and a sharp note of regret (oblit-
lerata iam nomina). Suctonius' version differs in both content and expression:
G. 16.2 obsequium rumpere ausi Kal. Ian. adigi sacramento nisi 1n nomen senatus re-
cusarunt. statimque legatnem ad praetorianos cum mandatis destinauerunt: . . . eligant
ipst (sc. praetoriant) quem cunchti exercitus comprobarent. The content can be rec-
onciled if here (and at 12.3 senatui ac populo Romano arbitrium eligendi) T. means
that the choice of the senate and people would ratify that of the praetorians,
as happened in A.D. 41 and 54 (see Murison (1991b) on Suet. G. 16.2). T.
will then have omitted the embassy because in his narrative the praetorians
havc already declared for Otho (36.1 —2). dirumpunt 'break apart' (OLD, cf.
Sen. NQ 6.30.4 aes unius statuae. . . diruptum est) specifies more destruction
than do Plutarch’s verbs and links the scene both with 12.1 rupta sacraments
reuerenha and with Otho's proclamation (41.1 dereptam Galbae imaginem solo
afflixit). Vitellius! imagines are smashed when the fleet at Ravenna goes over
to Vespasian (3.12.1—3) and again when that sedition begins to spread to
the legions (3.13.1), but T. does not mention any comparable episode in
connection with Vespasian's initial proclamation in the East; instead, the
series ends with Vitellius watching the destruction of his own statues in
Rome: 3.85.1 coactum. . . cadentes statuas suas. . . intuen.
55.4 ne reuerentiam imperii exuere uiderentur: reported in
more detail at 12.1. This public relations effort was short-lived: 57.1 specio-
$15 senatus populique Romant nomtnibus relictis. As the rebellion winds down
reuerenhia regains persuasive force, at least for provincials (see 4.69.1); for
reuerentia ymperii cf. G. 29.2. oblitterata ‘fallen into disuse’; cf. D. 8.1
libentius . . . nouts et recentibus quam remotis et oblitteratis exemplis utor, 22 .5 obltterata
et olentia, Á. 2.83.4 (on the honours for Germanicus) quaedam. . . uetustas
oblitteraust; with constitutional entities Gaius 1.111 wus... ipsa desuetudine
oblitteratum est, 8.2.2 wdictum. . . obhitteratum silentw. See also 30.2 uacua no-
mina. aduocabant 'invoked' OLD 5b. nullo legatorum tri-
bunorumue pro Galba nitente: four centurions, by contrast, were
loyal (sce 56.1). ut in tumultu: 7.3n. ut est mos. For the contagion
of sedition see 26.1n. tnfecit. non tamen quisquam...locutus:
Plutarch places a speech here (G. 22.4—5); Jones (1971) 78 suggests that
T. corrects Plutarch and supplies his reasoning in the following clause:
neque enmtm erat adhuc cur imputaretur. The correction may be rather to
the common source; see further Intro. §18. Some of the content of
Plutarch's speech is used by T. in the reasoning of those with closer ties to
Vitellius: 52.2n. apud seueros . . . fauentes, 52.3n. nullam. . . moram, 52.4n. tres. . .
 COMMENTARY: 55.4-56.2 217

Caesaris. [in modum contionis aut] suggestu: for suggestus see

36.1n. Since contio is the proper word for an assembly of soldiers (OLD 1b,
cf. 2.82.2 donatiuum militi . . Mucianus brima contione. . . ostenderat), in modum
contionts 1s Otiose; it may have entered the text as a gloss for suggestu. Editors
generally replace aut with a preposition or add one (see Wellesley's app. crit.),
but Draeger (1882) $57 gives parallels for the loc. abl. without preposition
in T. See also 57.2n. manipuli and 61.2n. unaetuicensima. locutus: sc.
est. cui imputaretur 'from whom credit might be claimed’ (38.2n.,
71.2n.); cf. 2.85.1 posse tmputan Vespasiano quae apud Vitellio excusanda erant.
56.1 spectator...innocens: faced with sedition, Flaccus did noth-
ing. Style conveys T.’s contempt (cf. 6.1 n. Cornelius Laco). spectator flagitii aligns
the consular commander of three legions with the uulgus in Rome (32.1n.
in arco aut theatro). Flaccus’ rank (and the responsibilities implicit therein)
replaces the adj. found in similar expressions: Cic. Off. 2.26 spectatores se
otiosos praebuerunt Leuctricae calamitatis, Plin. Ep. 10.33.2 otiosos et immobiles tanti
mali spectatores, Luc. 2.207—8 sedit securus. . . spectator sceleris). Flaccus' failure
to act is restated with anaphora (non...non...non...) and again with a
paradox, socordia innocens. For the combination of passivity and innocence
cf. A. 14.51.2 on the segnis innocentia of Faenius Rufus, whose ‘innocence’ con-
sisted in refraining from peculation, and Agr. 16.5 on that of Vettius Bolanus:
innocens Bolanus et nullis delictis inuisus. Flaccus' conduct was culpably irrespon-
sible, but he refrained, if only through socordia, from sedition. com-
pescere ruentes: cf. A. 1.42.3 diuus lultus seditionem exercitus uno uerbo com-
pescuit. quattuor...Repentinus: their execution is noted at 59.1,
again with a tolling of names. None is attested elsewhere. abrepti
uinctique: sc. sunf. nec cuiquam ultra: sc. erat. quod in sedi-
tionibus accidit: 7.3n. u/ est mos. unde plures erant omnes
fuere: for the characterization of sedition cf. 28 pessimum facinus auderent
pauc, plures uellent, omnes paterentur, 55.1 insita mortalibus natura propere sequi quae
puget inchoare. unde ‘on the side (sc. in a dispute) where' OLD 6g.
56.2 nocte. .. epulanti Vitellio nuntiat: the date is 1 January. For
the scene cf. Plut. G. 22.6 'He announced it to Vitellius in the evening, while
many were feasting with him.' Suet. Vit. 8.1, though different in detail, also
includes a hint of dining: uespere, subito a militibus e cubiculo raptus, ita ut erat in
ueste domestica, imperator est consalutatus circumlatusque per celeberrimos uicos, strictum
D fult gladtum tenens . . . . nec ante in praetorium redut quam flagrante triclinio ex con-
ceptu camint. On Vitellius' gluttony see 62.2n. zertt. . . epulis. For Suetonius'
divergences see Murison (1991 b) ad loc. coloniam Agrippinensem:
*
218 COMMENTARY: 56.2-57.2

site of the headquarters of the provincial governor, but Vitellius had no

significant forces there. The city backed Vitellius warmly (57.1 ardorem ex-
erctuum Agnppinenses . . . aequabant) but its mixed population of Germans and
Romans (4.28.1, 4.65.2) made for difficulties during the Batavian revolt. T.
devotes three dramatic chapters to a representative episode: at the height of
Civilis’ success his army threatened to sack Cologne (4.63), then invited 1t to
prove its Germanness by razing its walls and killing Roman residents (4.64),
whereupon Cologne temporized, limiting its concessions to economic ones
(4.65). Later the city reasserted its Roman loyalty by entrapping and killing
some of Civilis’ best troops (4.79.2). On the city’s history and Roman ameni-
ties see Doppelfeld (1975). uisum: sc. esse or est? With this ambiguity,
with the omission of a dative for placuit, and with the passive infinitives T.
reduces to nil Vitellius' part in the decision to challenge Galba. For T.'s
historical acumen in this sece Murison (1979) 188-94.
56.3 missi: sc. sunt. proinde: 21.2n. bellandum: sc. esse;
for the ultimatum cf. 2.85.1. concordia et pax: 1i5.1n. deorum
hominumque consensu. "T'he irony shows to perfection T.’s understanding of
revolutionary slogans’ (Chilver ad loc.). minore discrimine sumi
principem quam quaeri: for Vespasian the alternatives are more
sharply differentiated and the choice belongs to the leader, not the troops:
2.74.2 tmpenum cupientibus nl medium inter summa et praecifntia. For the con-
struction cf. Sal. Jug. 54.5 mtnore detrimento illos utna quam suos uincere, A. 1.18.3
leuiore flagitio legatum interficietis quam ab wmperatore descisatss with Goodyear
(1972) ad loc. *'a condensed form of expression, in which the modal abl. is
equivalent to a predicate’; 1.e. minore discnmine = '(is) less dangerous'.
57.1 legionis primae: 55.2n. Bonna was some 30 km dis-
tant, more than a day's march for foot soldiers. die postero:
2 January. secutae:sc.sunt. . certamine: 5.1N. pracuentam graham.
speciosis. .. relictis: see Intro. §18. tertium nonas Ianuarias:
3 January. scires: 10.2n. falam . . audtebant. penes rem publi-
cam: for penes ‘within the power of’ (OLD 2) with rem publicam (which
rephrases senatus populusque Romanus of 55.4 and 56.2) cf. Cic. apud Asc.
Scaur. 21.15 (Clark) wdicia penes equestrem ordinem, Ampel. 50.2 penes senatum
consilii publici summa est, Liv. 6.41.5 penes quos igitur sunt ausfncia . . . ? nempe penes
patres.
57.2 auxilia: these native levies (68.1n. Raeticae.. . wuuentus) were dis-
missed at the first opportunity (2.69.1). The Flavian party turned down
a similar offer at 3.5.1 and, given the sequel in Gaul — an tmpertum
 COMMENTARY: 57.2-58.1 219

Galliarum (4.58.1, 4.59.2, etc.) — its restraint looks prescient. ualidus:

sc. erat. ex affluenti: sc. erant; the adj. with. ex indicates the state
of affairs (OLD 8 s.v. ex); for the expression as predicate cf. 3.49.1ra-
tus . . . celera ex facili (sc. esse). manipuli ‘common soldiers’ OLD 3b;
cf. 25.1 manipulares. gregarius miles, a more straightforward expression,
may be a gloss; cf. 55.4n. in modum... suggestu. uiatica: properly
of funds for travel (e.g. for a new recruit to join his unit), but often
of soldiers’ funds more generally (OLD 1b). insignia armorum
argento decora: 38.3n. sine. . . distingueretur. loco pecuniae: 16.1n.
loco libertatis. instinctu et impetu et auaritia: the vagueness of in-
stinctu and impetu, which convey passionate enthusiasm (cf. Plin. Ef. 1.22.10
impetu quodam et instinctu procurrere ad mortem, 'Tac. H. 2.46.1 furore quodam et
instinctu flagrabant) but, lacking modifiers (cf. 4.2 primo gaudentium impetu, 70.1
instinctu decurionum), not much more, sets auanitia, which is both precise and
cynical, into relief. For other lists of causal abl. cf. 12.2 licentia et libidine . . . dein
fessa wam aetate Galbae, 51.1 odio metu et. . . secuntate, 63.1 furore et rabie et causis
incertis, 67.1 olim armis uinsque mox memonia nomunis clara. For other lists that
conclude on a pragmatic notc see 46.1n. plensque. . . respictentibus, 66.1n.
addidi. . . sestertios.
58.1 ministeria principatus .. . in equites Romanos disponit:
ministeria are. 'functions' (OLD 2) related to e.g. correspondence (ab epis-
tulis), petitions (a libellis), and rhetoric (a studits). An epigraphically attested
Vitellian functionary is Sex. Caesius Propertianus, who rose from the
equestrian office of tribune of rv Macedonica to be procurator of Vitellius'
private fortune (a patnmonw), his inhentances (ab hereditatibus), and peti-
tions (a libellis): ILS 1447 — McC-W 338. Chilver suggests ad loc. that
such appointments made a virtue of necessity, Vitellius not having a suit-
able corps of /iberti at his disposal in January of 69 (2.59.2). Perhaps so,
but in T.'s view keeping freedmen out of public service is a commend-
able policy here, at Agr. 19.2 ntAil per libertos seruosque publicae rei (sc. agit
Agncola), and at A. 13.4.2 discretam domum et rem publicam; for his resent-
ment of freedmen civil servants see 76.3 nam et ht (sc. hbertint) malis tem-
ponribus partem se rei publicae faciunt with. note. His attitude. matches that of
Trajan (Plin. Pan. 88.1—2 with its conclusion scis entm praecipuum indicem non
magm principns magnos libertos, and cf. Ep. 6.31.9). See further Millar (1977)
69-83 on imperial freedmen, 83-100 on equestrian functionaries. ua-
cationes: 46.2n. saeuitiam ... approbat: the antithesis with frus-
tratur makes approbat denote passive assent rather than active endorsement,
220 COMMENTARY: 58.1-58.2

but with saeuttiam even assent is disturbing. simulatione uinculo-

rum: 45.2n. simulatine irae utnan iussum. For Julius Burdo, at least (see be-
low), the shackles were quite real; what was simulated was the intent to
punish. Pompeius Propinquus: 12.1n. interfectus: sc. est.
Iulium Burdonem Germanicae classis praefectum: the fleet's
base, like Vitellius’, was Cologne (more precisely, Alteburg, 3 km south);
proximity may explain the presence of its commander in a plot against
Vitellius' predecessor (for the plot's other leaders see 7.1; for its confused
record see 7.2n. fuere. . . abstinuisse). After dismissal (see 58.2) Burdo might
have ended up a municipal magistrate in Narbonensis (CIL xi1 1050; see
PIR? 1 214). À twenty-four-ship detachment of the fleet with Batavians
among the rowers provided an early victory for Civilis’ Batavian uprising
(4.16.3). astu subtraxit: in describing a similar rescue in the Flavian
army T. omits the invidious word astu (3.7 .1).
58.2 exarserat in eum iracundia exercitus: 1.c. against Burdo,
though his superior officers were responsible (7 .1). crimen ac mox
insidias: cf. 7.2 crimen ac dolum; the charge was rebellion against Galba.
No details besides the involvement of the centurion Crispinus (see below)
are known. grata...memoria: the source of Capito's popularity is
not known; possibly it was his willingness, contrary to the reluctance of
Verginius Rufus in Upper Germany, to head a challenge to Galba (7.1n.
Fontei Cafntonis). occidere palam, ignoscere non nisi fallendo:
Vitellius behaves as did Otho (45.2). Where Otho's reign sees a gradual
increase in control, however (see n.), Vitellius' sees a decline: 3.70.4 :fse
neque iubendi neque uetandi potens non tam tmperator sed tantum bellt causa erat (sc.
Vitellius). By 3.74.2 Vitellius is unable to save Flavius Sabinus from lynching
(46.1n.). satiatis...odiis: satiatisis anemendaton (Freinsheim's) for
M's statis; for the phrase cf. Cic. Flac. 95 sanguine. . . odtum satiaueritis, Part. 96
ad odium satiandum, Sen. Ben. 5.16.1 uetera et ingenita odia satiauerit; for the im-
age cf. A. 15.52.9 Nero uetus aduersum insontem odium expleuent, H. 4.1.1 saeuitia
recentibus odus sanguine explebatur. For discussion of satiatis and other emenda-
tions see Morgan (1993b), who defends statis. ut piaculum obicitur
centurio Crispinus: there is a sharp change of tone between piaculum
(‘expiatory offering’) and obicttur ('1s tossed") and the metaphor of the latter
evokes a punishment inappropriate to a Roman centurion (cf. 2.61 Mari-
cus quidam. . . feris obiectus, and, for the tone, Cic. Fam. 10.32.3 bestus. . . ciues
Romanos. . . obiecit. Balbus, see OLD 1b); both effects convey T.’s indigna-
tion, as does punienti uilior. See also 63.2n. placamenta. sanguine se
 COMMENTARY: 58.2-59.1 221

Capitonis: 52.2n. ut Vitellius. cruentauerat: for the event cf. 2.85.1,

from Vitellius' principate, where, in order to settle a private quarrel, the
governor of Moesia sends a centurion to kill one of his legionary legates.
eoque: 13.3n. uilior: 37.5n.
59.1 Iulius deinde Ciuilis periculo exemptus: sc. est. T. gives the
background at 4.13.1: before Nero's death Civilis, a Batavian prince with
Roman citizenship and command of an auxiliary cohort of his tribesmen,
was arrested, perhaps on grounds of support for Vindex, by Fonteius Capito
(see Chilver and Townend (1985) ad loc.). Although Galba had pardoned
him the Rhine army demanded his punishment from Vitellius (his brother,
similarly charged, had been executed: 4.13.1, 4.32.2). In releasing him
Vitellius does not in fact reconcile the Batavians to Roman rule or even
to effective cooperation with the invasion (see below). ferox gens: T.
gives background information on this tribe at the opening of his account
of the Batavian revolt (4.12.2—3); see Chilver and Townend (1985) ad lor.
and Hassall (1970). et ‘and in fact', introducing a parenthesis, OLD 2b.
in ciuitate Lingonum: Andemantunnum, mod. Langres, an important
junction of the roads connectng Italy and Narbonensis with Britain and
the Rhine area. Valens passes through at 64.1. octo Batauorum co-
hortes: en route back to Britain, whence Nero had summoned them for
his Eastern campaign, they stopped to join Valens (2.27.2). Batavian units
had contributed to Rome’s fighting force since Germanicus’ German cam-
paigns (A4. 2.11.1, cf. 2.8.3), perhaps since those of Drusus (Saddington (1975)
191); for their military prowess cf. G. 29.1 utrtute praecipue Bataui (with. Rives
(1999) ad loc.). The cohorts mentioned here include mounted soldiers (4.19.1)
and are probably quingenary in size. Though their service record was dis-
tinguished (2.28.2 ueteres illos et tot bellorum uictores, 4.12.3 aucta per Bntanniam
glona), their behaviour was disruptive (64.2n. intemperie). Having contributed
to a Vitellian victory in N. Italy (2.43.1) they were given the job of escort-
ing the legio x1v to Britain (2.66.1), a plan that backfired badly (2.66.2).
They were then sent to Moguntiacum. Their accession thence to Civilis'
revolt (4.19.2) made him :àustt tam exeraitus ductor (4.21.1). For their motives see
Brunt (1960) 501 -2. These cohorts were probably disbanded by Vespasian
but Batavian units remained in use (Cichorius (1900) s.v. cohors 249—53).
grande momentum sociae aut aduersae 'significant in the scales,
for or against’; cf. 76.2 grande momentum in nomine urbis ac praetexto senatu,
2.86.2 labantibus Vitellu rebus Vespastanum secutus grande momentum addidit (sc.
Antonius Primus), 3.8.1 magni momentüi locum obtinuit. 'The diction is traditional
2242 COMMENIAKY: 59.10-59.2

(cf. Liv. 3.12.6 wuenem . . . maxtmum momentum rerum ews cuntahs in quamcumque
uenisset, Justin 17.2.11 Pyrrhus ingens momentum futurus utri parti soctus accessisset,
Luc. 4.819 momentumque fuit mutatus Curio rerum, and TLL s.v. 1393.45—50),
the phrasing, an appositional comment, unusually terse (44.2n. muntmen-
tum. . . ulttonem). The effect of these cohorts is significant at 2.43.1, more so
at 4.21.1 (see note above, cf. also 2.69.1 where their dispatch to Germany
is labelled principium . interno. simul. externoque bello). When Valens detached
them from his invasion column to (a) counter the Othonian offensive in
Narbonensis and (5) rid his army of an unruly group, his soldiers not only
complained that the army was losing valuable forces (2.28.1) but also began
to riot (2.29). The power of these eight cohorts is vividly illustrated at 4.19-
20 where, caught between two (admittedly weakened) Roman legions, they
frighten one into inaction and defeat the other. supra rettulimus:
at 56.1. fidei crimine: under Otho fides leads to suspicion (31.3 fidus
pninafn suo et eo desciscentibus suspectior) and threats (45.2 Galbae. . . fidum. . . ad
supplicium expostulabant, 71.2 fidei crimen confessus), under Vitellius to death
(here and at 3.39.2, but cf. 2.60.1 fidem absoluit), under the Flavians to effec-
tive but bloodless precautionary measures (sce 3.5.2 on Porcius Septiminus,
incorruptae erga Vitellsum fidet).
59.2 accessere ‘joined’ OLD 7b; cf. 2.58.1 accessisse partibus, 2.86.1 ter-
tia dectma legio ac septima Galbiana . . . haud cunctanter Vespasiano accessere and see
70.1n. generum asciuit: cf. A. 5.6.2 collegam (sc. Se.anum) et generum
ascwuerat, Virg. Aen. 11.472 generumque asciuent urbi, Liv. 21.2.4 Hasdrubal
gener. . . ascitus. Valerius Asiaticus, Belgicae prouinciae lega-
tus: a surprising Vitellian, given the responsibility of Vitellius' father for
the death of Asiaticus’ father (4. 11.1—3). Vitellius’ choice of Asiaticus as
son-in-law may have been a sop to Vienne, his city of origin (so also,
perhaps, the consulship of 70, for which Galba had designated him; see
Townend (1962) 127 with n. 23, and cf. 77.2 on the consulship of Pompeius
Vopiscus), but he despaired of protecting the city from an enraged Vitellian
army (65—6, esp. 66.1 ne legati quidem ac. duces partwum restingui posse tracun-
diam exercitus arbitrabantur). He might have abandoned Vitellius even before
the Flavian victory, since Vitellius’ daughter is offered to another potential
partisan at 3.78.1. After Vitellius' death Asiaticus, now senior consul desig-
nate, proposed honours for the Flavian victors and restrained the Senate in
their interest (4.4.3, cf. also 4.6.3, 4.8.1, 4.9.1 with Townend (1962) 125-9).
See further Wiedemann (1999). Iunius Blaesus, Lugdunensis
Galliae rector: rectoris used of provincial governors only under the empire
 COMMENTARY: 59.2-60 223

(OLD 4a). This post was praetorian. T. describes Blaesus more fully at 2.59.2
genere illustn, largus animo et par optbus and gives his ancestry at 3.38.3 Junios
Antonmwosque auos; stirpe imperatona, for the Antonian connection see Syme
(1982b) 466. Descent from a dynast and deep pockets worried Vitellius
even in a supporter (3.38.4 aemulum pnincipis, cf. 2.59.2 eo tpso (sc.. Vitellto)
ingratus), so Blaesus was poisoned (3.39.1). T. sends him out with praise:
3.39.2 Blaeso super claritatem natalium et elegantiam morum fidei obstinatio fuit.
integris quoque rebus a Caecina et primoribus parttum iam Vitelhum aspernantibus
ambitus abnuere perseuerauit. sanctus, inturbidus, nullius repentini hononis, adeo non
princpatus appetens, parum effugerat, ne dinus crederetur. Italica legione:
the provinces of Tres Galliae did not ordinarily have a legionary garrison
(for auxiliary units sec n. below, for the urban cohort at Lyon see 64.3n.).
The presence of 1 /taliza, an elite unit recently created by Nero for his
abortive Eastern campaign (6.2n. claustra Caspiarum, with Suet. Ner. 19.2),
gave extra security to a region troubled by Vindex' uprising and its after-
math (for more details sce Chilver 11 —12; Syme (1982b) 467). Antonius Naso
(20.3n.) was an early tribune in the legion. The legion’s eagle went to Italy
with Valens (64.3, 2.89.1). Against Otho it fought well (2.41.2 Jtalicae legionts
wirtute), against the Flavians less so (3.18.1, 3.22.1; cf. also 2.100.1, 3.14.3).
After the Vitellian defeat it was deployed in Illyricum (3.35.1; further de-
tails in Ritterling (1924) 1407-17). For the legion’s legate see 64.4n. Manlus
Valens. ala Tauriana: like 1 /talica this cavalry unit was temporary
reinforcement for the regular garrison of Lyon, an urban cohort (64.3n.;
for the name see Cheesman (1914) 24 n. 6, for other auxiliary forces in
Gaul see 59.1 n. octo. . . cohortes). Its commander, regular base, and size are
unknown, but most a/ae comprised 512 riders in 16 turmae, were based near
their recruiting area, and were commanded, at this period, by Romans
pursuing an equestrian military career (Webster (1998) 145-8, Cheesman
(1914) 90—7; for further bibliography see Saddington (1975)). The ala was
added to Valens’ forces (64.3). It is not mentioned by name in the battles on
the Po, but is probably among the equestrian units mentioned at 3.18.1 and
3.22.2. It survived the civil war and is later found in N. Africa: aía 1 Flauia
Gallorum Taunana (CIL vin 2394, 2395). Raeticis copiis: auxiliary
troops probably raiscd in Raetia and based therc (see n. above); on their
contribution to the Flavian cause see further 67.2 and 68.1n. Raeticae. . .
tuuentus. moras sc. eral. dubitatum: sc. est. For Britain see g.2n.
60 Trebellius Maximus was appointed to several posts by Nero
(PIR T 239), including Britain, where his tenure, extended by Galba, was
224 COMMENTARY: 60-61.1

distinguished more by cultural than by military success and was tarnished

by the indiscipline of the troops (Agr. 16.3—4; see further below). Vitellius
names his replacement at 2.65.2. He was frater Arualisin 7 2. per auari-
tiam . . . inuisusque: 6.1 n. alter. . . destruebant. Roscius Coelius: a
praetorian legate in 69, he too survived the civil wars and became frater
Arualis, as well as suffect consul in 81 (PIR r 67). His adoptive son (PIR?
P 602) was suffect consul in 108, i.e. during the composition of H. T.’s source
for this chapter may be Agricola, Coelius' successor (Agr. 7.3); the parallel
tradition ignores Britain. uicensimae legionis: an Augustan foun-
dation with a distinguished record, xx Valeria Victnx had been in Britain since
43. nimia ac formidolosa in 69, it was slow to declare for Vespasian (Agr. 7 .3).
For its history sce Ritterling (1924) 1769-81. discors: sc. Trebellto Coelius
(cf. A. 1.55.3 Segestes. . . discors (sc. Arminio) manebat); the implied names sup-
ply a subject for proruperant, which describes the manner (‘unbridled’) of the
recriminations that follow; cf. 4. 5.3.1 tunc uelut frenis exsoluts proruperunt (sc.
Tibenus et Seianus). The personal conflict is muted (or omitted) at Agr. 16.3,
where due attention is given to the political situation (interuentus ciuiltum armo-
rum praebuit 1ustam segniliae excusationem . . .) and its disciplinary consequence
(. .. sed discordia laboratum cum assuetus expeditionibus miles otio lasciuiret); for bibli-
ography sce Chilver ad loc. À similar dispute between a provincial legate and
a legatus legionis 1 reported in connection with Vespasian's bid for power at
2.85.2, with the difference that these later simultates, though a pessimum faci-
nus, do not draw in the troops. ordinem disciplinae 'chain of com-
mand’; it is clear from Agr. 7.3 that the governor could not control the legate
and that neither commander could control the unruly legion. For the loss
of control see also Agr. 16.4 precario mox praefuit; for the expression see 38.3n.
sine. . . distingueretur. modestia exercitus: for this military virtue cf.
2.12.1 modestiam disciplinae, 3.11.2 utrtutis modestiaeque, Agr. 20.2 laudare modes-
tam, Á. 1.35.1 modestia militaris and TLL s.v. 1223.3-14. corrupta: sc.
est. uentum: sc. est. aggregantibus...alisque: 54.3n. ascis-
citur auxiliorum miles. quamquam remoto consulari: 5.2n. quamuis
capite. . . ablato.
61.1 Adiuncto Britannico exercitu: 9.2n. ingens uiribus
opibusque: cf. 2.81.1 Antochus uetustis opibus ingens, Á. 11.10.93 regreditur ingens
glona (sc. Vardanes), a usage more common in the poets, c.g. Virg. Aen. 11.124
fama ingens ingentior armis (sc. Aeneas). itinera bello: 22.2n. Othon:. . .
comes. allicere uel...uastare Gallias 'to win over Gaul or to
crush it'. Valens' instructions, based on the imperatives of civil war, scem
clear (cf. 2.85.1). But his treatment of those through whose territory he
 COMMENTARY: 61.1-61.2 225

passes, the subject of chh. 63—6, involves random violence from the troops
and extortion on his own behalf as well as the mustering of support for
Vitellius. For allicere cf. 24.1 alliciendo. Cottianis Alpibus: via (abl. of
route: A&GG 429a) the Mt Genévre pass. For the route see Murison (1993)
86—90, 93—5; he gives a distance from Cologne to Cremona of 1,312 km, an
elapsed time of some eighty-seven days (c. 12 January-7 Apnil). propi-
ore transitu: Caecina's journey, too, involves more than simple transit; see
chh. 67 -7o. T. omits entirely the march from Moguntiacum, where Caecina
was joined by vexillations from its two legions (55.3n.), to Vindonissa, the
base of his core unit (61.2n. legto unaetuicenstma), a distance of some 367 km.
For his route thereafter (Augusta Raurica, mod. Augst, over the Great St
Bernard pass to Cremona), the distance (565 km), and the time elapsed
(some sixty-six days: c. 28 January-2 April), see Murison (1993) 90-1,
105—6. iussus: sc. est.
61.2 ad quadraginta milia: given that Vitellius had in total eleven
legions plus auxiliaries at his disposal and did not strip either Britain or the
Rhine completely, 'the figures seem much too large' (Murison (1993) 85-—6).
Murison's estimate, which preserves T.’s ratios, is that 20,000 set out with
Valens, 15,000—-16,000 with Caecina, and 30,000 with Vitellius (see 2.87.1
for his sexaginta milia). The size of the auxiliary garrison in the Germanies
in A.D. 69 is not known with certainty, but in 89 and 98 there were more
than thirty units, or roughly 17,000 men, in Lower Germany alone (Holder
(1999)). For the reader of H., however, the more relevant measure is that of
the (modest) forces moving towards Rome on behalf of Vespasian: under
Mucianus (2.83.1) one legion and 13,000 men in detachments from oth-
ers, modicae uires; under Primus initially only auxiliaries (3.6.1), though
he was gradually reinforced by legions and uexilla from Illyricum (3.7.1,
3.19.1). data: sc. sunt. legio unaetuicensima: based at
Vindonissa, mod. Windisch, much further south than the other Rhine
legions and thereforc closer to the Alpine passes into Italy. Like v Alaudae
(55.2n. primani quintamque) xx1 Rapax was active in the sedition of A.D. 14
(4. 1.31.3; cf. A. 1.37.2, 45.1). In 69 it responded to news of Vitellius’ procla-
mation by plundering a nearby Helvetian fortification (67.1 nn.). Though
involved in Vitellian losses to the Flavians (3.25.3), the legion restored its
reputation in the conflict with Civilis (4.68.4, 70.2, 78.1, esp. 5.16.3) and
remained on the Rhine thereafter, at Bonna. See further Ritterling (1924)
1781 -91. unaetuicensima: the MS reading is una prima et utcensima;
prima, an ordinal for the '1' in '2r' (cf. 57.1 legionts primae), might have en-
tered the text as a marginal gloss. Germanorum auxilia: probably
226 COMMENTARY: 61.2-62.1

native levies, distinct from but often used together with the regular auxilia:
see 68.1n. Raeticae alae cohortesque et ipsorum Raetorum iuuentus and Saddington
(1970) 107. Their assistance, predicted by Valens (52.3 secutura Germanorum
auxilia), is perhaps attested in the activities of the Batavi and Transrhenani
of Caccina's advance guard (2.17.2; see 70.2n. fraemissis . . . cohortibus). See
also 57.2n. auxilia. tota mole belli secuturus: with non-corporeal
rcícrents moles indicates magnitude and often, as here, impending or ac-
tual calamity (OLD 7); tota mole describes the portentousness of Vitellius'
force, not its comprehensiveness (as the context shows); it also fits the slow
progress of his army, which had only been en route for a few days when
news arrived of the defeat and death of Otho (2.57.2: the suicide was on
16 April) and does not arrive in Rome until mid-July (2.89; for Vitellius'
pace cf. 2.87.1 graut. .. agmine and see Murison (1993) 143—9; for the notion
cf. 2.6.1 larda mole cuulis belli, 2.74.2 tn tanta mole belli plerumque cunctatio). moles
bellt, a formula found in Livy and Velleius Paterculus (and others) as well
as six times in T., echoes Homeric póos "Apnos 'fray of battle’ (e.g. 1L
2.401), here with some irony since the troops with Vitellius contributed not
to his victory but rather to its abuse (see, e.g., 2.73, 2.87.1). Beside Vitellius'
overwhelming numbers the force that Vespasian sent against Rome seems
nicely calculated: 2.82.3 sufficere udebantur aduersus Vitelltum pars coprarum et
dux Mucanus et Vesbasiani nomen.
62.1 diuersitas: sc. eat. instare miles: :ins(are, here of verbal
pressure (OLD 7), shows the reversal of roles in Vitellius' army. The pres-
sure is conveyed by anaphora (dum. .. dum, non. . . neque) and asyndeton (-
uadendam. . . occupandam); for the style compare Otho’s internal monologue
at 21.2. dum Hispaniae cunctentur: sce 76.1. non obstare
‘is no impediment’ OLD 3b. moras: paired with Atems and subject
of obstare, delay has a more palpable quality here than at 52.3 nullam n
Flacco Hordeonio moram (cf. 89.3 moras. . . afferrent, 4.68.3 moras nectens). ‘again
the poet, and difficult to translate without losing vigour’ (Irvine ad loc.).
The temponzing arguments of some Flavian supporters are set out 1n
3.1.2 and rebutted at length in 3.2.1—4. inuadendam Italiam: sc.
esse. nihil...festinatione tutius: for the argument see 32.2n. sce-
lera. . . ualescere. As T. presents it, however, Vitellius' delay is not policy (as
is that of Vespasian: 2.82.3), or even fear (cf. ignauae pacis moras above), but
character: tonpebat Vitellus. ubi facto magis quam consulto opus
esset: cf. Sal. Cat. 43.3 facto, non consulto in tali perculo opus esse; for the change
of sequence see Draeger (1882) §27d.
 COMMENTARY: 62.2 227

62.2 torpebat...adderet: the leisurely flow of this sentence,

which both reflects its content and stands in contrast to the insistent
style of 62.1, derives from its many pairs (both parallel (luxu~epuls,
inerti- prodigis, temulentus--grauts, ardor-uis) and antithetical (militum~ducs,
strenuis--1gnauts, spem-- metum)), a periphrasis (fortunam principts . . . praesumebat),
and a contrafactual comparison (ut st adesset). torpebat contrasts
Vitellius with his immediate rival: 71.1 Otho intenim. . .non deliciis neque
desudia torpescere. torpere recurs in another picture of Vitellius’ derelic-
tion of duty: 3.36.1non parare arma, non alloquio exercitioque militem fir-
mare, non in ore uulg agere, sed umbraculis hortorum abditus, ut ignaua
amimaha, quibus s1 cibum suggeras, 1acent lorpentque. For more on Vitellius’
torpor see 52.4n. segne ingemum; for Vespasian's energy cf. 2.82.1 ipse
Vespasianus adire hortani, bonos laude, segnes exemplo incitare. fortunam
principatus. .. praesumebat: verb and predicate provide criticism
without content, which comes in the abl. phrases. For Vitellius’ fortuna cf.
77.1; see also 10.3n. post fortunam. inert luxu ac prodigis epulis:
inertt luxu 1s vague as to content (under the heading of luxury, Tpuémn, Dio
65.2.1 lists, beside expensive meals, taverns, gambling, dancers, chario-
teers and, later, housing; self-indulgence during the march to Italy is not
specified) but the adj. contributes to the condemnation. The main charge
in all sources is gluttony: 2.62.1 epularum foeda et inexplebilis libido, 2.71.1
luxu et sagina mancipatus emptusque, 2.95.2 prodigis epulis et sumptu ganeaque sa-
tare inexplebiles Vitellu lLibidines, etc. Illustrated with further details at Suet.
Vit. 13 and Dio 65.2.2-4.3; see Ash (1999) 98-102. For a similar abstract
-- concrete pair cf. 35.1. plausus et immoduca studia. sagina ‘feed’; in
T. only in connection with Vitellius: 2.71.1 (quoted above), 2.88.1 paratos
ctbos ut gladiatonam saginam diuidebat (sc.. Vitellius). ardor et uis mili-
tum...implebat: cf. D. 24.1 utm et ardorem Apn nostn, Agr. 8.1 temperaurt
Agnricola uim suam ardoremque compescutt. strenuis... adderet: for the
definition of a leader's role cf. Agr. 21.1 laudando promptos et castigando seg-
nes; for the form see 6.1n. alter. .. destruebant. instructi intentique:
although the alliterative formula is historiographical (e.g. Sal. fug. 53.5,
Liv. 1.15.2, 6.29.1; cf. 4.69.3 instruendo bello intentus), the scene also owes
something to Virg. Aen. 5.137intenti exspectant. signum; sce further on /ae-
tum . . . acciperetur below. nomen...prohibuit: Plutarch (G. 22.7) and
Suetonius (Vit. 8.2) have similar wording (sce App. 1) but place the
information differently, Plutarch between the salutation by Valens and the
accession of Upper Germany, Suetonius immediately after the latter. T.'s
228 COMMENTARY: 62.2-62.3; 63-70

placement avoids the oddity of a reference to Vitellius' victory in the first

hours of his movement's existence. It also adds irony to the list of techniques
T. uses against Vitellius in this chapter: ‘the name “Germanicus” was at-
tached to him in much the same way as, these days, a different label is affixed
to a new and supposedly improved product to increase its sales (the passive
construction is no accident)' (Morgan (1993c) 327; see further on laetum au-
gunum below). statim, however, seems more relevant to a placement such as
that of Plutarch or Suctonius, since the content of ch. 62 is temporally very
vague. Wellesley suggests moving the passage to 57.1 after consalutauit. Better
to assume that T. has retained some of the language of the common source
in a context to which it is not perfectly suited; for this see 27.2n. tnnixus liberto,
31.1 n.tnsidis et simulatione. For Vitellius' concern with nomenclature (and T.'s
scorn for it) see also 2.62.2 praemisit in urbem editum, quo uocabulum Augusti dif-
ferret, Caesanis non reciperet, cum de potestate nihil detraheret, 3.58.3 qutn et Caesarem
se dici uoluit, aspernatus. antea, sed tunc. superstitione nominis. additum:
SC. est.
62.3 laetum augurium...acciperetur: 'in a civil war only a sav-
age irony will allow a sophisticated writer like Tacitus to talk of a /aetum
augurium , Morgan (1993c) 325. Suetonius has the same expression: Fit.
Q.1 praemisso agmine laetum euenit augurtum, siquidem a ! parte dextra repente aquila
aduolauit lustratisque signis tngressos utam sensim antecessit. For 'T.'s allusions to
Virgil (Aen. 5.137, quoted above) and through Virgil to Ennius' descrip-
tion of Romulus' augurtum (csp. omnibus cura winis uter esset induperator and sic
exspectabat bopulus atque ore timebat | rebus utrt magni uictoria sit data regni, Ann. 78
and 82—3 Skutsch), as well as for the links between this scene and Otho's bird
omen at 2.50.2 see Morgan (1993c). For other omens connected with Otho
and those of Vespasian see 22.2 and 2.78.1-2. laetum augurium:
for appositional comments see 44.2n. muntmentum . . . ulhonem; for the initial
placement (and subject matter) cf. A. 2.17.2 tnterea, pulcherrimum augunium, octo
aquilae petere siluas et intrare uisae imperatorem aduertere. ipso profectionis
die: c. 12-13 January (Murison (1993) 89). meatu 'movement along
a line, progress’ OLD 1; used of the phoenix' flight from nest to pyre at
A. 6.28.5 and twice elsewhere in T.

63—70 Vitellians march: duo duces, duo itinera

Having described Vitellius, his two principal commanders, and his men in
chh. 61-2, T. nowsets two ofthe three armies in motion towards Rome. The
 CUOMMEINIAKY: 63-/U; 65.1 Z49

focus is on *the behaviour of men and armices when the restraints of peace
are suddenly removed' (Syme (1958) r70). Valens and Caecina pursue their
different routes through Gaul simultaneously; T. accords them sequential
panels similar in length but very different in incident. Both may be followed
on Map 3. Vitellius himself remains immobile.
Valens' itinerary is given in some detail: Trier, Metz, Toul, Langres,
Lyon, Vienne, Luc-en-Diois are the modern names of the towns through
which T. tracks him in chh. 63-6. His stated task was to win over the
inhabitants of these and the many other settlements through which he
passed in marching along the now century-old Roman road, or else to lay
the places waste (61.1 allicere uel, si abnuerent, uastare). Resistence is nowhere
encountered, but the march to the Alps was not uneventful, owing to the
brutality of the men and the greed of both men and general. The panel's
conclusion shows that winning over Gaul lost out to wringing profit and
pleasure from it (66.3).
For Caecina T. gives not an itinerary but a small war against the Helvetn,
a people sadly diminished since Caesar’s day. Though ‘a relatively impres-
sionistic and imprecise narrative' (Morgan (1994c) 111), it displays Caecina's
military competence: he summons allies (67.2), coordinates troop move-
ments (68.1), uses his forces efficiently (68.2), takes prompt advantage of
opportunities that arise (70.1), and weighs strategic alternatives (70.2—3).
The campaign might almost be one of Caesar's, as the unadorned report
of the capitulation of the capital, Avenches, suggests: 68.2 missi qui dederent
ciuttatem, et deditio accepta; on the Caesarian underpinning of chh. 63—70 see
Morgan (1994c). Ch. 70looks both forward to N. Italy (70.1 n. Mediolanum . . .
Vercellas) and back to Valens' march: Valens began with a laetum augurtum
(62.3), Caecina ends with a /aetum. . . nuntium (70.1), Valens ends ad Alpes
(66.3), Caecina goes up and over (70.3).
The invasion narratives should be read in conjunction with the Flavian
march on Rome, which was also, but differently, in two parts; correspon-
dences are noted below.
The parallel tradition has little information about Valens' march and
none at all about Caecina's (62.3n. laetum augurtium, 66.2n. Valentem . .. emp-
tum, 66.3n. lento... agmine). For discussions of and bibliography on this
section see Ash (1999) 38-41 and esp. Morgan (1994c).

63.1 et... quidem: 5.2n. Treueros: 53.3n.; their capital, Augusta

Treuerorum, mod. Trier, was a week’s march from Cologne (163 km), a
230 COMMENTARY: 63.1-64.1

standard day's march being 15 milia passuum, or about 22 km (Murison (1993)

89). Diuoduri...temperauere: the main clause of eight words
(plus a four-word parenthesis) is followed by a thirty-one word appendix.
Diuoduri: mod. Metz, 83 km beyond Trier. quamquam...
exceptos: 43.1n. raptis: the tense indicates priority not to the main
verb terruit but to mitigats and temperauere. ob praedam aut spoliandi
cupidine: for concrete and abstract in tandem cf. 35.1 i plausus et immodica
studia; for the formal uanriatio see Sórbom (1935) 85. furore et rabie et
causis incertis: 57 .2n. instnctu et tmpetu et auanha. furore et rabie is a doublet
familar from poetry: Lucr. 4.1117 redit rabies eadem et furor ille reuisit, Virg. Aen.
5.801—2saepe furores | compressi et rabiem tantam, Ov. Tr. 2.1.150 aequalss rabies
continuusque furor, Lucan 4.420 redeunt rabies furorque, 7.551 hic furor hic rabies,
I0.72 in media rabie medioque furore (on the Lucan parallels see Robbert (1917)
65); also Sen. Thy. 27-8, Sil. 1.71, and Stat. Theb. 7.810. eoques 13.3n.
difficilioribus remediis: abl. of description (VLS §83). — mitigati
‘placated’ (cf. OLD 4); similarly in the prelude to the sack of Cremona
(3.32.1 nec procul caede aberant, cum precibus ducum mitigatus est miles), where the
soldiers' restraint is short-lived and excidium urbis ensues. Both scenes pre-
pare the way for the terrifying 'sack' of Rome by the Flavians: 4.1—2, esp.
4.2.1 quasi Cremonensem praedam rapere. 'The end of this series is reached when
Cerealis' troops contemplate but refrain from sacking Trier (4.72.1 —2). The
next city sacked in H. is Jerusalem. On sacking cities see Ziolkowski (1993).
temperauere 'refrained from' OLD 3a. caesa tamen ad quat-
tuor milia hominum: sc. sunt; cf. Caes. Gal. 2.33.5 occisis ad hominum
milibus quattuor.
63.2 cum magistratibus et precibus ‘with magistrates
(at therr head) and entreaties (on their lips) (Alford, ad loc.).
stratis . . . feminis puerisque: in supplication, cf. 3.10.2 supplices
manus tenderet (sc. Flauianus), humi plerumque stratus, À. 16.31.1 pnmum strata
humi . . . post altana
et aram complexa. quaeque alia...tendebantur —
tenhsque 115 rebus quae placamenta . . . erant, parallel in function to stratis . . . feminis
puenrisque. 'The omission of the participle yields an expression more com-
pressed than similar passages at 23.1 querelas et ambiguos. . . sermones quaeque
alia turbamenta uulgi and . elsewhere (2.4.1, A. 2.56.2, 11.3.1, A. 16.2.2).
placamenta: a rare word, properly of divinities (e.g. 4. 15.44.2 deum pla-
camentis), but cf. Apul. Soc. 13.6 proinde utnos pati possunt (sc. daemones) omnia
animorum placamenta. See also 58.2n. ut. . . Cnspnus.
64.1 in ciuitate Leucorum: Tullum, mod. Toul, some 53 km be-
yond Metz. The date is c. 24—6 January (Murison (1993) 88—9). nec
 COMMENTARY: 64.1-64.3 231

‘but...not’ OLD 5. permotus: sc. est. Gallis cunctatio ex-

empta est: illustrated in chh. 64-6 for the Gallic tribes along Valens'
route; for Aquitania and Narbonensis see 76.1. par: sc. erat.
64.2 Lingonum ciuitas: Andematunnum, mod. Langres, 93 km be-
yond Toul (53.3n., 59.1n.). benigne excepti: sc. muliles. mo-
destia certauere: cf. Liv. 27.45.11 modestia certare milites ne quid ultra usum
necessanum sumerent. For occasional modestia in the Vitellian ranks see 52.3n.
modesti quietique, more often they show excess (e.g. 62.1, 3.70.4). co-
hortium: 59.1n. octo. . . cohortes. intemperie 'outrageous behaviour'
OLD 3; a sample is given at 2.27.2 cohortes Batauorum. . . superbe agebant, ut
cuiusque legionts tentoria accessissent, coercitos a se quartadecimanos, ablatam .Neroni
Italiam atque omnem belli fortunam in ipsorum manu sitam iactantes; cf. 2.28.1
turbidas, 2.66.1 ueterem aduersus quartadecimanos discordiam, 4.19.1 intumuere.
Civilis, on the other hand, claims at 4.17.3 that whatever militaris disci-
plina the Roman forces had came from these Batavians. Elsewhere T. uses
intemperies of weather (2.94.1, 4. 16.13.1); here it makes a contrast with mo-
destia. iurgia primum, mox rixa: mutual irritation is still present at
2.27.2 (corrupta wrgus aut rixis disciplina) and at 2.66.2 it escalates (a conuicits ad
caedem transiere). By 2.68.1—2 the problem has spread: erupere legionarii in perni-
ciem auxiliorum (sc. Gallorum) ac duae cohortes interfectae (cf. 2.88.1 manente legionum
auxtliorumque discordia). After his victory Vitellius tried to curb the Batavians,
with disastrous results (2.69.1). Ignoring their later summons to Italy these
cohorts eventually defeated the legion stationed at Bonn (4.20) and joined
Civilis in the siege of Vetera. animaduersione ‘punishment’ OLD
3; thirteen times in Cicero and fairly widely spread in other prose authors,
but only here in T. and absent from Sallust. oblitos . . . imperii: the
tribe's history lends irony to the charge: G. 29.1 populus (sc. Batauorum) . . . in
eas sedes transgressus in quibus pars Romani imperu fierent (with Rives (1999) ad loc.);
see also 59.1n. ferox gens. Cerealis uses similar language in rebuking troops
at 4.77.3 Gallici foederis oblitos. T he corresponding virtue is reuerentia tmperi
(55.4n.). admonuisset 'had rebuked' OLD 5; for the construction
cf. A. 14.62.3 accitum eum Caesar operae prions admonet.
64.3 Aeduos: the Aeduan capital Augustodunum, mod. Autun,
lay west of the Roman road, but the Aeduan town Cabillonum, mod.
Chalon-sur-Saóne, was on it some 125 km beyond Langres. The Aedui,
who had supported Vindex, were identified as a desirable and deserving
target of violence by Gauls who had remained loyal to Rome (51.4). Pre-
caution was warranted: the Aedui joined rebellions in 21 as well as 68
(A. 3.43.1). But when a rebellion gathered momentum in their vicinity later
232 COMMENTARY: 64.3-65.1

in 69 they policed themselves (2.61). For an individual Aeduan supporter of

Vitellius see 3.35.2. The tribe is not mentioned in connection with Civilis"
rebellion. quaesita: sc. est. belli causa: for Caecina’s army cf.
67.1. Lugdunenses: Lugdunum, mod. Lyon, is 245 km, or nearly
two weeks' march (including some days of rest), beyond Langres. le-
gio Italica et ala Tauriana: 59.2nn. cohortem duodeuicensi-
mam: an urban cohort based in Lyon, attached, it seems, to the mint
(Freis (1967) 28-31). Josephus, in reviewing Rome’s forces in A.D. 66, says
that Gaul was held in check by 1,200 soldiers (Bf 2.373), which fits reason-
ably well with evidence from the Gallic revolt of A.p. 21, where the initial
phases reveal an urban cohort at Lyon (4. 3.41.1: c. 480 men) and an ala
based at Trier (A. 3.42.1; c. 512 men). The number of this cohort is disputed
(see Chilver ad loc.); it was replaced by the new cohors 1 Flauia urbana shortly
after Vespasian's accession. See further 4.2n. urbanum militem.
64.4 Manlius Valens: probably the C. Manlius Valens who as con-
sul ordinarius at the age of ninety in A.D. 96 gave his name to the year of
Domitian's assassination and Nerva's accession (Dio 67.14.5 with Murison
(1999) ad loc.; PIR? M 163) and the legionary legate of A. 12.40.1 (A.D. 52); his
recent prominence may help explain the presence of this singular datum in
H. Contra, Chilver. bene de partibus meritus: 59.2n. Jtalica legione.
infamauerat ‘had defamed’ OLD 2, again with Valens as subject at 3.62.2
Verginium . . . infamauit. For the tendency of an emperor's closest advisors to
frustrate the services of others cf. 26.2 consilit quamuis egregi . . . tnimicus; for a
similar case, differently resolved, under Vespasian see 3.52.3, with 4.80.2—3.
65.1 ueterem...discordium: cf. 2.66.1 ob ueterem aduersus quartade-
cimanos discordiam. For discussion of the rivalry see Fabia (1902); no incidents
are known. et Viennenses: the site of Vienna, mod. Vienne, was a
crossing point of the Rhone occupied by Celts (Allobroges) from the fifth
century B.C. on, but of modest importance. Caesar made Vienne an hon-
ourary Latin colony (Colonia Iulia Viennensium; honorary because no Roman
colonists joined the indigenous population) in about 50 B.c. (Lyon, by con-
trast, was purely Roman, Cologne a mixed population of Ubii and military
colonists). The city's status was upgraded under Augustus and Tiberius,
and its importance is evident from Claudius' Lyon speech (/LS 212, col.
II 10—11): ornatisstma ecce colonia ualentisstmaque Viennensium quam longo iam tem-
pore senatores huis cunae confert (for senators, indeed consuls, from Vienne see
59.2n. Valerius Asiaticus, 77 .2n. Pompeius Vofnscus, Syme (1958) 592 on Bellicus
Natalis). But despite its success in Roman terms Vienne supported Vindex'
 COMMENTARY: 65.1-65.2 233

revolt (cf. Vell. 2.121.1 for an earlier uprising) and was a source of concern
even after his defeat (2.66.3 Viennenses timebantur). It did not, however, play
an active role in the imperium Galliarum of 70. For references and further dis-
cussion see Pelleuer (1982), Rivet (1988) 305—10. proximum bellum:
the revolt of Vindex, which Vienne joined and Lyon opposed. multae
in uicem clades: sc. erant. The only known detail is a siege of Lyon: 65.2
obsessam ab illis coloniam suam. For attributive inuicem (‘reciprocally’ OLD 3),
a compact form of expression found already in Livy (e.g. 3.71.2 and 10.11.7
multis inuicem cladibus), cf. 75.1 omnibus inuicem gnaris, 4.37 .3 magnisque inuicem
cladibus, Àgr. 24.1 magnis inuicem usibus, G. 37.3 multa inuicem damna. See
also 46.4n. bonts postea principibus. crebrius infestiusque quam ut:
for adverbs introducing a free-standing comment on an already complete
sentence cf. 66.3 adeo minaciter ut, 74.2 promptius quam ut. Heubner supplies
parallels from other authors. For a similar stylistic effect see 44.2n. munimen-
tum . . . ultionem. reditus Lugdunensium: what Galba confiscated is
not known; for discussion see Fabia (1902) 110-11. multus .. . honor:
sc. erat. uno amne discretis conexum odium: separated by the
Rhone and 31 km, in fact. The mixing of abstract (odium) and concrete
(amne) and the juxtaposition of opposites (discretis conexum) makes an epi-
gram of what in Livy (23.31 utraque (sc. aedis) in Cafntolio est, canali uno discreta)
and Pliny (Nat. 5.70 a ceteris Iudaets lordane amne discreta (sc. Peraea)) 1s perfectly
bland.
65.2 euersionem: at Quint. /ns(. 8.3.67—9 euersio is a one word
cquivalent for the description of an urbs capta; cf. H. 5.8.3 urbium euer-
swnes. Putting Viennensium in place of urbis emphasizes the violence of a
sack; cf. Quint. Decl. 293.1 wuste peterem etiam hostium euersionem. ob-
sessam . . . relinquerent: Lyon’s exhortatio has an appropriately passion-
ate style: asyndeton (obsessam . . . adtutos . . . conscniptas, trent. . . exscinderent), 1so-
colon and homoioteleuton (causas odwrum praetenderant and magnitudinem
praedae ostendebant), exaggeration (in praesidtum Galbae, sedem Gallici belli, cuncta
illuc externa ac hostilia, partem exercitus, see nn.), violent language (euersionem,
exscinderent), poetic periphrasis (trent ullores), ponderous sounds (frosperarum
aduersarumgque rerum socws), and euphemism (s fortuna contra daret). obses-
Sam: sc. esse. coloniam suam: i.e. Romanam: see below and 51.5n.
Lugdunensis colonia. conscriptas nuper legiones in praesidium
Galbae: if this refers to a contribution by Vienne to Vindex’ force (6.2n.
opprimendis Vindicis coeptis, for legio of non-Roman units see OLD 2), in prae-
sidium Galbae exaggerates the help given thereby to the hated Galba, who
234 COMMENTARY: 65.2-66.1

remained safely in Spain until after Vindex' defeat (6.1 n. tardum Galbae tter).
However, T. nowhere else uses legio of a non-Roman unit. Another possibil-
ity is that Galba added men from Vienne to his legions, perhaps especially
to /egio vit Galbiana (cf. 2.11.1 septima a Galba conscripta, and for conscription
in Gaul later in the civil war see 2.57.1, 4.19.2); in this scenario legtones is an
exaggeration. For legionaries from Vienne see Pflaum (1978). secreta:
sc. erat. irent ultores: cf. V. Flac. 3.308 tuos irem nunc ultor tn hostes and,
perhaps, the most famous appositional ultor: Virg. Aen. 4.625 exonare aliquis
nostns ex ossibus ultor. Parallels for a substantive in apposition to the subject
of tre are, outside of T. (here and 2.11.1 pedes ire), mostly poetic: 7 LL s.v. eo
637.37—44. sedem Gallici belli: a puzzling charge. At 3.32.2 (and
the other parallels listed by Heubner) sedes belli refers to the site (not the
source) of fighting, but no fighting is known there from Vindex' rebellion
and 1f another war is meant the charge is far-fetched. cuncta illic
externa ac hostilia: cf. T. on Vienne at 66.1 uetustas dignitasque colomae
ualuit, where uetustas and dignitas are no doubt ironic, but colonia is accurate
(65.1n. et Viennenses); according to Chilver ad loc., a ‘palpably tendentious
plea’. partem exercitus: another exaggeration, on any of the expla-
nations advanced: Lyon was home to numerous veterans (Fabia (1902) 114),
or a source of army recruits (Syme (1939) 478 n.1), or a troop base (Chilver,
Hellegouarc'h). contra daret ‘turn out adversely’; cf. A. 15.13.2 uah-
dam quoque et laudatam antiquitatern, quotiens fortuna contra daret, saluti consulutsse,
3.18.1 ub fortuna contra fuit.
66.1 uelamenta et infulas: symbols of supplication. ueía-
menta are olive branches with a wrapping of wool fillets (cf. Virg.
Aen. 8.128. uitta comptos . . . praetendere ramos), infulae headbands tradition-
ally worn by envoys. The phrasing is standard: 3.31.2 mox uela-
menta et infulas...ostentant, Liv. 25.25.6 legati...cum infults et uelamen-
&s uenerunt, precantes ut a. caedibus et ab incendus parceretur, 30.36.4 uelata
infults ramisque oleace. . . nauis, 37.28.1 oratores cum infulis et uelamentis ad
Romanum muserunt, etc. See also 63.2n. strafis... puensque. uestigia
‘feet’ (by metonymy: OLD 3), preferable in shape and sound to pedes. For
the scene cf. 36.2. addidit Valens. . . sestertios: T. often ends lists
of causes on a pragmatic (and sometimes morally dubious) note: cf. 46.1n.
plensque. . . respucwntibus, 57.2n. instinctu... auantia. 300 HS was a third of
the soldier's annual salary (Alston (1994)); for other bribes see 5.1n. neque
dan donattuum, 24.1n. centenos nummos. uetustas dignitasque: the ab-
stract nouns give a hint of the freces that were no doubt uttered in Vienne
 COMMENTARY: 66.1-66.3 235

as well as earlier (63.2; cf. uerba Fabi salutem incolumitatemque. . . commendantis).

Juxtaposed with sestertit they seem mere window-dressing. For the singu-
lar verb with a compound subject see Draeger (1882) $29a. —— accepta:
SC. sunt. publice. . . priuatis: for the uanatio cf. A. 6.45.1 modicus pn-
uatis aedificalionibus ne publice quidem nisi duo opera struxit and Sórbom (1935)
96-7. armis multati ‘penalized by confiscation of their weapons'
OLD 1a; cf. G. 12.2 equorum pecorumque numero conuicti multantur. priuatis
et promiscuis copiis: the antithesis with armis suggests that promiscuus
here means ‘of all sorts’ (OLD 2b; cf. A. 12.7.1 promisca mulhitudo, 14.20.5 coetu
promisco); it conveys the frantic efforts of the Viennenses to show themselves
compliant. See also 47.1n., 84.4n.
66.2 Valentem... emptum:: sc. esse; the soldiers give voice to their
suspicions during a riot in which Valens is stoned and forced to flee in a
slave's clothing and his quarters are pillaged (2.29.1). Further profits ac-
crued from the planning of his itinerary (66.3, note uenditante duce), from the
enrolment of new praetorian and urban cohorts (2.93.2, note ambitu), and
from his power in the capital (2.92.2 inuaserant domos hortos opesque impeni);
see also 2.56.2 ob lucra et quaestus infamis and 2.95.3 inter Vinios Fabiosque,
Icelos Aswaticos (where he 1s paired with Galba's grasping minister, Vinius).
Rapaciousness is also the theme of Plutarch's one substantial passage on
Valens (O. 6.4 ‘Fabius Valens' pursuit of money was satisfied neither by
plunder from the enemy nor by thefts and bribes from the allies’) as well
as that of Dio (64.10.1 'So eager was Valens for money and so thorough in
amassing it from every source, that . . . "). Mucianus, by contrast, contributes
from his own funds to Vespasian's war chest, at least initially, and sets an
example for others in so doing (2.84.2). accensis . . . cupidinibus:
illustrated in 66.3; cf. 3.40.1 Fabius interrm Valens multo ac molli concubinatorum
spadonumque agmine segnius quam ad bellum procedens and 3.41.1 sed Valens ne in
tanto quidem discrimine infamia caruit, quo minus rapere illicitas uoluptates adulteri-
isque ac stupris polluere hospitum domus crederetur; aderant uis et Decunia et ruentis
fortunae nouissima libido. senex: Valens' age is not known; a legionary
legate would ordinarily be in his thirties. Manlius Valens, at sixty-three,
was unusually old (64.4n.). Caecina's relative youthfulness worked against
Valens in the estimation of the soldiers (2.30.2 uigore aetatis). Convalescence
from an illness prevents his deployment later in the year: 2.99.1 tnfirmitas
tardabat.
66.3 lento...agmine: in retrospect his soldiers thought Valens
had been deliberately delaying: 2.30.1 fraude et cunctationibus Valentis proelio
236 COMMENTARY: 66.3-67.1

defuissent. Plutarch, too, reports criticism that ascribes Valens' slow progress
to his rapaciousness and accuses him of dangerously delaying his arrival
in Italy: O. 6.4 'It was thought that, travelling slowly (Ppab5écs ó5eUcv)
because of this, he arrived too late for the first battle.’ Neither author
assents to the charge; T., however, later makes a pointed comment about
Mucianus' more judicious pace: 2.83.1 Mucianus . . . non lento ittnere, ne cunctan
uideretur, neque tamen properans, gliscere famam ipso spatio sinebat. ductus: sc.
est. itinerum spatia et statiuorum mutationes 'marching dis-
tances and changes to the (schedule of) rest-days' along the Roman road
to the pass. uenditante duce foedis pactionibus: the second abl.
abs. explains (and comments on: foedis) the first. aduersus posses-
sores agrorum 'with property owners'; aduersus indicates a relationship,
not a necessarily hostile one (cf. 10.3 nec Vespasiano aduersus Galbam uotum aut
animus, 35.2 aduersus blandientes incorruptus, A. 15.59.5 foedis aduersus Neronem
adulationtbus). 'The expression here has no exact parallel, but for aduersus
with other words that themselves imply a relationship (here pactto) cf. A.
3.29.2 (necessitudo) and Apul. Soc. 129 (communio). adeo minaciter ut:
65.1n. crebrtus infestiusque quam ut. Luco: Lucus Augusti, mod. Luc-en-
Diois, 164 km beyond Vienne. According to Plin. .Nat. 3.37 it was a town
with Latin rights (where ex-magistrates had Roman citizenship), not a mu-
nicipium (where all with local citizenship did); T.’s usage may be loose; for
the differences in status see Sherwin-White (19732) 337—50. pecunia
mitigaretur: placation is usually accomplished via speech (e.g. 63.1, 69,
81.2), sentiment (3.60.3, 4.1.19.6 periculo talis utri mitigatus es), or üme and
satiety (A. 6.38.1 tempus preces satias mitigabant). sic. . . peruentum: sc.
est; the phrase 'gains enormously in bite from its brevity' (Morgan (1994c)
114). From Luc to the Mt Genévre pass the army marched some 161 km
over nearly three weeks (Murison (1993) 86—7, Koóster (1927) 22); on Ts
omission of all incidents from this period see Morgan (1994c) 104-8.
67.1 plus...Caecina: competition between Vitellius’ two legates,
initiated in the diptych at 52.3—53.1 (where Valens rouses Vitellius, Caecina
his soldiers) and evident here, remains an important theme in Book 2. At
2.30.2—3 T. has Vitellius’ soldiers making the comparison; at 2.99.2 Vitellius
himself. 'The rivalry reaches such a pitch that the two men give conflict-
ing orders at 2.101.2 (cf. also 2.30.3 htnc aemulatio ducabus; 2.92.1—2, and
Plut. O. 6.5). The competition was eventually won by Valens, a victory that
was thought to have encouraged Caecina's betrayal of Vitellius (2.93.2,
2.99.2). plus praedae ac sanguinis. .. hausit 'drew more blood
 COMMENTARY: 67.1-67.2 237

and booty’; cf. 68.2 multa hominum milia caesa, multa sub corona uenundata. haurio
is used of financial *withdrawals' as well as of bloodshed (cf. Cic. Agr. 2.32
sumptum haunt ex aerario, Sest. 93 haurire cotidte ex . . . Syriae gazis innumerabile pon-
dus aun); praeda, unique as its object, capitalizes on both its violent and its
financial sense. T. gives few details about Caecina's route (61.1 n. profiore tran-
5itu), but "We can deduce from known Roman roads in the area that he went
via Salodurum, Aventicum and Octodurus to Augusta Praetoria, which is
just inside Italy' (Murison (1993) 90). armis uirisque...clara: cf.
Sal. fug. 57.1 armis uirisque opulentum (of Zama), Liv. 23.30.6 opulentam quon-
dam armis uinisque (of Croton). memoria nominis: here the third
term, unlike that of the formula used earlier (51.2n. uin arma equi), shows
Helvetian resources to be insubstantial; cf. 30.2uacua nomina, 55.4 . oblite-
rata iam nomina and, for the senes of three abl., 57.2n. tnstinctu. . . auanitia.
The memory of the Helvetii was preserved in Caes. Gal. 1.1—29, esp. 1.1.4
reliquos Gallos praecedunt quod fere cotidianis proeliis cum Germanis contendunt. On
the paucity of Helvetian notables as Roman officers and senators see Syme
(1977) 136—7. initium bello: adnominal dat. (22.2n. Othont . . . comes).
The narrative goes back to January. The confiscation and the letters to
Pannonia (see below) presumably occurred shortly after Upper Germany
declared for Vitellius (57 .1). auaritia ac festinatio 'impatient greed'
(Davies (1989)) or ‘covetous haste’ (Alford); a similar hendiadys is used of
Antonius Primus’ troops at 3.50.3 festinatio atque auditas. rapuerant:
perhaps a pun on the legion's name (cf. 2.43.1 unaetuicenstma, cut cognomen
Rapaci, see 61.2n.). The tense shows that the legion acted before Caecina's
arrival. castelli: not securely identified; for bibliography see Chilver
ad loc. olim 'for along time past' OLD2. tuebantur 'looked after'
OLD 6.
67.2 epistulis quae nomine Germanici exercitus ad
Pannonicas legiones ferebantur: cf. 74.3 epistulas. . . nomine Germanici
exercitus ad praetorias et urbanas cohortes. For the legions in Pannonia see
g.2N. excitae. . . legiones. proximam quamque culpam 'every injury
immediately'. mota: sc. sunt. Forms of esse are omitted throughout
this narrative. direptus...locus: for a similar incident told in
more gruesome detail and involving Otho's forces see 2.13.1—2. Civilian
settlements were also victimized at the outset of sedition in A.D. 14 (4.
1.20.1). in modum municipii exstructus locus: cf. 4.22.1 /ongae
pacis opera, haud procul castris in modum municipu exstructa (of the civilian district
outside the fortress at Vetera) and A. 1.20.1 Nauporto, quod municipu instar
238 COMMENTARY: 67.2-68.1

erat. amoeno salubrium aquarum usu frequens: Aquae

Helueticae, mod. Baden on the Limmat, 8 km east of their camp at
Vindonissa (and out of their route towards Italy via Augusta Raurica,
mod. Augst; 61.1n. proprre transitu). On the omission of place names in
chh. 67—70 see Syme (1977) 130-1, Morgan (1994c) 106-7. Raetica
auxilia: 68.1n.
68.1 feroces: sc. erant. Claudium Seuerum: not mentioned
elsewhere, and surprisingly bereft of identifying material here, 'as though a
known character' (Syme (1977) 133); see also Morgan (1994€) 110. non
arma noscere, non ordines sequi, non in unum consulere: for
anaphora and failures of military discipline cf. 2.12.3 temere collectis, non cas-
tra non ducem nosatantibus (of emergency levies), 2.93.1 sed miles. . . urbe tota
uagus, non pnincibia. noscere, non seruare uigilias neque labore firman (of Vitellian
troops in Rome), 3.18.1 non laxare ordines, non recipere turbatos, non obuiam tre,
3.76.2 non wgihas agere, non intuta moentum firmare (of a garrison of gladia-
tors and rowers), and esp. A. 4.25.2 hostibus. . . omnium nescus non arma, non
ordo, non consilium (of Numidian forces); cf. also Sal. fug. 99.2 Maun atque
Gaetuli... neque fugere neque arma capere neque omnino facere aut prowrdere quic-
quam poterant. arma noscere: for arma as ars armorum see TLL s.v. 594
59-82; cf. Col. 1 praef. 4 armorum et milihae gnaros, Mela 1.47 armo-
rum ignan, Quint. /mst. 2.12.2. armorum inscius, Flor. Epit. 1.34.10 arma
nescirent. ordines sequi: another abbreviated expression, since or-
dines are usually seruati, while sequi governs signa (see Hellegouarc’h
for parallels); these standard military procedures are often mentioned
together, e.g Liv. 30.35.6 signa sequi et seruare ordines, and (shghtly
altered) Sal. fug. 80.2 ordines habere, signa sequi. Sallust abbrewiates,
but less drastically at fug s51.1neque signa neque ordines obseruare,
T. has another variation at 4.18.3 legwnarius miles...arma ordinesque
retinebat. in unum consulere ‘take common counsel’ OLD 3b; cf.
4.70.1 ne duces quidem in unum consulere, where each dux pursues a different
strategy, and esp. Agr. 12.2 nec altud.. . pro nobis utihus quam quod t1n com-
mune non consulunt. exitiosum: sc. erat (for the mood see NLS §200i);
‘this sentence gives the possibilities and the situation as they were for
the Helvetii’ (Alford). intuta: 33.2n. obsidio ‘a state of siege’;
cf. 33.1 obsidionem. .. toleraturus, Agr. 22.2 aduersus moras obsidwnis annuis
copits firmabantur, A. 15.29.3 exercituum Romanorum caedes aut obsidio. di-
lapsis...moenibus: of the capital Aventicum, presumably (68.2n.).
Raeticae alae cohortesque et ipsorum Raetorum iuuentus: for
 COMMENTARY: 68.1-68.2 239

similar groupings cf. 2.58.1 decem nouem cohortes, quinque alae, tngens Maurorum
numerus and 3.5.2 Sextilius Felix cum ala Auniana et octo cohortibus ac Noncorum
iuuentute, for the terminology see Saddington (1970). The size of Raetia's
garrison at this period is not known. For native levies in Rome's service see
also 2.12.3 tuuentus, 2.97.2 iuuentus, 4.12.3 domi delectus eques, and 57.2n. aux-
ilia, 61.2n. Germanorum auxilia. undique populatio et caedes: troops
from the Rhine and Raetia seem to have progressed separately (note medio
below) through the territory of a disorganized people, killing, capturing
(68.2 sub corona uenundata), looting and destroying as they went. The delay
occasioned when the Roman forces, now joined (68.2 Germants Raetisque),
stopped to root out refugees from the mons Vocetius was brief. medio:
12.2n. fota ciuiate. uagi ‘scattered’ OLD 4. palantes often de-
notes military disarray, e.g. 4.18.3 legionarius miles. . . arma ordinesque retinebat,
Vbiorum Treuerorumque auxilia foeda fuga dispersa totis camfns palantur, 4.60.2 pug-
nacissimus quisque in uestigio, multi palantes, 4.70.4. plebes omissis armis per agros
palatur. montem Vocetium: for discussion of various identifications
see Dürr (1973), who suggests that the Helvetii took refuge near the vil-
lage of Wóschnau (from Mocetiana aua), site of a pre-Roman fortificaüion, the
Refugium Eppenberg.
68.2 depulsi: sc. sunt. cohorte Thracum: one of at least three
different units so named and normally stationed in Germany at this time
(Cichorius (1900) s.v. cohors 335—6, 340—1, Cheesman (1914) 178—9, Holder
(1999) 246); all three were cohortes equitatae, i.e. infantry cohorts in which
some soldiers were mounted and ordinarily used ‘for general purpose
work, skirmishing, patrolling, reconnaissance, escort duty and messengers’
(Webster (1998) 149-50). Clearly the Helvetii do not require Caecina’s
best troops. caesa: sC. sunt. multa sub corona uenundata:
a formula for the sale of captives (Gel. 6.4.3 mancipia ture belli capta coro-
nis indula ueniebant et idcirco dicebantur "sub. corona? uenire, see further TLL
s.v. corona 985.1—18), indicaung that this sale, unlike Valens' (66.3), was
official; cf. A. 13.39.4. imbelle uulgus sub corona uenundatum, reliqua praeda uic-
toribus cessit (sc.. Corbulo). dirutis omnibus: the structures disman-
tled were presumably those of Helvetian settlements through which the
troops passed; for diruo cf. 4.65.1 muros. . . augere nobis quam diruere tutws est,
5.9.1 muri Hierosolymorum diruti, 5.19.2 diruit molem a Druso Germanico factum,
A. 15.17.3 diruta quae. . . communiuerat Corbulo. Auenticum gentis ca-
put: mod. Avenches, 170 km from Augst along the Roman road to the
pass. Its status as a ciuttas-capital was due to Augustus; whether he bult
240 COMMENTARY: 68.2-70.1

on the foundations of a native settlement is not clear. By 69 its civic

facade, at least, was thoroughly Romanized (Frei-Stolba (1976) 384-91).
Vespasian upgraded the city to colonial status (Coloma Pia Flauia Constans
Ementa Heluetiorum Foederata); for discussion and bibliography see van
Berchem (1981). infesto agmine: tnfesto s Andresen's emendation for
M's m/sto: (1899) 17. T. uses it of another fear-inducing agmen at A. 1.69.1:
infesto Germanorum agmine Gallias peti, agmine infesto is a Livian formula (4.22.2,
5.18.11, 7.20.6, cf. 2.26.2, etc.). The point is that the Roman force is now
directed, terrifyingly, at a single target. müssi: sc. sunt. Iulium
Alpinum: mentioned only here, but presumably a connection of the con-
temporary C. Julius Alpinus Classicianus, an imperial procurator in Britain
under Nero (4. 14.38.3; PIR? c 145). ueniae uel saeuitiae Vitellii:
the natural antithesis would have been ueniae uel poenae, saeuitiae makes
punishment cruel.
69 haud facile dictu est: the authonal intervention, which T. uses
nowhere else (but cf. A. 12.24.2 facile cognitu), makes a break between scenes.
placabilem: after this word’s second syllable a page of M 1s missing. The
gap, which extends through ncertum in 75.2, is filled by recentiores based on
copies made before the loss. (On the recentiores see Tarrant (1983) 409.) The
consensus of these MSS is taken to represent M, which sometimes needs
emendation (see 70.2nn. ala Petnana, Petronium. Vrbicum); where they dis-
agree a satisfactory text may be found in some (see below on ctuttatis, 70.1
reuocati, 70.3 hibermis . . Álpibus) or none (71.2n. sed. . . adhibens). ciui-
tatis excidium...temperabat: cf. 63.1ab excidio ciuttatis temperauere;
shared vocubulary links the scenes, which end very differently. ciui-
tatis: some descendants of M read ciuitatis (which yields sense), others noui-
tatis (which doesn't); see Wellesley's app. crit. for details. poscunt: sc.
milites; cf. 45.2n. expostulabant. uerbis et minis ‘threatening words’;
for the hendiadys cf. 3.24.2 mints ac uerbis prouocatos. Claudius Cossus:
only here. ut est mos: 7.3n. uulgus mutabile: sc. erat; cf. 80.2
uulgus, ut mos est, cutuscumque motus nout cupidum, 2.29.2 ut est uulgus utroque
immodicum, 5.8.3 mobilitate uulgi. See also 25.2n. and Newbold (1976), whose
statistics show fickleness to be the second most common attribute of the
Tacitean uulgus, as well as T.'s habit of generalizing about this 'stock char-
acter' (89). subids: 7.3n. impetrauere: sc. miites.
70.1 laetum . . . nuntium: the echo of Valens’ lactum augunum (62.3)
1s one of the few verbal links between the parallel journeys (Morgan
(1994c) 105). alam Silianam: cf. 2.17.1 aferuerat iam Italiam bellumque
 COMMENTARY: 70.1 241

transmiserat . .. ala Siliana. For the unit's history see Cichorius (1894) s.v. ala
1260—61. accessisse 'had joined' (59.2n.); cf. 2.81.1 Syria omnis in eo-
dem sacramento fuit. accessere. . . Sohaemus. . . Antiochus. . . mox. . . Agnppa, 2.58.1
accessisse partibus utramque Mauretaniam, 4.70.2 accessit ala Singularium. pro
consule Vitellium . . . habuerant: more than a decade earlier, though
the years are not certain (9.1 n., with Thomasson (1960) 11.39—40). ex-
citi ‘having been ordered to move’; cf. 2.66.1 remitti eos in Britanniam unde
a .Nerone exciti erant, Á. 15.6.4. addita quinta legione quae recens e Moests excita
erat. Whether the ala actually reached Alexandna is not clear from T’s
ut. . . praetermitterentur. Another unit intended for Nero's Parthian expedi-
tion, which was being planned in 66 (6.2n. claustra Casprarum; for the date
see Chilver g—11), did reach Alexandria (31.3). It is possible that this ala was
among the 2,000 troops recently arrived from ‘Libya’ that enabled the gov-
ernor of Egypt to quell a riot in Alexandria in 66 ( Jos. BJ 2.494). If so, the
different conditions and locations in January of these units from Africa and
Germany that had both reached Italy from Alexandria in the summer of 68
are left unexplained. See Murison (1993) 14-15, Chilver g-11 and Heubner
ad loc. for various reconstructions. Heubner replaces exciti, which must have
been in M (see Wellesley's app. crit.), with acciti. ut...ob: on the ua-
natio of final clause ~ prep. phrase see Martin (1953) 93—4. reuocati
‘recalled (from their original mission) OLD 1b; cf. 6.2 quos idem Nero elec-
tos praemissosque ad claustra Caspiarum . . . obprimendis Vindicis coeplis reuocauerat.
Another unit readied in vain for the Parthian expedition was the /egto [talica
(59.2n.). For other troops summoned to Italy in the spring of 68 cf. 9.3
excitae a .Nerone legiones, dum in Italia cunctantur. 'The reading of M is difhcult
to discern herc. Both remorati and prouocati have strong support but yield
inadequate sense; reuocatti, which is less well attested but gives better sense
(cf. 6.2 quoted above), may be an emendation; see Wellesley's app. crit. for
the details. instinctu decurionum: cf. 4. 1.32.3 paucorum inslinctu;
with instinctus personal agency (rather than passion or experience) is first
found in Sallust (H. 2. fr. 6 matris instinctu); cf. also Suet. Ves. 7.3 wn-
stinctu uaticinantium. decurionum: commanders of the ala's thirty-
two-man (urmae; sce further Holder (1980) 88-90. obstricti 'attached
by ties of loyalty OLD 5; cf. A. 14.7.4 praetonanos tott. Caesarum. domu:
obstrictos. famam Germanici exercitus: cf. 2.58.2 magna per
prouincias Germamict exercitus fama, mentioned again at 2.21.4 and
3.9.4- Mediolanum ac Nouariam et Eporediam et Vercellas:
mod. Milan, Novara, Ivrea, Vercelli, all located north of the Po along one
242 COMMENTARY: 70.1-70.2

of the roads to Placentia. Reported with a more negative tone at 2.17.1 ape-
ruerat iam Italiam bellumque transmiserat, ut subra memorausmus, ala Siliana, nullo
apud quemquam Othonis fauore, nec quia Vitellium mallent, sed longa pax ad omne
seruitium fregerat faciles occupantibus et melioribus incunosos. florentissomum Itahae
latus, quantum inter Padum Alpesque camporum et urbium, armis Vitellu . . . tenebatur.
J0.2 compertum: sc. est. praemissis Gallorum Lusitano-
rumque et Britannorum cohortibus: auxiliary units, presum-
ably from the regular garrison of the Germanies; for the specific
units see Cichorius (1900) s.v. cohors. T. mentions none subsequently.
Germanorum uexillis: among these are probably the Batavi and
Transrhenani mentioned as part of the advance guard at 2.17.2 (see
also 61.2n. Germanorum auxili. For other auxiliary detachments cf.
2.11.2 equitum uexilla, 2.6.1 uexillanos e cohortibus. ala Petriana:
more fully the aía Augusta Gallorum Petnana bis torquata. miliana. ciutum
Romanorum, based in Moguntiacum in A.D. 56 (Cichorius (1894) s.v. ala
1244). After Vitellius' death the ala's commanding officer, Claudius Sagitta,
urged rebellion on the governor of Africa, without success (4.49.2). The
name, epigraphically attested (see Cichorius (1894), was garbled in M
(alpe triania; see Wellesley's app. crit. for the various scribal and scholarly
emendations). cunctatus est num 'hesitated over whether'. Both
Morgan (1994c¢) 121—3 and Chilver ad loc. discuss the historical Caecina's
aims. That troops approaching N. Italy from Illyricum could be attacked
from Raetia is clear from the precautionary measures taken against the
forces in Raetia later in the year (see below on .Noricum). But T.’s focus
is on character, not strategy. Caecina's hesitation highlights the factors
that proved decisive, his concern for the safety of his advance guard
and his desire for glory (70.3), both of which contrast favourably with
Valens' preoccupations en route (66.2nn.). For Mucianus' hesitation at a
similar juncture see 2.83.2. For the indirect question the closest parallel
is Plin. Ep. 6.16.11 cunctatus paulum an retro flecteret, the earhest Sal. Cat.
52.31 uos de crudelissimis parricidis quid statuatis cunctamini?; see further TLL
1395.26—36. Raeticis iugis: via the Arlberg pass; for the abl. cf. 61.1
Cottianis Alpibus. . . Poenints wugis, 70.3 Poenino itinere. Noricum: Raetia's
neighbour across the Inn, likewise garrisoned with auxiliary forces, which
later in the year were used to prevent Vitellius' supporters from interfering
with the march of the Danube legions to Italy (3.5.2). On the province see
also 11.2n. and Alfóldy (1974). Petronium Vrbicum: his cognomen
is preserved on an inscription from his provincial capital (CIL m 11551;
 COMMENTARY: 70.2-70.3; 71-79 243

see PIR? P 322) but was truncated in M (to urb: or urbis; see Wellesley’s app.
crit.). interruptis fluminum pontibus: ‘Petronius’ breaking down
the bridges over the various rivers (the Inn above all) meant that he could
neither attack nor be attacked. In the circumstances it was by no means
certain that he was fidus Othoni, but he could be thought so (putabatur) — and
ignored' (Morgan (1994c) 111).
70.3 plus gloriae: sc. fore. Noricos...cessuros: sc. esse
11.3n. zn pretium belli cessurae. erat. Poenino itinere : 61.1n. propuore
transitu. subsignanum militem: legionaries, as at 4.33.1 subsignano
milite media firmare, auxilia passim circumfusa. graue legionum agmen:
a Livian expression (28.14.8, cf. 32.5.9, 35.30.7; T. uses variations at
2.22.1 densum legionum agmen and 2.87.1 graut .. . agmine) that here acknowl-
edges, quietly, the difficulty of getting an army, with its full train of bag-
gage and attendants, through a high Alpine pass. For the emphasis on
weight cf. A. 4.73.1 aestuania aggenibus et pontibus traducendo grautori agmtni firmat,
Liv. 31.39.2 montes, quam uiam non ingressurum graut agmine. Romanum sciebat
(sc. Philippus). legionum: one full legion (xx1 Rapax) and detachments
from two (rv and xxir: 55.3n. quarta. . . tendentes); similarly at 2.22.1 (quoted
above), but cf. also 67.2 legionem. hibernis adhuc Alpibus: the date
is mid-March (Caecina reaches Placentia, mod. Piacenza, some 280 km
further on, by the end of the month: see Murison (1993) 105). The refer-
ence to the Alps at the end of Caecina’s journey parallels that at the end of
Valens' (66.3). Some descendants of M read alpibus, others niutbus, which is
more likely to have replaced alpibus than to have been replaced by it; see
Wellesley's app. crit. for details.

7179 Otho in Rome: munia imperii

With the Vitellians en routeto Italy, T. returns to Otho in Rome. The narrative
of chh. 71—9 follows on from ch. 50 and covers mid-January to early March.
As experienced in Rome, the period was a grim one: fear prevailed, even
when its causes were well hidden (71.1).
The narrative begins with Otho's first independent acts: his pardon of
Marius Celsus (ch. 71), his punishment of Tigellinus (ch. 72), and his de-
laying tactics vis-à-vis Calvia Crispinilla (ch. 73). Chh. 74—5 treat a series
of exploratory exchanges between Otho and Vitellius and reveal the in-
evitability of war. Ch. 76 assesses the forces on each side: with Otho stands
Illyricum (and later Judaea, Syria, and Africa), with Vitellius Spain and
244 COMMENTARY: 71-79; 71.1

Gaul. Geography decides: nusquam fides aut amor (76.1). But Otho's attention
is not yet on war, and chh. 77—8 describe his benefactions to various civil-
ian groups: the ruling elite in Rome (77.2—3), provincials (78.1), the urban
plebs (78.2). Though very different from Galba's disciplinary acta (ch. 20),
they are equally ineffectual. In ch. 79 fighting begins, but not the fighüng
we expect: on the Danube front the Rhoxolani invade Moesia. The fight
against an external enemy - easily won by Roman forces - forms a striking
backdrop to the rioting praetorians of chh. 80—-5.
Narrating as they do the bulk of Otho's principate, these chapters share
a number of incidents with his biographies, and from these overlapping
details differences of organization, selection, emphasis, and style emerge
with particular clarity in this section.

71.x spem ‘expectation’ OLD 2. For Otho’s reputation see below

on formidinis, 13.3nn., 21.1n. tnofia . . toleranda, 22.1n. mollis, 50.1, 50.3,
2.31.1. non...torpescere: at 62.2 lrpebat characterizes Vitellius
(see n.). torpescere is Sallustian (Cat. 16.3, fug. 2.4). On the historic inf. used
singly see 46.3n. fatigari; on inchoative verbs see 32.2n. ualescere. di-
latae: sc. sunt. eoque: 13.3n. formidinis: cf. the fear ascribed
to Otho's contemporaries at Plut. O. 1.3 'a shuddering fear that it was not
a man, but some genius of retribution or avenging spirit that had sud-
denly fallen upon the state'. Dio is closer in spirit to T:: 64.8.3 'his life
and habits .. . caused alarm’; cf. also 64.8.2' 'It did not escape notice that
his rule would be more licentious and harsh than Nero's.' Marium
Celsum: 14.1n., 45.2n. stmulatione . . . iussum. T.'s version of the pardon, a
‘reconciliation comedy’ (Heubner ad loc.), is less favourable to Otho than
Plutarch's. He removes the ceremonial context (see on Capitolium), supphies a
selfish motivation (clementiae titulus), and alters the conversation between the
two men, making Celsus speak first, Otho second. His Celsus is contuma-
cious (71.2 ultro), his Otho conciliatory rather than magnanimous (nec quasi
ignosceret). In fact it is Celsus, not Otho, who ends up with a £tulus utrtutts in
T.’s narrative (71.3 eandem uirtutem; cf. 71.1 falsae utrtutes). Capitolium:
Plut. O. 1.1 connects the pardon with a sacrifice in the temple on 16 March.
clementiae titulus: cf. 75.2 Viellius uictor clementiae gloniam tulit. clementia
implies power and is therefore a uirtus vaunted early and often by emperors
(e.g Aug. RG 3.1—2, 34.2, Sen. Cl. 1.1.2—4). For titulus 'claim to fame' (OLD
7) cf. Liv. 31.15.10 liberatae per se Graeciae titulum, Ov. Met. 7 .56 titulum seruatae
pubis Achiuae.
 COMMENTARY: 71.2-72.1 245

71.2 fidei crimen: 59.in. exemplum ultro imputauit: cf.

Plut. O.1.2 ‘Celsus replied . . . that the charge itself gave proof of his char-
acter’; ultro ‘in addition to everything else’ (OLD 3) makes T.’s Celsus seem
more aggressive. On tmputare see 38.2n. and cf. 2.60.1 proditionem ultro 1m-
putabant (of Otho's generals addressing a victorious Vitellius) and 2.85.1
posse imputan Vespasiano quae apud Vitellium excusanda erant (why some Othoniani
joined Vespasian). nec: 34.1n. sed ne hostem metueret con-
ciliationes adhibens 'but, so that he need not fear (sc. Celsus) as an
enemy, bringing to bear conciliatory remarks'. This emendation (Halm's)
best aligns the passage with its parallel at Plut. O. 1.1, where one of Otho's
conciliatory expressions is reported: ‘he urged him rather to forget the cause
of his imprisonment than to remember that of his release’; see Wellesley’s
Appendix Critica for the manuscript evidence and other emendations. For
the plural of conciliatio cf. Suet. Aug. 17.1 societatem semper dubium et incertam
reconciliationibusque uanis male focilatam (‘kept warm’). adhibere 1s a technical
term for the application of remedies, OLD 7; here, as at 4.72.3 uocem pre-
cesque adhibere non ausi lacrimis et silento uemam poscebant, the remedies are
words. For hostis of a personal enemy cf. 27.1 domesticum hostem and 3.38.3
in urbe et sinu cauendum hostem. uelut fataliter: cf. 50.1 uelut. . . fataliter
electos. integra et infelix: ifelix in the short term, since he backed
another loser in Otho. He had a distinguished career thereafter (14.1n.).
Sound links integra and infelix but sense divides them; from the tension arises
an cpigram.
71.3 eandem uirtutem: his uirtutes at 45.2 were industria and innocentia,
to which T. adds fides at 71.2 and uigor at 87.2. For the paradox cf. Liv. 5.26.8
eandem uirtutem et oderant et mirabantur.
72.1 par...disparibus: cf. 2.7.2 boni malique causts diuersis studio pan
bellum omnes cupiebant. 'The paronomasia highlights the juxtaposition of
Cclsus’ pardon and Tigellinus’ punishment; in Plutarch (O. 2) the two
cpisodes arc scparated by material that T. puts later (77 .2n. consulipse, 90.1n.
reliquias. . . conuersas). T. adds episodes from the reign of Galba, not entirely
successfully (72.1 n. impetrato . . . exitio), and information about Tigellinus' po-
litical rise (72.1 Ofonius. . . strepere), while omitting some details ( Tigellinus'
disease (Plut. G. 17.4) and his suicide ruse (72.3n. deformes moras)). The
story’s exemplary value is declared by the moral commentary (72.1nn.
exsultatio, utrilia scelera, 72.2haud dubie. . . impunitatis, 72.3nn. foedam uitam, ex-
itu. . . tnhonesto) and the high-impact style (72.1n. quia uelocius erat, 72.3nn.
inler. . . oscula, deformes moras, sectis. . . faucibus). exsultatio connccts this
246 COMMENTARY: 72.1

scene with others on mob behaviour (4.2n. frimo gaudentium impetu, 4..3n. plebs
sordido et circo ac theatris sueta); Plutarch, by contrast, connects the punishment
of Tigellinus with Otho's other support-winning measures: O. 2.1 ‘Nothing
so won the Romans over to Otho (WikeiwoaTo Tpds aUtdv) as the treatment
of Tigellinus.' consecutn: sc. est. impetrato Tigellini exitio:
impetrato suggests that Tigellinus' punishment was achieved against some
resistance. The resistance was Galba's: in every other source the call for
punishment is heard first under Galba, who issued an edict denying the re-
quest (Plut. G. 17.4, Suet. G.15.2, Dio 64.5.3). Plutarch even reports Galba's
justification (‘he declared that Tigellinus was wasting away with consump-
tion and had not much longer to live, and advised them not to exasperate
the government or force it to be tyrannical’), but demies him credit for
mildness by implying that Vinius, bribed by Tigellinus, had engineered
the pardon (cf. 72.2 apud Galba Titi Vini potentia defensus). 'The blending of the
two episodes is responsible for the odd picture in 72.3 of crowds in Rome
persisting in full cry for Tigellinus' death until (donec! see n.) it occurred
in Sinuessa, several days' journey from Rome. Ofonius Tigellinus:
praetorian prefect from 62, implicated in many ofthe crimes and scandals of
Nero’s last years (murder: A. 14.57, 16.14.3, 16.18.3, 16.20.2; persecution of
Octavia: Á. 14.60.3; fire: A. 15.40.2; parties: A. 15.37; trip to Greece: Dio 63.
12.3—13.1, etc.; further references in PIR? o g1). According to Plutarch (G.
17.3) he was ‘the man who made Nero worthy of death’. He was instrumen-
tal in the suppression of the Pisonian conspiracy (4. 15.58.3, 15.72.1, Suet.
Ner. 15.2), but after Nero's death he was forced from office by Nymphidius
Sabinus (5.1n.). parentibus...pueritia...senecta: abl. of qual-
ity. The negative colouring of the associated adj. makes a striking back-
ground for the high offices mentioned next. foeda pueritia: he was
exiled in 39 for adultery with the frinceps' sister Agrippina (Dio 59.23.9).
Various other allegations survive in a scholium to Juvenal 1.155 (see PIR?).
For his tmpudica senecta see below. praefecturam .. . uitiis adeptus:
at A. 14.51.2 Tigellinus’ uetus impudicitia and infamia moved Nero to appoint
him praetorian praefect (similarly Dio 62.13.3); cf. 14.57.1 malas artes quibus
solts pollebat, 15.50.3 per saeuitiam impudicitiamque Tigellinus in animo prinais
anteibat. alia praemia uirtutum: c.g. influence (A. 14.48.1), legacies
(4. 16.17.5, 16.19.3), horti (A. 15.40.2). quia uelocius erat: for the
scorn cf. A. 16.17.3 acquirendae potentiae breurus iter credebat per procurationes.
crudelitatem: he is the very type of cruelty for Juvenal (1.155—7), a man
liable to punish criticism with burning at the stake; cf. A. 15.58.3 Tigellimi
 COMMENTARY: 72.1-72.2 247

saeuas percunctationes, 15.61.2; Dio associates him with the torture of Epicharis
(62.27.3, for which see A. 15.57.1—2), T. with the torture of a freedman
(A. 16.20.2). auaritiam: less prominent in T/s portrait, but perhaps
hinted at 4. 16.14.3. Dio reports bribes extracted by Tigellinus for protec-
tion from Nero: 62.28.4, 63.21.2; cf. 71.2 haud dubie seruauerat. uirilia
scelera: the qualities of the manly control (uirile seruitium) exercised by
Agrippina include seuentas, superbia, impudicitia, and cuprdo aun tmmensa (ÀA.
12.7.3). Cf. also Sal. Cat. 24.1 on Sempronia: multa saepe uinlis audaciae fa-
cinora commiserat. corrupto ad omne facinus Nerone: in public
opinion, according to Plutarch (G. 17.2), Tigellinus was ‘the tyrant’s tu-
tor and trainer'. T. illustrates the relationship at 4. 14.57—9 (introduced
by ualidiorque in dies Tigellinus et malas artes, quibus solis pollebat, gratiores ratus
$t principem societate scelerum obstringeret, metus eius rtmatur), where Tigellinus is
indirectly responsible for the deaths of two eminent men; see also above
on Ofonius Tigellinus. He was directly responsible for the party described at
length (ut exemplum) at A. 15.37.1—4. And at A. 15.61.2 he and Poppaea are
named saeutenti principi intimum consiltorum. quaedam ignaro ausus:
Tigellinus inflames Nero against nvals for his own influence (4. 15.50.3,
16.18.3). Perhaps also meant are the bribes he extracted for protection from
Nero (sce above on auaritia). desertor ac proditor: cf. Plut. G. 17.3
‘betrayed and forsook him’. The details are not known, though betrayal is
also mentioned at Jos. B 4.492. The reproach is a standard one: 2.44.1,
A. 2.10.1 (with Heubner ad loc.). flagitauere: sc. 12, the antecedent of
quibus. . . et quibus.
72.2 Titi Vini potentia defensus: sc. est. See above on impetrato
Tigellim exitw. Plutarch gives more circumstantial detail: G. 17.5 ‘Tigellinus
celebrated his safety with sacrifices and prepared a splendid feast, and
Vinius, rising from beside the emperor after dinner, went to a drinking bout
at Tigellinus' house, taking along his marriageable daughter.' Tigellinus
gave her gifts of money and jewellery. seruatam ab eo filiam: no
details are known. For Crispina see 13.2n. haud dubie seruauerat:
haud dubie signals Ts deviation from the tradition preserved by Plutarch
(G. 17.2), namely, that Tigellinus *won over Vinius with large bribes'.
l.s version prompts a general reflection on corruption in high places
(quia. . . impunitatis). quippe tot interfectis: 72.1n. Ofonius Tigellinus.
For the construction see 32.1n. quippe...postulatunis. effugium in
futurum: sc. erat; for the uanatio with a causal abl. (clementia) cf. 12.3n.
odium. cura: sc. erat. uices 'reciprocal exchange' OLD 4a-b.
 248 COMMENTARY: 72.3-73

22.3 recemti Tid Vini inuidia: 7.in, 12.3. concur-

rere...strepere: historic inf. ubi plurima uulgi licentia: 32.1n.
m ctrco aut theatro; cf. Plin. .Nat. 34.62 tanta populi Romam contumacia fuit ut
theatri clamonibus reponi apoxyomenon (a statue) flaguauent. in circum ac
theatra ...donec: locations and conjunction match those of Plutarch's
Galba episode (see above on tmpetrato . . . exilto): G. 17.4 'in all the theatres and
circuses they would not cease demanding him until they were quelled by
an edict of the emperor’; for the location cf. 4.3 plebs sordida et ctrco ac theatnis
sueta. effusi agrees with the plural sense of populus. Sinuessanas
aquas: Terme di San Ricco, near Mondragone, in Campania. From Plut.
O. 2.3 we learn that Tigellinus had an estate there (Tous Trepi 21véecoav
&y pous) and boats waiting to take him into exile. Claudius went there for
his health (4. 12.66.1); the waters were said to cure barrenness in women
and insanity in men (Plin. .Nat. 31.8). supremae necessitatis: the
phrase encourages comparison with more honourable deaths (3.1 n. supre-
mae . . . necessitates). According to Plutarch 0. 2.3, Otho simply sent a sum-
mons, to which Tigellinus responded by taking his own life (see below on
deformes moras). inter stupra concubinarum et oscula: a more
shocking scenano than that of Plut. O. 2.2, which connects the sex (‘unholy
and unspeakable grovellings with filthy prostitutes. . . ") with Tigellinus' fi-
nal illness, not his suicide (‘. .. for which his unbridled nature panted as he
himself was dying a painful death’). deformes moras: solemn and
vague where Plutarch is matter-of-fact (O. 2.3): Tigellinus tried to bribe the
messenger and, failing this, asked him to wait while he shaved. Whereupon
he cut his throat. sectis nouacula faucibus: without the story of
ligellinus' ruse (sce n. above) these details seem incongruous and, after
the euphemism sufrema necessitas, vulgar. Other deaths by razor are less
graphic: A. 11.3.2 uenas exsoluit, A. 15.69.2 bracchia ferro exsoluunt, A. 16.35.1
porrectis. . . uents. infamem uitam: in Plut. O. 2.2 the assessment of
Tigellinus’ lifestyle — ‘the most extreme punishment and the equivalent
of many deaths’ — is focalized by ‘reasonable men’. exitu sero et
inhonesto: 3.1n. laudatis. . .exitus; cf. 3.84.5 (on Vitellius) deformitas exitus
misericordiam abstulerat.
73 Caluia Crispinilla: another disreputable adherent of Nero's, not
mentioned in the Annals or the parallel tradition here, but part of Nero's
train on the trip to Greece, with his ‘wife’ Sporus her particular charge
(D10 63.12; PIR? c 363). On the source see Townend (1964) 353. uariis
frustrationibus replays, in abstract terms (cf. 3.9.2 per uarias moras), Otho's
 COMMENTARY: 73-74.1 249

rescue of Celsus (45.2). No details are known. aduersa...fama

‘with harm to the reputation'; abl. of attendant circumstances (NLS
043.51). Clodium Macrum: 7;.1n. Jfamem...molita: cf.
Stat. 7heb. 4.11 Argiuisque sitim Bacchus molitur. Vespasian had the same idea
in Alexandria: 3.48.3 ut. . . urbem. . . fame urgeret. 'Threats to the grain supply
caused instant consternation in Rome (see, e.g., 4.38.2). According to Jose-
phus, Africa fed Rome eight months of the year, Alexandria four (B 2.383,
386). Crispinilla's subsequent popularity shows the inability of the populace
(tottus. . . ciuitatis!) to attend to its own most crucial interests. consulari
matrimonio: her husband is not known. No name is necessary for con-
veying the shocking (to T.) fact that a consular, any consular, married such a
woman. potens pecunia et orbitate: capíatio 'inheritance-hunting'
figures prominently in social criticism of the imperial period. In T.: G.
20.3 nec ulla orbitatis pretia, D. 6.2 orbitati .. . dari, A. 3.25.1 praeualida orbitate,
13.19.2 ne ofibus et orbitate. . . poteretur, 33.42..4 testamenta et orbos. . . cafn, 13.52.2
ualuit . . . pecuniosa. orbitate et senecta, 14.40.1 orbitate et pecunia insidus obnoxius.
See Champlin (1991) 87-102 with his App. 4 and Muecke (1993) on Hor.
Sat. 2.5.
74.1 crebrae...epistulae: in Plut. O. 4.2—3 Otho’s overtures follow
news of Illyricum's support (76.1 in T.), but cf. Murison (1999) 61 *Tacitus...
in placing this item soon after Otho's accession will have applied a common-
sense corrective.' When Civilis and Classicus make overtures to Cerealis
on sharing power in the impenum Galliarum (4.75.1) he does not reply, in fact
he imprisons the messenger. muliebribus blandimentis: 22.1n.
mollis. infectae: for the metaphor see 4.1n. quid. . . aegrum. pecu-
niam et gratiam et quemcumgque quietis locum prodigae uitae
legisset: cf. Plut. O. 4.2 'alarge sum of money and a city in which he might
spend an casy and enjoyable life in peace’. The other sources report other
offers: Suet. O. 8.1 consortem imperit generumque se Vitellio obtulit, Dio 64.10.1
‘Joint rule’. quietis locum: one branch of M's descendants offers
locum, the other /octs, which Heubner adopts with a further slight change
(e quietis locis). primo mollius: cf. Plut. O. 4.3 ‘feigning calm at first',
describing Vitellius' response. stulta utrimque et indecora si-
mulatione: T. applies Plutarch's 'feigning' (kareipoveuónevos) to both and
editonalizes. quasi rixantes: anothcer insertion, making the point
that this was not a quarrel, but a conflict on which depended the fates of
many. For the implicit antithesis cf. D. 26.4 non pugnat sed nxatur. stupra
ac flagitia . . . obiectauere: cf. Plut. O. 4.5 'But thereafter in anger they
250 COMMENTARY: 74.1-75.1

wrote abusing one another with many shameful insults.' Plutarch mentions
extravagance, effeminacy, lack of military experience, and debt. Their sub-
ordinates were also exchanging letters (2.30.2). inuicem 'reciprocally'
OLD 3. neuter falso: wonderfully brief; cf. Plut. O. 4.3 ‘not falsely,
but foolishly and ridiculously, seeing that one was insulüng the other with
reproaches that fit both'. For public opinion on the two see 50.1 and
50.3.
74.2 quos Galba miserat: 19.2n. rursus . . . misit: cf. Suet.
O. 8.1 auctor senatur fuit mittendae legationis, quae doceret electum 1am principem,
quietem concordiamque suaderet. 'T. doesn’t specify the mission of either dep-
utation (neither accomplished anything) but rather the self-interested
behaviour of the senators involved (19.2 ambitu.. . . metus. . . spes, 74.2 promp-
tius). legionem Italicam: 59.2n. quae Lugduni agebant: in
addition to the legwo ltalica, the ala Taunana (59.2n.) and an urban cohort
(64.3n.). specie senatus: Otho made the most of the legitimacy con-
ferred by the senate on his principate (see 47.1, 84.3). For the thought cf.
70.2 erat grande momentum in . . . praetexto senatus. promptius quam ut:
65.1n. crebnus . . . ut. If the defection of these senators increased Vitellius' au-
thority, or detracted from Otho's, no one mentions it. simulationem
officii: "Their real purpose was to watch the behaviour of the senators,
but still more to make contact with the Vitellian legionaries' (Chilver
ad loc.). Otho also deputes praetorians to watch their own commanders
(87 .1). antequam legionibus miscerentur: on the dangers of
‘mixing’ see 32.1n. mixtis, and cf. 9.2n. nec uitiis nec umbus miscebantur. 'The
ease of spreading disloyalty is illustrated at 25.1, 54.1—3.
74.3 addidit...Fabius Valens: this detail suggests that the
deputation, qua deputation, got no further than Valens, who sent the prae-
torians back to Rome (letters in hand), the senators on to Vitellius; see
Fabia (1913). epistulas: for letters, again nomtne Germania exeratus, to
the Pannonian legions cf. 67.2. Vespasian wrote in his own name, to great
effect (3.3, cf. 2.86.4). tanto ante traditum: Vitellius was acclaimed
on 2 and 3 January (57.1nn.), Otho on the 15th; the exaggeration conveys
Valens’ tone.
75.1 promissis . .. ac minis: exemplified (in reverse order) in the ut-
clause. neque 'but...not' OLD 5. mutata: sc. est. missi:
SC. sunt. Vitellianis impune: they were undetected, but not
unsuspected (85.2). per tantam hominum multitudinem mu-
tua ignorantia fallentibus: cf. A. 4.74.4 quippe Romae . . . magnitudine urbis
incertum quod quisque negotium pergat, in a similar geographical antithesis.
 COMMENTARY: 75.2-76.2 251

75.2 ipsi filioque eius: L. Salvius Otho Titianus was Otho's older
brother, cos. 52, frater Árualis by 58, procos. Asiae 65 with Agricola as his
quaestor (Agr. 6.2 proconsul ad omnen auutatem pronus; PIR s 111). He was cos. 11
with his brother from 26 January; Otho entrusted to him first Rome (90.3)
then the military campaign (2.23.5, 2.33.3, 2.39.1). He won little credit
thereby, and was pardoned by Vitellius: 2.60.2 pretate et tgnauia excusatus. His
son, L. Salvius Otho Cocceianus, whom Otho thought of adopting (Plut.
O. 16.2), was with Otho at Brixellum (2.48.2) and survived until the reign
of Domitian, when he was executed for celebrating his uncle's birthday
(Suet. Dom. 10.3). mater ac liberi: Vitellius' mother, Sextilia, gets
a fine cameo at 2.64.2. His children remained safe under Otho (2.47.2,
2.38.2), but the son who was hailed as 'Germanicus' (2.59.3 tnfantt filto,
3.67.2 paruulus filius) was killed on Mucianus' orders (4.80.1; cf. Suet. Vit.
18.1, Dio 65.22). For his daughter (cf. 59.2n. Valenus Asiaticus) Vespasian
eventually arranged a marriage (Suet. Ves. 14.1). His first son predeceased
him (Suet. Vit. 6.1). stetit ‘continued to exist’ OLD 17. incertum
an metu: the expected alternative an clementia 1s expressed instead by an
independent sentence; cf. 23.1n.
76.1 primus .. . secutae: Otho's supporters are more numerous, but
also more distant than Vitellius’ (59.2, 70.1), and none contributed maten-
ally, such was the speed with which the campaign was concluded. fidu-
ciam: similar news produced superbia and socordia in Vitelhus (2.73). ex
Illyrico nuntius: for the Danube garrison see 9.2n. excitae. . . legiones. On
their support for Otho see 2.11.1. On the late arrival at Bedriacum of a
large portion of the force see Murison (1993) 96-9. allatum: sc. est.
Cluuius Rufus: 8.1n. conuersam: sc. e5se. Aquitania, lying
between the Loire and the Pyrenees, was an ungarrisoned province. It
was not involved in any of the incidents of Gallic unrest described in .,
which centred on the Rhine and the legions based there (cf. 51.3, 54.1,
57.2, etc.). Its initial declaration for Otho in the face of the German armies'
prior proclamation of Vitellius was brave, but futile. Iulio Cordo: not
mentioned elsewhere. in uerba Othonis obstricta: for other oath
formulas see 36.2n. praeire sacramentum, 36.3 sacramentum eius accepit, 55.1n.
adactae, 76.2. For obstringere 'bind' (OLD 4), cf. 54.3 obstringuntur . . . legwnes.
nusquam...amor: sc. erat; for the uaniatio see 12.3n. odium. muta-
bantur: sc. prouinciae. For the theme see 11.2—3. facili transitu: for
authorial comment in an abl. abs. appendix see Intro. $14.
76.2 longinquae prouinciae et quicquid...mari dirimitur:
the relative clause restates the subject; cf. 85.3 in clamore. .. et ubi. The
252 COMMENTARY: 76.2-76.3

military potential of the area is reviewed (in calculating Vespasian's re-

sources) at 2.6.2. For other phrases referring to this general area see A.
2.43.1 prouinciae quae man diuiduntur with Goodyear (1981) ad loc.; docu-
ments use fransmannae prouinciae ( Tab. Suar. fr. 1 15, SCPP 31). grande
momentum: 59.1n. grande momentum sociae aul aduersae; for the uanatio cf.
12.3n. odium. praetexto senatus: 74.2n. specie senatus; for the phrase
see 19.2n. mawre. .. laturus and cf. Sen. Ep. 71.9 illud pulcherrimum rei pub-
licae praetextum, optimales. prior auditus: sc. Otho; cf. Liv. 6.2.9 tan-
tum Camillus auditus imperator terrons intulerat. Iudaicum exercitum
Vespasianus: 10.3nn. Syriae legiones: 10.1n. Mucianus:
IO.1 —2nn. sacramento Othonis adegere: reported with more con-
text at 2.6.1 sacramentum Othonis acceperat uterque exercitus, permcibus, ut assolet,
nuntus et tarda mole ciuilis belli, quod longa concordia quietus Oriens tum primum para-
bat. tenebantur: cf. 3.12.1 quae proutnciae Vespasiano tenebantur, obüinere
(cf. 79.5 Moesiam obtinens) is the more usual term.
70.3 idem Africae obsequium: sc. erat; three words for the main
clause, thirty-five for the appendix. obsequium 'allegiance' OLD 3;
cf. G. 29.2 est in eodem obsequio et Mattiacorum gens, Plin. Ep. 10.17b.1 prouinciam
mtrauz quam in eo obsequio, in ea erga te fide quam... merens inuen. ini-
. . festinauit: cf. 2.79.1 initum ferendi ad Vespasianum impeni Alexandriae
coeþtum, festinante Tiberio Alexandro. initio Carthagine orto: founded
by Julius Caesar and reorganized by Augustus, Colonia Julia Karthago
was the chief city of Roman Africa, well on its way at this point to be-
coming the second great city of the West (after Rome; see Rives (1995)
22—7). It was the scat of the governor of Africa Proconsularis (a post held
earlier by Galba, Vitellius, and Vespasian, but not Otho) and of the provin-
cial administration; for the province's military complement see 7.1n. Clodr
Macn. neque exspectata. . . auctoritate: both the failure to follow
the governor's lead and the initiative taken by an imperial freedman illust-
rate the civil war's disrupting effect on established hierarchies. — Vipstani
Aproniani: cos. 59 (A. 14.1.1), frater Árualis from 57 until his death in 86;
PIR v 465. Crescens: only here, but for a possible reference to his
later career see PIR? c 1576. nam et hi. .. partem se rei publicae
faciunt: for another freedman playing a public role see on Moschus in
87.2n. Timmutatus]. As in Book 1, so elsewhere T.’s references to freedmen
in public service incorporate gratuitous insults: 3.12.3: ts quoque tnter duces
habebatur, 5.9.3 us regium seruili ingento exercuit, A. 12.60.4 cum Claudius libertos,
quos rei familian praefecerat, sibique et legibus adaequauent, 13.2.2 Pallas . .. modum
 COMMENTARY: 76.3-77.1 253

liberti egressus, 14.39.2 dux et exercitus . . . seruitüis oboedirent; cf. T.’s admiration
for the absence of publicly active /ibert in Germany: G. 25.2 liberti non mul-
tum supra seruos sunt, raro aliquod momentum tn domo, numquam in ciutlate. Pliny
expresses the same outrage at great length in Ep. 8.6 and 7.29. Aubrion
(1991) 2632 points out that no frecdman gets an obituary from T., not even
prominent oncs such as Pallas (Pliny's béte noire) and Narcissus. epu-
lum plebi: public dinners are a widely attested form of benefaction both
in Romce and throughout the empire (see 7LL s.v. 706.78—707.56; for a
recent discussion see D'Arms (1998)); for a freedman host outside of Rome
we have Petronius' fictional Trimalchio, who both gave a dinner to the pop-
ulace (presumably of *Puteoli) and advertised his generosity on his tomb
(Sat. 71.9, cf. Sat. 45.10). populus pleraque...festinauit commu-
nicatcs manner, not content, as at 7.3 festinantes. Content can be surmised
from other 'declaration of allegiance’ scenes (flattering speeches: 2.80.2 in
adulationem effusos, deposition of statues: 3.7.2 Galbae imagines discordia tempo-
rum subuersas in omnibus municipus) but T.’s expression pronounces it unim-
portant. ciuitates secutae: sc. sunt. For the cities of Roman Africa
scc CAH? x1539 43.
77.1 principatus fortunam: 10.3n. post fortunam, 52.3n. uenienti
Fortunae. Otho ut in multa pace munia imperii obibat: for at
least a month and a half. The movement order to troops was not sent
out until the first week of March (Murison (1993) 95-100). One possibly
fatal omission was Otho's neglect of Antonius Primus, bello non spernendus
(2.86.2). Vitellius showed similar obliviousness, but worse behaviour: 2.73
ipse exercitusque, ut nullo aemulo, saeuitia libidine raptu in externos mores proruperant.
For the antithesis between princeps and rival cf. 2.87.1 dum haec per prouin-
cias a Vespasiano. . . geruntur, Vitellius contemptior in dies segniorque. . . graui urbem
agmine petebat. munia imperii: the measures T. reports in chh. 77-8
(consulships, priesthoods, civil status, municipal affairs, provincial admin-
istration, honorific displays) affected the civilian population of the empire
starting with the eminent (consuls) and ending with the plebs, with various
provincial groups between; none was important in the fight with Vitellius.
For generosity to military men see 79.5nn. Plutarch and Suetonius have
scattered reports of items mentioned here (see nn.); Dio's report is brief but
comprehensive: 64.8.2 ‘As for the senators, he remitted sentences against
some and granted various other favours to others; he went regularly to
theatres courting the populace; he gave citizenship to foreigners and an-
nounced many other measures.’ quaedam introduces an appendix to
254 COMMENTARY: 77.1-77.3

a period shaped by the Vitellio . . . Otho antithesis. The appendix has the same
antithetical structure (quaedam . . . pleraque), and is followed by an appendix
of its own, ex praesenti usu properando. quaedam and pleraque are in apposition
to muma, but the second appendix, an explanation of contra decus, requires
reinterpretation of pleraque as object of properando: *hurrying on (sc. pleraque)
out of present need'; for the shift cf. 85.3n. uulgaribus conuiciis. Some edi-
tors (Chilver, Hellegouarc'h) take both quaedam and pleraque as objects of
properando. Pliny employs the same antithesis between the dignified and the
expedient: Pan. 75.3 cum ex utilitate tum ex dignitate publica fuit. ex dig-
nitate...contra decus: where T. gives his own verdict here and below
(78.1 largitione, cf. 78.2:nter quae. . . excusata), Plutarch reports a contempo-
rary reaction (O. 1.3, quoted below on recolutit). properando: cf. 23.1
appellando and inserendo.
77.2 consul...ipse: for the consulships of 69 see Townend (1962)
and Chilver’s summary ad loc. At Plut. O. 1.2—3 the consular designations
(and priesthoods of 77.3) come between the pardon of Celsus and the
death of Tigellinus and the only name given is that of Verginius. in
kalendas Martias ‘up to the first of March’; see Townend (1962)
122. Verginio: 8.2nn. exercitui. . .delenimentam: 22.2n.
Othoni . . . comes. Pompeius Vopiscus: only here, and in office for a
single month (March). Viennensium: 59.2n. Valenus Asiaticus, 65.1n.,
66.1. honori datum: sc. esse consulatum. Caelio ac Flauio
Sabinis: Cn. Arulenus Caelius Sabinus (PIR* A 1194) and T. Flavius Sabi-
nus (PIR* r 354), thelatter being the son of Otho's urban prefect (46.1 n.) and
nephew of Vespasian. They were consuls for April and May, i.e. during the
transition from Otho's principate to Vitellius'. The former, who survived
to become a distinguished juriconsult under Vespasian, is not mentioned
again in the extant books. The latter takes command of Othonian troops at
2.36.2, surrenders them at 2.51, and survives to hold a second consulship in
72. Two sons fall vicam to Domitian (2.3n. nobilitas); see further Townend
(1961), Gilmartin Wallace (1987), B. W. Jones (1992) 44-38. Arrio An-
tonino: not mentioned again by T., but he, like the other men mentioned
here, was prominent during the Flavian period. Antoninus was governor
of Asia, consul a second time (perhaps in 97), and friend of Nerva (PIR? A
1084). Pliny addresses three very complimentary letters to him (4.3, 4.18,
5.15); they exchanged poems. He 1s one of the potential eye-witness sources
for Tacitus (Intro. §17).
77-3 sed. .. recoluit: more detailed and more Roman in sensibil-
ity (esp. auitts ac paternis sacerdotus) than Plut. O. 1.3 ‘He honoured with
 COMMENTARY: 77.3-78.1 255

priesthoods those who were preeminent in age or reputation.' pon-

tificatus auguratusque: there were sixteen pontifices and sixteen au-
gurs; no Othonian appointment is known. cumulum dignitatis:
cumulus ‘pinnacle’ (OLD 4), in apposition to pontificatus auguratusque. ‘When
magistracies no longer gave real power, priesthoods began to be regarded
as higher distinctions' (Alford ad loc.), but perhaps not by T.: Agr. 44.3
et consulan ac tnumphalibus ornamentis praedito (sc. Agncolae) quid alwd astruere
fortuna poterat? recens: adv. (OLD recens?) with reuersos. recoluit
'renewed a show of respect for' OLD 3; cf. 3.7.2 Galbae imagines. . . in omnibus
municipus recoli iussit, A. 3.72.1. Lefndus . . . auitum decus recoluit. According to
Plutarch, Otho's overtures were successful: O. 1.3 'Wherefore the citizens
of highest birth and greatest influence . .. became more cheerful in their
hopes for a government which wore a face so smiling' (fyyepovíav @woTrep
drapeididoav). redditus . . . senatorius locus: sc. est. Similarly for
Antonius Primus under Galba (2.86.1). Early in Vespasian's reign, how-
ever, Mucianus either denies or, probably (redegit), cancels the restoration
of two other former senators (4.44.2). (But see on matestatem below.) T.'s dis-
like of interference with the verdicts of the senatorial court (and of the pres-
encc of former convicts on the senatorial benches beside him) is clear. See
further Talbert (1984) 27 —9. ceciderant ‘they had been condemned’
OLD 11b; for Cadius Rufus sce A. 12.22.3 (A.D. 49), for Pedius Blaesus
14.18.1 (A.D. 59). The third name is garbled in the manuscripts of T. and no
other source mentions any of the three. Those convicted of extortion were
infames, ineligible to participate in public life. ignoscentibus: fellow
senators. maiestatem: shorthand for crimen laesae maiestatis (OLD 3).
Part of T.'s point here is that anybody on trial for maiestas, a charge nearly
impossible to escape (cf. A. 1.74.3 ineutitabile crimen) for guilty and innocent
alike, was taken to be innocent, regardless of other crimes he (or she) may
have been charged with (c.g. A. 3.38.1, 4.19.4). The other part, however, is
that matestas was not the charge against the two identifiable senators here.
According to Dio, Vespasian did cancel matestas verdicts issued under Nero
and his successors, restoring citizen status to living and dead victims alike
(66.9.1 with Murison (1999) ad loc. and Henrichs (1968) 74—5 for precedents).
78.1 prouinciarum animos: cf. 4.1 habitus proumcarum . (with
8.1n. hic... habitus animorum fuit), 2.4.2 suspensis — proutnciarum. ..
mentibus. Otho's overtures reach civilian communities from Spain to
Cappadocia. Hispalensibus... dedit: none of his measures in
the west outweighed the Vitellian advantages of proximity and brutality,
and none is mentioned by any other source. Hispalensibus et
256 COMMENTARY: 78.1-78.2

Emeritensibus: Hispalis (mod. Seville) and Emerita Augusta (mod.

Merida) were presumably known to Otho from his eight years in
Lusitania (based in Emerita): 13.3n. in proutnciam Lusitaniam. New settlers
meant revenue from land not previously cultivated (4. 13.31.2 coloniae
Capua atque Nucena additis ueteranis firmatae sunt, cf. 14.27.2 and Liv. 43.
17 .1). Lingonibus: 53.3n. 7reueri ac. Lingones. For their initiative in
spreading their dislike of Galba to the German army see 54.1. By 57.2 they
had declared for Vitellius. For other Othonian measures addressed to those
in the Vitellian sphere cf. 77.2 exercitut Germanico delentmentum and. Viennensium
honori. On the text see Chilver ad loc. ciuitatem Romanam: 8.1n.
recenhi. . . ciuitatis. prouinciae Baeticae Maurorum ciuitates
dono dedit: presumably another revenue-increasing measure. The gift
took these peoples out of the hands of the provincial procurator. It is
unclear whether it contributed to contemporary turbulence (11.2n. duae
Mauretamae). noua iura: none known. Cappadocia experienced
further rearrangement under Vespasian: see 2.81.2 and Suet. Ves. 8.4 with
B. W. Jones (2000) ad loc. ostentata magis quam mansura: cf. 4.
6.37.2 tnifia. . . secunda neque diuturna. For the emendation (Ernesti's) of M's
ostenta see 52.2n. ut Vitellus.
28.2 statuas Poppaeae: 13.3n. Her statues had already been top-
pled and restored once (4. 14.61.1); they presumably went down again
after Nero’s death. per senatus consultum: for a similarly hon-
orific s.c. see 4.40.2. creditus est...agitauisse: the reticence of
creditus est is striking since both Plutarch and Suetonius offer evidence of
Othonian initiative in aligning himself with Nero. From Suetonius we learn
that Otho reappointed Neronian procurators and freedmen and financed
further construction on Nero's domus aurea (O. 7.1; the former also in Dio
64.8.3 along with an Othonian liaison with Nero's deliciae Sporus). In a
later passage Suetonius mentions Otho's intended marriage with Nero's
last wife, Statilia Messalina (O. 10.2). Cf. Plut. O. 3.2 'Cluvius Rufus tells us
that documents . . were sent to Spain in which “Nero” was added to the
name “Otho,”’ a report that agrees, at least in part, with Suet. O. 7.1 ut
quidam tradiderunt, etiam diplomatidis et primis eprstulss suis ad quosdam prouncia-
rum praesides Neronis cognomen adiecit. 'The two also agree that Otho eventually
stopped this practice. (The epitome of Dio has only a simple notice: 64.8.2'
*he immediately added Nero's name to his own’.) T. may be reserving the
‘honouring Nero’ theme for Vitellius (2.95.1). More interesting is the pos-
sibility that he is omitting this material for the sake of his characterization
 COMMENTARY: 78.2-79.1 257

of Otho: alignment with Nero is not part of Otho's 'platform' in his initial
bid for power (36; for his actual connections with Nero see 13.2n. M.
Othone, 13.3n. conscium libidinum; for their similarities 13.4n. ut similem), the
re-erection of Poppaea's statues is presented as evidence of Otho's love for
her (13.3n. suspectum) rather than, say, as part of a general revival of things
Neronian, and, more generally, T. takes pains to show in Otho qualities
of character absent from his Nero (e.g. 22.1 non erat Othonis mollis et corpori
similis animus and 71.1 non... torpescere, but especially in the story of Otho's
end). The connections T. does report involve no Othonian initiative (fuere
qui... populus et miles). Other scholars maintain that T.’s omissions reflect
his source here (Chilver ad loc., also Townend (1960) 102-3, 106—7 and
(1964) 371 n. 79). spe uulgum alliciendi: for the populace's plea-
sure in remembrances of Nero cf. 2.95.1 and on quibusdam. . . acclamauit
below. imagines Neronis proponerent: similarly in the parallel
tradition (Plut. O. 3.1, Suet. O. 7.1; cf. Suet. Ner. 57 non defuerunt qui . . . imagines
praetextatas in rostnis proferrent). Galba himself restored the statues of mem-
bers of the imperial family murdered by Nero (Dio 64.3.4c). For more
on impenal imagines see 40.2n. scelus . . . successit. quibusdam diebus
populus et miles . . . Neroni Othoni acclamauit: also reported, with
small variations, in the parallel tradition (Plut. O. 3.1 ‘to give pleasure to the
multitude he did not at first refuse to be hailed in the theatres as Nero’, Suet.
O. 7.1 ab infima plebe appellatus .Nero nullum indicium recusantis dedit) but only
T. has the sarcastic tamquam. . . astruerent. nobilitatem ac decus as-
truerent: for astruere ‘heap on’ (OLD 2) cf. Agr. 44.3 consulan . . . quid ahud
astruere fortuna poterat? Plin. Pan. 46.8 omnibus . . . hanc astruis laudem. in
suspenso tenuit ‘he kept [the matter] undecided’; cf. Plin. Ep. 10.31.4
rem lotam dum te consulerem in suspenso reliqui; the shght ambiguity arising from
the omission of the object of tenuit (rem or se?) is resolved by uel: if Otho were
himself in suspenso (OLD 2) one would expect him to feel both fear and shame.
uetandi metu uel agnoscendi pudore: the suggestion of pusillanim-
ity is absent from Plutarch's account, according to which Otho did not at
first refuse the appellation *Nero' (which suggests that he did refuse it even-
tually, and that Otho ceased producing courier-passes under the name
‘Nero Otho’ when it became clear that the practice offended important
men (O. 3.1—2).
79.1 ciuile bellum...externa: the connection between internal
and external affairs is cited again after the Flavian victory to show the
empire's gradual return to health: 4.72.2 paruere (sc. milites) posito ciuium
258 COMMENTARY: 79.1-79.3

bello ad externa modestires. externa sine cura habebantur intro-

duces the theme of the threat to empire from civil war, which is further
developed at 3.46.1—3 (on another incursion across the Danube) and, at
great length, in Books 4 and 5 on Civilis. No other source reports the
incidents of this chapter, which, in addition to illustraung Otho's reign,
give scope to T. the ethnographer. caesis . . . cohortibus: the forts
of these auxiliary troops would have been closer to the enemy than the
legionary fortresses were (see the maps in Webster (1gg8), ch. 2 ‘Frontier
Systems’, esp. p. 60). Sarmatica gens: 2.1n. Moesiam irru-
perant: the province held, besides its auxiliary troops (cf. cohortibus above
and auxilits below), whose number is unknown, three legions (11 Gallica, vi1
Clauda, vin Augusta; roughly 15,000 men), only one of which fought the
invaders. ex ferocia et successu: 51.1n. ferox . . exeratus; cf. 3.77.4
miles secundis . . . ferox, 4.19.1 1ntumuere . . . suberbia ferociaque, 4.28.3 successu re-
rum ferocior Ciuilis. incuriosos: 13.3n. tertia legio: 11 Gallca, re-
cently arrived in Moesia from Syria (10.1 n. Synam . . . legwnes). Its discipline
(omnia proelio apta, etc.) and success here form the background to its unruly
behaviour after Otho’s death: 2.85.1, Suet. Ves. 6.2 with B. W. Jones (2000)
ad loc.; see also 79.5n. M. Apontus.
79.2 apta: sc. erant. dispersi...graues...adempta equo-
rum pernicitate: for the uariatio cf. 55.1n. rans.. . exspectantes. lu-
brico itinerum: 26.1n. incerta nocts. uincti: for the image cf. Agr.
32.2 clausos quodam modo ac utnctos di uobis tradiderunt, Liv. 28.2.9 ad caedem eos
uelut utnctos praebebant, also Sal. H. fr. 4.67 (on a battle involving catafractt) ce-
teri uicem pecorum obtruncabantur. mirum: sc. est. ignauum: sc. esf.
per turmas ^ (urmatim 'in squadrons (of cavalry)'. obstiterit ‘was
likely to withstand (them)’ OLD 4; the primary sequence potential subj. is
a form of repraesentatio (NLS 8$120; 7.2n. postquam . . . nequiuerint).
79.3 conti. .. gladii: lances being wielded by riders, swords by dis-
mounted men, the slipping horses (see below) disable the confi, the un-
wieldy body armour the gladit. For the distribution of paired terms see
6.1n. alter.. . destruebant. usui: sc. erant. lapsantibus equis et
catafractarum pondere: /apso 'slip' first here in prose; cf. Virg. Aen.
2.551 tn multo lapsantem (sc. Priamum) sanguine. 'The catafractes was a coat of
mail worn by both horse and rider; cf. Sal. H. fr. 4.66 equites catafracts, ferrea
omni specie and 4.65 equts bania operimenta erant, namque linteo ferreas laminas
modum plumae annexuerant. Mailed cavalry was again encountered in Trajan’s
war in Dacia (see panels 26.and 31 of his Column; Webster (1998) pl. 19).
By Hadrian’s time the Romans had their own alae catafractatae (Arr. Tact.
 COMMENTARY: 79.3-79.5 259

4; Eadie (1967), Mielczarek (1993)). For the scene cf. A. 1.65.5 illt (sc. equi)
sanguine suo et lubrico baludum lapsantes excussis rectoribus disicere obutos, proterere 1a-
centes. For the uanatio see 14.1n. stue. . . Lacone instante. id: the antecedent
is calafractes, the gender from tegimen. ut...ita: 4.2n. impene-
trabile: sc. erat. inhabile ad resurgendum: cf. Agr. 36.1 quod (sc.
hand-to-hand fighting) . . . et hostibus inhabile, nam Bntannorum gladiü. . . in arto
pugnam non tolerabant, A. 3.43.2 inferendis ictis inhabiles (sc. crupellari), accipiendis
impenetrabiles, Liv. 24.34.5 telum ad remittendum inhabile imperitis est, also G. 6.1
(of a spear point) ferro. . . acri et ad usum habil. -
79.4 facilis ‘moving easily, OLD 11; for the causal abl. cf. A.
3.8.2 incallidus. . .et facilis tuuenta. assultans ‘attacking’ OLD 2; cf.
A. 12.35.3 wrrupere ferentanus grauisque mles, 1lli telis assultantes, hi conferto
gradu, which employs the eminus/ comminus antithesis used here and (with
similar weapons) at 2.36.1 wuulneratum eminus lancea stnictis gladus inuase-
rant. ubi res posceret: cf. G. 6.1 (on Germans wielding spears)
eodem telo prout ratw poscit uel comminus uel eminus pugnent. In frequentative
clauses T. uses both subj. (as here and at 85.2 attulisset) and ind. (10.2 quo-
tiens expedierat, 36.2 ut. . . aspexerant); see .NLS 8194n. and 195-6. — iner-
mem: i.e. without defensive weapons (OLD 1a). hiemis aut uul-
nerum: for the formal parallel between (singular) abstract and (plural)
concrete nouns cf. 32.1 muxtis seruitus et dissono clamore. absumpti: sc.
sunt.
79.5 compertum: sc. esí. M. Aponius: suffect consul under
Nero (the year not known), frater Arvalis since 57 at the latest (PIR? A 938).
He declared for Vitellius against the inclination of his troops, who favoured
Vespasian (2.60.1, 2.74.1; his fellow governors in Dalmatia and Pannonia,
diuites senes, did likewise: 2.86.3) and, according to T., uscd the conflict be-
tween Vitellius and Otho as a cover for the attempted murder of one of
his own legionary legates, rather tarnishing the military laurels he earned
here (2.85.2 pessimum facinus). He gave Vitellius incomplete information
about the defection in Illyricum (2.96.1) and shortly thereafter went over
to Vespasian. He is issued orders by his inferiors (a legionary legate and a
procurator) at 3.5.1, arrives in the ficld at 3.9.3, fails to control rioting men
at 3.10.3, and is eventually attacked by them (3.11.1). He escaped by hiding
in a bath house (3.11.4). This wealth of (mostly unflattering) detail about
Aponius may be due to Vipstanus Messalla, whom T. quotes at 3.25.2 and
3.28.1, and who took command of vn Claudia after Aponius’ assassina-
tion attempt on its legate (see below on lulianus Tettius). Aponius' story is
like that of Hordeonius Flaccus (g.1n.), only less violent. He survived to
L0V CUMMBLNILIANI . / 3.2

become proconsul Asiae under Vespasian. Moesiam obtinens: cf.

2.85.2 Moesiae rector, 3.11.1 Moesii exeratus legatum. triumphali
statua: on 1 March the Arval Brethren sacrificed ob laurum positam (McC—
W 2.63-7); the connection between laurel and triumphal honours sug-
gests that the occasion was the good news from Moesia (Murison (1993)
125n. 17), which would put its arrival very shortly before the beginning
of Otho's military initiative against Vitellius (77.1n. Otho.. . obibat). On tri-
umphal honours (which T. mentions again at Agr. 40.1, 4.4.2, A. 12.28.2)
see Maxhield (1981) 105-9; T. is always lukewarm about them. Fuluus
Aurelius had been legate of 111 Gallica since at least 64; though replaced
in that post under Vitellius (3.10.1) he survived to serve as consul (twice;
the years are not known) and urban prefect under the Flavians (PIR? A
1510; Syme (1987a) 615-16). Originaung in Nimes, he was the first known
senator in his family; his career illustrates the first part of Otho's maxim
at 84.4 ex uobis (sc. militibus) senatores. Iulianus Tettius: legate of vi
Claudia; he must have been openly pro-Flavian after Otho's death, since the
governor of his province tried to assassinate him under cover of party strife
(2.85.2; see above on M. Aponius). He fled south and skirted the civil war
thereafter. In Moesia he was replaced by his tribune Vipstanus Messalla
(3.9.3). His whereabouts were still unknown on 1 January 70, when de-
sertion of his legion cost him his praetorship (4.39.1). However, when it
was learned that he had made his way to Vespasian the office was re-
stored to him (4.40.2). Julianus became cos. suff. in 83 and fought in
Domitian's Dacian war in 88 (Dio 67.10.1, with Murison (1999) ad loc.;
PIR T 102). Numisius Lupus: legate of vir Augusta, a position he
retained under Vitellius (3.10.1); with his legion he joined the Flavian side
(PIR* N 210). consularibus ornamentüs: these privileges of dress
and precedence in senatorial debate were *of strictly limited value for a
man's advancement. Only tenure of actual magistracies could further his
career' (Talbert (1984) 367); two of the legates here are known to have held
further office. The ornamenta went to all three legionary legates, though
only one legion fought, and to no auxiliary officer (so far as T. reports),
though they were present at the battle. tamquam...auxisset: the
claim is standard (Aug. RG 26.1 omntum prouinciarum populi! Romam. .. fines
auxi, À. 1.31.5 suts uictoriis augeri rem publicam (spoken by the seditious
German army), etc.) but empty when the emperor had as little to. do
with the victory as Otho did here (despite suts... suts). felix bello:
SC. essel.
 COMMENTARY: 80-85 261

80-85 seditio
From success against an external enemy (ch. 79) T. turns to rioting in Rome.
The chain of command in the praetorian guard, already undermined by
the soldiers' distrust of their officers and by a general lawlessness (both
amply illustrated in the narrative of Otho's coup), collapses after a tribune's
miscalculation. When a nighttime opening of the arsenal arouses suspicion,
soldiers take up weapons, kill the tribune and two centurions, and rush
through Rome demanding sight of the emperor they had made (ch. 80).
More blood is shed at the Palacc, where a state dinner is in progress. Otho's
guests — senators and their wives - take a hasty and ignominious departure
(ch. 81) and Otho's pleas appease the soldiers for the moment (82.1). The
next day a large bribe, a salutary demonstration of their officers' disgust,
and a speech by Otho restore order, if not calm (82.2—-85.1). Fear is the final
note (85.2—3).
The opening fanfare (80.1 seditto prope urbi excidio fuit) is justified more
by the symptomatic character of this incident, which shows how civil war
saps military discipline, than by its (negligible) effect on subsequent events;
see Intro. §5. The riot is mentioned more briefly and with some differences
of historical detail in the parallel tradition (Plut. O. 3.2-8, Suet. O. 8.2,
Dio 64.9.2-3); for analysis of the strategy and timing of events see Murison
(1993) 120—30. Like T., Dio maintains that the riot illustrated the ‘danng
and lawlessness’ that Otho's coup had stimulated in the soldiers (64.9.2).
All sources report the killing and wounding of officers, but T. supplies small
corroborating dctails as well: at the outscet he shows a praetorian tribune
deliberating on how to accomplish a simple task without interference from
his men (80.r), at the end he has tribunes and centurions - career soldiers
- demand discharge (82.3). Suetonius (whose account is the briefest and
least satisfactory) says that the riot showed Otho the praetorians’ animum
fidemque erga se (O. 8.1). Plutarch, too, dramatizes praetorian enthusiasm for
their emperor (80.2n. urbem.. . petunt). 'T. offers instead a varicty of (bad)
motives (80.2). Dio's view that 'affection for Otho' was accepted as an
'explanation' of the event in the aftermath (64.9.3 'they received money
for this, on the grounds that they had acted out of affection for Otho’)
is the most balanced. T. does not allow the soldiers even that inadequate
justification, but throughout insists on their lack of control. The many
connections of language or incident linking this and other episodes are
noted below.
262 COMMENTARY: 80.1

80.1 Paruo interim initio . . . orta seditio: cf. 2.68.1 orta seditvo, ludicro
imitio, introducing a similar event under Vitellius: his soldiers perceive a
threat to their princeps, rush into his dinner party demanding the blood of
his guest, and are restrained with difficulty (2.68.4). Vitellius' response is
as mild as Otho's (2.69.1). unde nihil timebatur 'in an unexpected
quarter' (Fyfe); lit. *whence nothing was feared', dependent on orta, not
paruo. . . tnitio (with which it is otiose); cf. Liv. 6.11.2 seditio, unde mintme timen
potutt, a patriciae gentis uiro. urbi excidio: even limited by prope this seemns
exaggerated next to T.'s account, in which a tribune and two centunions
were killed, two other officers wounded, and a party of eighty senatonal
men and women threatened but not physically harmed (cf. the more limited
expressions of Suet. O. 8.1 faene internecione amplissimi ordinis and Dio 64.9.2
‘they would have killed all the guests...’). But according to Plut. O. 3.5
"The city was in great commotion, expecting to be plundered at once.’
See also 83.2n. tumultus proximi. septimam decimam cohortem
e colonia Ostiensi: Claudius established an urban cohort in Ostia to
fight fires (Suet. Cl. 25.2); for the four city-based cohorts see 4.2n. urbanum
militem, and for a cohort based in Lyon see 64.3n. T. omits the reason for
the summons. This unit may have been intended as a partial replacement
for the city cohorts, which were being sent to delay the Vitelhan advance
(87.1); if so, the change of duty may explain the need for new equipment
(Murison (1993) 125—30). There is still a cohort at Ostia after Otho’s death
(2.63.1). Vario Crispino tribuno e praetorianis: only known
from this incident, in which he was first suspected then killed by his
own men (80.2, Plut. O. 3.4); cf. 36.1n. cauen. . . praepositos. data: sc.
erat. aperto armamentario: the opening of the arsenal at 38.3 ini-
tiated the violence against Galba. affectatio 'a striving after' (OLD 1)
is first attested in V. Max (9.1.3) and most common in Quintlian (fourteen
times); T. also uses it at G. 28.4. In attempting to avoid the attention of his
troops Crispinus repeats a tactical error made by Hordeonius Flaccus, with
similar results (54.2 inde atrox rumor, etc.). eualuit ‘developed into’ OLD
1b, though the connection between the starting points (tempus, causa, affec-
tatw) and results (suspicionem, cnmen, tumultum) is loose. uisa...arma
cupidinem sui mouere: the link between sight and desire is a common-
place, here deployed uncommonly (cf. e.g. Ov. Met. 13.906 utsae. . . cuprdine
usrginis haeret, Fast. 6.119 utsae . . . cuptdine captus); for cufndinem sui ' desire for it-
self" (1.e. in our passage for arma) cf. Sen. E. 119.9 pecunia . . . nulli non mairem
sut cufidinem incussit, Zeno (bishop of Verona, fourth century) 7ract. 2.4.10
 COMMENTARY: 80.1-80.2 263

(Lófstedt (197 1)) caro . . . tn cupidinem sui utrumque sexum . . . inustans. temu-
lentos: 26.1n.
80.2 tribunos centurionesque proditionis arguit: 36.1nn. fn-
bunis aut centurionibus, cauen. . . praepositos; cf. also the execution of centurions
in the German army (56.1, 59.1; 58.2). Later in the year T. reports a similar
incident on a larger scale, when Vitellian legions reverse Caecina's decla-
ration for Vespasian and throw him into chains (3.13-14). familiae
senatorum...armarentur: for soldiers' (misplaced) suspicions about
the senate cf. 2.52.1 infensum Othoni senatum arbitrabantur. Senators are in
fact offered arms on that occasion, but hastily decline them (2.52.2). Still
later they themselves offer to arm their households to help take Rome for
the Flavians, but their offer is declined (3.64—5). pars...cupidum:
though his account emphasizes the show of praetorian loyalty to Otho,
Plutarch, too, mentions these (fairly predictable) motives for mayhem: O.
3.8 ‘a few of them were plotting to no good end' and O. 3.2 'it is uncer-
tain whether...they were using this as a pretext for raising disturbance
and war'. For the (unflattering) list cf. 19.1 multi. . . cura. motus noui:
22.1n. obsequia meliorum nox abstulerat: see Intro. §11. The
form and/or content of this expression suit a variety of contexts, e.g. 3.84.5
(on Vitellius’ death) deformitas exitus misericordiam abstulerat, 4.36.2 (of sedi-
tious soldiers) omnem pudorem nox ademerat, A. 13.15.2 (of a drunken dinner
party at court) dissimulationem nox et lasciuia exemerat; for content cf. Caes. Ciu.
1.67.3 at luce multum per se pudorem omnium oculis, 2.31.7 hutus modi res aut pudore
aut metu tenentur, quibus rebus nox maxime aduersana est. For the form cf. also
Virg. Aen. 6.272 rebus nox abstulit atra colorem. seuerissimos centuri-
onum: Plut. O. 3.4 says two (of seventy-two) were killed. For resentment
of disciplinarian officers cf. 3.7.1, and for centurions as a particular target
cf. A. 1.32.1 (on an attack on centurions by their own men) ea uetustissima
militaribus odits materies et saeutendi principbtum and A. 1.23.3 (on the murder of a
harsh centurion). rapta: sc. sunt. insidentes equis: 40.2n. rapid:
equis. Suetonius says they all ran: O. 8.2 omnes nullo certo duce in Palatium
cucurrerunt. urbem ac Palatium petunt: the praetorian barracks
were outside the walls of Rome (Richardson (1992) 76). By the short-
est route the trip to the Palace would have taken about fifteen minutes
(Murison (1993) 123). Plutarch's version includes a dramatic exhortation
(O. 3.4 'they rode to the Palace saying that now was the moment for
destroying all of Caesar's enemies at once") that depicts a unanimity (in
loyalty at least as a pretext, to Otho) that would not have suited T.’s
264 COMMENTARY: 80.2-82.1

account, which stresses the variety of motivations. petunt is echoed by petiuere

(81.2).
81.1 celebre conuiuium: Plut. O. 3.4 says there were eighty guests.
qui...timebatur: cf. Plut. O. 3.5, which shares much of this mate-
rial and some of its language but presents it in a different order and
with different effect. trepidi fortuitusne . . . foret: for the indirect
question dependent on an ad). see 14.1n. anxius. . . erumperet. simu-
lare...detegi. .. intueri: historic inf. The first is absent from Plutarch’s
version. The others have cquivalents: O. 3.5 *'he saw them (— detegt) with eyes
fastened on him (2 :intueri), speechless and terrified’. cum timeret
Otho, timebatur: cf. Plut. O. 3.5 'fearing ($oBouuevos) for these men
Otho was himscelf fearful ($opepós) to them'. T.’s epigram concludes a
long period, Plutarch's begins one. The antithesis is a common one (see
Heubner).
81.2 discrimine...suo territus: T. adds this nuance, suggesting
that Otho feared his own best supporters. et...iussit: shorter than
Plutarch's version (see App. 1) because T. focuses on ends (mitigandas, abzre),
not means (talking, rousing, doorways). tum uero...petiuere:
where T. has thirty-one words, Plutarch and Suetonius have none. petiuere
sets this surreptitious departure in contrast with the noisy onrush of
the praetorians (80.2 urbem. . . petunt); cf. 82.3n. insignibus. tum uero:
35.1n. proiectis insignibus: including at a minimum the /oga prae-
texta; cf. Suet. ful. 16.1 (of Caesar as praetor) dimtssis lictonbus abiectaque
praetexta domum clam refugit pro condicione temporum quieturus, Curt. g.11.11 (of
Darius at the battle of Issus) insignibus quoque tmperu, ne fugam proderent, in-
decore abiectis. When praetorian officers shed their insignia at 82.3 the scene
is less ignominious but more shocking (see n.). frequentia ‘throng’
OLD 3b; cf. D. 11.3 nec. . . frequentiam salutantium concupisco, Ágr. 40.3 notabilis
celebnitate et frequentia occurentium introitus. ut cuique: sc. erat. incer-
tas latebras 'obscure hiding places', because with the (socially) obscure
(humillimus cliens). For the tactic cf. 3.86.9 per domos clentium semet occultabant
(sc. magistratus senatoresque), for the phrase cf. A. 3.42.3 Florus incertis latebris
uictores frustratus. When young Domitian needed to hide from the Vitellians
he chose first a priest's lodgings and an Isiac disguise, then the house of a
cliens paternus (3.74.1).
82.x foribus...Palatii: the detail connects this scene with 35.1
refractis Palatu foribus. coercitus: sc. est. Iulio Martiale: 28n.
Vitellio Saturnino praefecto legionis: only here. It is odd to find
 COMMENTARY: 82.1-82.2 265

a legionary officer beside a praetorian tribune, but it contributes to T.’s

picture of the peculiar and pernicious mixing of military units in this pe-
riod (38.3nn. sine... distingueretur and. miscentur, 53.3n. paganos, 54.3n. as-
ciscitur auxiltorum. miles). 'T. does not use a standard name for Saturninus’
post, which was probably Praefectus castrorum, a legion's third in command,
'normally a man of fifty or sixty years of age who had risen through the
centurionate to become a primus pilus . . . and who spent his whole life in the
army' (Webster (1998) 113). Nothing is said about the soldiers on guard duty
(38.2n. cohors togata); presumably they joined their fellows. undique:
sc. erant. 'To the brief main clause is added a string of supplementary details
(modo. . . poscentibus) concluded by a temporal clause (donec. . . cohibuit), and
an unexpected but effective second main clause (redieruntque. . . innocentes).
Suetonius conveys less furor (0. 8.2 caedem senatus flagitantes. . .) and more
gore (...51c ul erant cruenti). lymphatis: at its other occurrence in T.
it again describes rioting soldiers: A. 1.32.1 repente lymphati destrictis gla-
dits 1n centuriones inuadunt. destinare: 12.3n. donec...cohibuit:
twelve words where Plutarch uses eighteen (see App. 1), and Plutarch
docs not have the comment contra decus impeni. Suetonius leaves out the
couch and the tears, too: O. 8.2 nec nisi uiso (sc. Othone) destiterunt. inuiti
neque innocentes: the epigram, a moralizing comment absent from the
parallel sources, rounds off the section; cf. 20.2n. gaudium. For the alliter-
ation cf. 6.1 tnauditi atque indefensi tamquam innocentes perierant, 71.2 . integra et
infelix. neque 'but not' OLD 5.
82.2 uelut capta urbe: T. alludes to, but does not much develop, a
standard theme of rhetorical scene-painung (Quint. /nst. 8.67 -7 1). His quiet
scene contrasts with the previous evening’s chaos (and with Quintilian’s very
noisy one: fragor, clamonbus, ploratus, etc.). clausae: sc. sunt (forms of esse
must also be supplied with deect: and plus); cf. A. 2.82.2 sumpto wustitio desereren-
tur fora, clauderentur domus. The front doors of town houses would normally
be open during the day for the reception of clientes. plus tristitiae
quam paenitentiae 'more sulky than sorry' (Fyfe), lit. 'there was more
ill humour (OLD 2) than repentance’; cf. 4.2.3 nemo supplici uultu, sed tristes et
truces, A. 1.24.3 (on mutinous legions) quamquam maestitiam imitarentur contuma-
clae proprores. manipulatim suggests a return of order. allocuti
sunt...horridius: for the carcers of the two prefects see 46.1nn. In the
events that follow Proculus is the more aggressive (87.2 eriminando . . . anteibat,
with 87.2n. plurima fides), Firmus, about whom less is said, the more ingra-
tiating (2.46.2 promptissimo Plotw Firmo), so it is possible that the names and
266 COMMENTARY: 82.2-83.1

descriptors are arranged chiastically, as elsewhere (6.1n. alter. . . destruebant).

But Firmus, as a career soldier, might be expected to have been the harsher
disciplinarian (so Chilver).
82.3 in eo: sc. erat. quina milia nummum: 5,000 HS, twenty
months' pay for an ordinary praetorian (Alston (1994)). Plut. (see below)
gives the same figure. For its size relative to that of other payments at
this time see 5.1n. neque dan donatiuum. tum. ..ausus: sc. est. More
sarcastic than Plut. O. 3.7 'after a gift of 1,250 drachmas to each man
Otho entered the camp’; cf. 66.1 tum. . . ualuit. abiectis militiae in-
signibus: repeating the magistrates’ gesture of the preceding evening
(81.2). T.'s avoidance of specifics (here, e.g. the centurion’s staff (uites), the
service decorations) makes aligning the two passages easier. otium
‘discharge’ OLD 2a. For the officers’ frustration cf. 2.36.2. sensit
inuidiam 'felt the reproach'"; cf. Stat. 7heb. 6.43—4 sensere Pelasgi | inuidiam
et lacrumis excusant crimen obortis.
83.1 quamquam: 5.2n. quamuts. . . ablato. ambitioso imperio
‘power based on solicitation (sc. of the troops’ goodwill)’; cf. 2.12.1 Suedtus
Clemens ambitioso tmpero regebat, ut aduersus modestiam disciplinae corruptus ua
proeliorum. auidus (where the proelia are opportunities for pillage (2.12.2);
cf. per turbas et raptus below). Galba did not hold power on those terms
(17.2n. ambitu; cf. 18.2 nec ullum orationt aut. lenocinium addit aut. prettum), nor
did Augustus (Suet. Aug. 42.1 salubrem magts quam ambitiosum . principem).
V. Max. 2.7.2 (writing de mtlitan disciplina) cites the precedent of Metellus,
who stripped indulgences from his soldiers and proceeded to win victories
against an enemy cutus tergum sub ambitioso tmperatore Romano militi uidere
non contigerat. For Otho's approach see 36.3 omnia seruiliter pro dominatione;
for Galba, Vitellius, and Vespasian see 5.2n. legi. . . emi. non posse
principatum scelere quaesitum subita modestia et prisca
grauitate retineri: echoing Piso (30.1) with a cynical corollary of
Sal. Cat. 2.4 impenum facile us artibus retinetur quibus mitio partum est (cf.
Vell. 2.57.1 semper praedixerant Caesan ut principatum armus quaesitum armus
teneret). prisca grauitate: Otho won't make Galba's mistake of
attempting to impose an old-fashioned virtue (18.3). ita disseruit:
the third speech to praetorians in this book, the second speech by Otho; his
next and last is at 2.47. Its structure is 'ruffle' then 'soothe' (85.1): he scolds
the praetorians for the breach of military discipline (which his own actions
- see chh. 23—6 - have undone), then describes the (very mild) punishment
he intends, and concludes with exaggerated rhetoric about the value of one
 COMMENTARY: 83.1 267

of his party's assets, the senate. The speech that Plutarch summarizes from
this occasion has quite different emphases: O. 3.8 ‘He praised the crowd for
being well-disposed to and supportive of him, but said that some few were
intriguing for no good end, bringing reproach to his moderation and his
supporters' steadiness; he said they ought to share in his anger and join him
in punishing these.' [Instead of strengthening their partnership in crime,
T.'s Otho urges on the praetorians the importance of discipline (sounding
much like Aemilius Paullus: 84.2n. uobts.. . relinquite) and the glory of the
senate (going further even than Cicero on this — 84.4nn. auspicato and
immortalem — and echoing Pompey, who also lost: 84.3nn. ltalae. . . wuentus
and senatus. ..est). By the end of the speech its connection with reality
is tenuous (84.4nn. domibus. . . stare, aeternitas. . . firmatur, ex. . . nascuntur). If
Otho's words ring hollow because of their failure to reflect the inevitable
collapse of discipline and the irrelevance of the senate to a power struggle
based on military might, they exhibit a wealth of stylistic effects. He teases
with a paradoxical beginning, requesting that the soldiers restrain their
affection for him and rein in their courage (83.2; cf. nimia fiwetas), soothes
with euphemisms about the previous day’s riot (83.2 tumultus proximi, 83.4
conslernatione proxima), and dazzles with a choice metaphor at the end (84.3
cutus splendore . . . sordes et obscunttatem . . . praestringimus). Along the way we find
assonance (84.2 fortissimus . . . quielissimus, paucorum .. . duorum), asyndeton
(83.4 centunomis. . . imperatons, 84.3 natwnes . ..imaginem . . . senatus), polypto-
ton (83.3 omnes...omma; 84.1 quem...quas...qud, 84.1 ne...ne...ut), and
two ‘ladders’ (84.1 mules. .. tnbuno, 84.4 ex uobis. .. principes). Contributing
to the rich emptiness of the style are abstract nouns (83.3 ratio, occastonum
uelocitas, auctontas, ngor disciplinae, 84.1 discursu, confusione, 84.4 congestu, aeter-
nitas), synonyms (83.2 temperamentum. . . modum, affectus. . . amorem . . . cantatis,
amimum. . . wirtutuem. . . fortitudinis, 83.3 palam...cunctis praesentibus, 84.1
seditionem. . . discordiam, imprecentur. . . optabunt, 84.3 imperu...omnwum
proumnciarum, splendore. . . glona, — sordes . . . obscuntatem, — alummi. . . iuuentus,
sanguinem. . . caedem, 84.4 parente. .. conditore, continuum et immortalem), and
bland generalizations (83.2 quae multos exercitus in discordiam egere and saepe
honestas rerum causas. . . perniciost exitus consequuntur, 84.2 parendo potwus. .. res
militares continentur and . fortissimus in ipso discrimine. exercitus. . . quietissimus).
Occasional punctuation is provided by short sentences (83.3 tmus ad
bellum, 84.2 paucorum culpa fuit, duorum poena ent), rhetorical questions
(83.4 an et illic...?, unus alterue...?), and invective (84.1 satellitibus, 84.3
Germani). Though empty and even false, the words were grate accepta (85.1).
268 COMMENTARY: 83.1-84.2

For the themes and language of this speech see Keitel (1987) 75—7 and
(1991) 2780-3.
83.2 commilitones: 37 .1n. tumultus proximi: Otho's refer-
ences to the riot convey disorder but ignore casualties; cf. 83.4 conster-
natione proxima, 84.1. discursu. . . tenebris . . . rerum omnium confusione. non
cupiditate uel odio: sc. erat, source abl.; cf. 80.1 faruo...1nitio
(AGG §403.2a, Draeger (1882) 856b) ^ acrius quam conside-
rate: for the uanatio of degree cf. Agr. 4.6 uchementius quam caute; this Tacitean
usage is imitated by Ammianus at 21.16.9 acrius. . . quam ctuiliter. 'T. has (the
more usual) parallel comparatives at 4.40.3 ambitwsius quam honestius.
83.3 ratio rerum: vague, but perhaps equivalent to 3.51.1 ratzo bellt
*the nature of war'. multa etiam centuriones tribunosque tan-
tum iuberi expediat cquates the officers’ access to inside knowledge
with that of the greganus miles, addressing the division between men and
officers that figured so prominently in the riot.
83.4 illic: 1.c. : bello. nocte intempesta ‘in the dead of night'.
neque enim plures...insanisse crediderim: Otho turns a blind
eye to the (large) numbers involved and to the praetorians' motives, despite
his awareness of the role greed and a general taste for mayhem played in
the riot (83.1). Galba and Vitellius also display wilful blindness, but less
blatantly: 7.2n. an.. . scrutaretur, 49.3n. amicorum . . . ignarus.
84.1 pro me: sc. fecistis; cf. 36.3n. omnta. . . dominatione, 89.2n. quod raro
alias. satellitibus signals invective: 4.50.3 satellitem uocabat, 4.58.5 (a
Roman general to troops who have joined the enemy) uobis satellitibus,
A. 2.45.3 fugacem Maroboduum appellans (sc. Armintus) .. . proditorem. patrae,
satellitem Caesaris, 16.22.2 et habet (sc. Thrasea) sectatores uel potius. satelltes.
ne...ne...ut: for the addition of object clauses to a verb (optabunt) al-
ready supplied with direct objects cf. 26.1n. sed ne. . . destinaretur. miles
centurioni...centurio tribuno: the same rhetorical figure (a ‘ladder’:
Rhet. Her. 4.34—5 climax) is used by Livy for this thought: 8.34.7 cum.. . non
miles centurionts, non centurio tribuni. . . pareat tmpenio. 'T. uses it again at the end
of Otho's speech: 84.4 ex uobis senatores. . . ex senatoribus principes. utisa
correction in M for a word that M's copies read variously %t and Atnc (see
Wellesley's app. crit.). It is rather bland for Otho's crescendo here; Wellesley
emends to at.
84.2 parendo. .. sciscitando: impersonal gerundives (the implied
‘subject’, milites, is not the subject of the sentence, res militares). The par-
allels are poetic: Virg. Ecl. 8.71 cantando, Geo. 2.50 habendo, 3.454 tegendo,
 COMMENTARY: 84.2-84.4 269

etc. quietissimus: sc. est. uobis arma et animus sit; mihi

consilium et...regimen relinquite: cf. 3.20.1 dwisa wnter exercitum
ducesque muma: militibus cupidinem pugnandi conuenmire, duces prourdendo, consul-
tando. . . prodesse, from another speech attempting to instil discipline in self-
willed troops, with even less success than Otho's (see 3.21.1). The principles
were tried and true (cf. Liv. 44.34.2—5). duorum: identity unknown;
cf. 85.1n. abolete: 47.1n.
84.3 caput imperii et decora omnium prouinciarum: 'One
seems to be reading Cicero on the senate of the Republic' (Alford ad loc.).
For caput cf. A. 1.13.4 quousque patieris, Caesar, non adesse caput rer publicae? where
the caput 1s the princeps. If with decora omnium prouinciarum T. 15 referring to
the presence of provincial elites in the senate (as he does at 4.74.1), that
expression, too, is somewhat anachronistic, since there were as yet sena-
tors from only a small number of (mostly western) provinces; see Chilver
ad loc. cum maxime: 29.2n. Germani: an insulting label for
Roman troops, all citizens, stationed in Germany. Italiae alumni et
Romana uere iuuentus: alumnus, in its three other occurrences in speech
in T., signals ties of affection: e.g. A. 1.44.1 (soldiers on young Caligula)
rediret legionum alumnus, 2.37 .4 *diui Augusti alumnos ab inofia defende, 12.11.3
(Claudius on a Parthian prince) extollit laudibus alumnum urbis. For the tone
of Romana wuentus cf. Luc. 2.532 (Pompey’s exhortation to his men) o uere
Romana manus. splendore et gloria: ‘His picture of the Senate’s glona
and splendor is ludicrous when juxtaposed with the senators’ craven flattery
of him in the next chapter (85.3)' (Keitel (1991) 2782); cf. 55.4 senatus po-
pulique Romani oblitterata iam nomina. The senate was not among the factors
that determined allegiances in ch. 76. praestringimus ‘we eclipse’
OLD 3c; cf. Quint. /nst. 10.1.92 (on Domitian) ceterarum fulgore utrtutum laus
1sta (sc. poetae) praestringitur. senatus nobiscum est: cf. App. BC 2.72
(Pompey's exhortation) *on our side in this fight are . . . this great number of
men, some from the senate, some knights’; cf. 88.9n. trritamenta libulinorum.
84.4 domibus et tectis et congestu lapidum stare: for stare ‘de-
pend on’ (OLD 21) cf. Enn. Ann. fr. 156 Skutsch monbus antiquis stat res
Romana uirisque. The same original underlies 2.69.2 et utres luxu corrumpe-
bantur, contra ueterem disciplinam et instituta matorum, apud quos utrtute quam pe-
cunia res Romana melius stetit. For the senüment cf. Liv. 5.54.2 (from Camil-
lus' speech) :n superficie tignisque cantas nobis patriae pendet? 'T'his old theme
(at least as old as the Athenians' abandonment of Athens in 480 B.c.),
which rests on an antithesis between a city’s fabric and its folk, is not
270 COMMENTARY: 84.4-85.1

ideally suited to a civil war context or to Otho’s larger point, the su-
perior value of the senate when set against Vitellius' nationes aliquae and
tmago exercitus. intercidere ac reparari promisca sunt 'can onc
and all fall and be rebuilt'; for promiscus, which is used with an inf. only
here, see also 47.1n., 66.1n. aeternitas rerum...mea cum ues-
tra salus incolumitate senatus firmatur: in contemporary docu-
ments these boons depend rather on the safety of the Princeps: e.g, the vows
of the Arval Brethren (McC-W 13.37-42 on Domitian) ex cuius incolumi-
tlate ommium salus constat, Plin. Pan. 67.3 nuncupare uota. . . pro salute principum,
ac propter illos pro aetermtate imperi solebamus; cf. also McC-W 13.46—7 cus-
todiens . . . aeternitatem imperi, quod suscifnendo ampliautt (sc. princeps). For T-'s at-
titude toward such slogans see 15.1n. deorum hominumque consensu. pax
gentium: cf. McC-W 32, on an Othonian coin, pax orbis terrarum. aus-
picato ‘with good omens’ (OLD 2), a much-used impersonal abl. abs. (NLS
993n.2); cf. 3.72.1 sedem louis Optimi Maximi auspicato. . . conditam. In Livy's
story of the institution of the senate (1.8.7) no auspices are taken. In Cicero,
too, though the city is founded with divine approval (Rep. 2.5.1 urbem ausfn-
cato condere. . . dicttur (sc. Romulus)), the senate is not (Rep. 2.14). immor-
talem: another term generally applied to Rome or the res publica (Cic. Rab.
Perd. 33 st hanc ciuittatem immortalem uultis, si aeternum hoc imperium, etc.; Marc.
22 cum res publica immortalis esse debeat), not the senate. ex uobis se-
natores, ita ex senatoribus principes nascuntur: the first part of
this "ladder' (84.1n. miles.. . tnbuno) speaks most directly to Otho's audi-
ence and exaggerates the upward mobility possible. Even equestrian status
was beyond the reach of most, though municipal eminence as a decurion
(town-councillor) was common (Durry (1938) 289-303). The second half
was conspicuously true in 69, and again with Nerva and Trajan.
85.1 oratio ad perstringendos mulcendosque militum ani-
mos 'the speech, (calculated) to ruffle and soothe the soldiers’ spinits’.
Both perstringere and mulcere have their basis in physical effect (scraping, ca-
ressing). perstringere (whose prefix means 'along the surface’: cf. Cic. Agr.
2.67 solum tam exile et macrum est quod aratro perstringi non possit) is used of mild
scolding, often with an adverb or other expression that further lightens the
verb (leuiter, breuiter, cursim, oblique, canptim): e.g. A. 2.59.2 cultu habituque ews
lenibus uerbis perstricto. For (per)stringere animos cf. Curt. 5.9.1 praesentis periculs
species omntum simul corda antmosque horrore perstrnxerat and Virg. Aen. 9.294
animum (sc. Jult) patriae strinxit pietatis imago. On mulcere see 39.2n. For ad ex-
pressing purpose ('calculated") and dependent on a noun cf. 54.3 consensu ad
 COMMENTARY: 85.1 271

bellum and 2.35.1 constantia. . . ad proelia, Àn both of which passages, as here

with oratio, the governing noun has a verbal or adjectival notion that facili-
tates the construction. For a similar thought expressed more conventionally
cf. A. 14.62.1 uanus sermo et ad metum atque tram accommodatus. Some editors
produce this construction here by adding a modifier for oratio (e.g. apta
Metser, parata C. Heraeus, peropportuna Wellesley), a procedure for which a
corruption in M (perodperstringendos; the first per probably a false start on per-
stringendos) provides specious justification. modus 'limited extent OLD
6, similarly at 2.29.3 ille (sc. Valens) utili moderatione non supplicium cutusquam
poposcit. in duos: Plutarch adds ‘whose execution would anger no
one’, for which thought cf. 58.2 punient: uilior. animaduerti 'to be
dealt with’ OLD 8; both the cuphemism (for execution) and the impersonal
passive reflect Otho’s mildness. One may contrast the punishment of muti-
neers at A. 1.29.4 interfici tubet and A. 1.44.1 puniret noxios. accepta: sc.
sunt, neuter plur. agreeing with the compound subject oratio. . . et. . . modus
(AGG 5287.3). qui coerceri non poterant: another indication of
the reversed roles of miles and dux (33.1n. illatus). facies belli: cf.
4.22.2 mixta belli cuulis externique facie. 'This striking but rather vague expres-
sion is illustrated by the twenty-eight word abl. abs. militibus . . . obtecerat. 'Y.
found the metaphor in Sallust: fug. 46.5 in Numidiam procedit, ubi contra belli
faciem tuguna plena hominum, pecora cultoresque in agns erant. For the scene cf.
4.1.1—3. ut nihil in commune turbantibus, ita sparsis per do-
mos 'though there were no further riots, yet here and there among the
houses ... ; for concessive ut. .. ita see 6.1n. occulto habitu: i.c. dis-
guised by their lack of military dress (cf. 5.22.2, of soldiers awakening to an
attack on their camp, ruunt per uias . . . bauct ornatu mihitan), particularly of the
sagum, the cloak which distinguished soldier from civilian (cf. Cic. Phil. 5.31
tumultum decerni. . . sagum sumi dico oportere, 7.21 arma, saga, bellum flagitauerunt);
darker than e.g. tunicati (D. 7.4 tunicatus hic populus) and more compact than
other refcrences to disguise, e.g. 2.29.1 Valens seruili ueste. . . tegebatur, and A.
13.25.1 .Nero. . . ueste seruili in dissimulationem sui compositus. At 2.56.1 civilians
don military garb: fuere qui tnimicos suos specie militum interficerent. maligna
cura 'with unkind attention', a bold oxymoron, hard to parallel; closest are
the malae curae of Tiberius at A. 3.37.2. nobilitas . . . obiecerat: cí.
2.3n. nobililas, 4.1.1 st quem procerum habitu aut wuenta conspexerant, obtruncare,
and, for the inverse, 3.31.2 greganus miles. . . ignobilitate tutior. For abstract
subjects of active verbs see Intro. §11. Otho’s soldiers behaved badly, but
successive waves of victors (Vitellians 2.56, Flavians 4.1) proved worse.
272 COMMENTARY: 85.2-85.3

85.2 Vitellianos...milites uenisse in urbem...plerique

credebant: correctly as to fact but not motive (75.1). plena: sc.
erant. uix secreta domuum sine formidine: for the theme see
2.3nn. corrupti, quibus...oppresst. On generalization see Walker (1968)
51—2. plurimum trepidationis: sc. erat. in publico 'in public
places’ (Irvine), sc. erat. In public places reactions could be observed by
unfriendly eyes, a topos much used by T. Women are accused ob lacrimas
(A. 6.10.1), senators watched for guilty expressions (2.50.1, A. 3.53.1). Even
sighs were noted (Agr. 45.2 susptria nostra subscnberentur; see also A. 1.11.3,
4.69.3, 4.70.2). ut. . . conuersis ‘since people changed in mood and
appearance each time rumour reported something new' (cf. 27.2 animum
ex euentu sumptun, 2.85.2 ex nuntus cunctabundus aut properans). The piquancy
of the expression lies in the fact that in the event of bad news mood and
appearance would conflict (despair under a cheerful mien). conuersis is abl.
abs. referring to the people implicit in :5 publico; antmum and uultum are acc.
of respect, a construction regular only in poetry (NLS 819) and ordinarily
dependent on nominatives (e.g. 4.20.3 frontem tergaque ac latus tuti; Draeger
(1882) §39). For the subj. see 79.4n. ubi res fosceret. diffidere dubiis
ac parum gaudere prosperis: di/fidere (abs.) 'despair'. dubis — aduersis,
a circumstantial abl. parallel to prosperis; cf. A. 12.5.3 prosperis dubusque
sociam. In Rome in A.D. 69 it was impolitic to speak of bad news (the
growing strength of the Vitellians, 26.1, 50.1 nouus insuper de Vitellio nuntius
exterruit, ante caedem Galbae suppressus, 76.1—2; Vespasian in the East, 50.4;
3.54.1—3 elaborates on this theme); for good news cf. 76.1—2, 79.5.
85.3 arduus rerum omnium modus: sc. eat, 'there was strenuous
moderation in all things', an oxymoron. ne contumax: sc. essef.
Silence, criticism (/ibertas), and flattery (adulatio) appear to be possible re-
sponses, but not sincere support for Otho. On contumax see 3.1n. nota:
sc. erat. As senator Otho had a long training in flattery under Nero (4.
13.45.4 flagrantissimus in amicitia Neronis habebatur, cf. 13.12.1, 46.1—3) and
more recently under Galba (Otho must have been prominent among
those who flattered effusius, 19.1). Implicit is a contrast with Julio-Claudian
rulers bred to command. uersare...torquere: historic inf. (likewise
tacere), uersare *vary' and torquere ‘twist’ are used figuratively in a remarkably
impressionistic description of a senate meeting dominated by fear, self-
interest, deceit, and noise; no actual business is reported. The senate does
little in . but struggle to keep the favour of the men who controlled the sol-
diers (e.g. 45.1n. alium. . . populum, 47 .1n. omnes principum honores). There is a
 COMMENTARY: 85.3; 86 273

brief flicker of activity in Crispus' trial (2.10; see 90.1 n. commendata patnbus re
publica), and a false start at 2.53, but 'normal' business - speeches, sententiae,
votes — appears only when Vespasian has come to power (4.6). hostem
ac parricidam: cf. the namce-calling at Sal. Cat. 31.8 obstrepere omnes, hostem
(sc.Catilinam) et barricidam uocare and A. 15.73.3 increpiit . . . hostem ac parna-
dam uocans. uulgaribus conuiciis 'commonplace reproaches' (such
as hostis and parricida), dependent, notionally, on a verb of reproach (incre-
pare uel sim., with Vitellius as the object) for which T. substitutes frobra tacere
'cast insults' in the parallel clause; for a similar shift sce 77.1n. quaedam.
Caution, learned after an earlier brush with danger (47.1n. conuicia ac pro-
bra), is a more scrupulous censor later (90.2n. nulla Vitellit mentne). Most of
Otho's supporters eventually made their peace with Vitellius (e.g. 2.60, 2.62,
2.71.2). uera probra: for the material see 74.1nn. stupra ac flagitia . . .
obiectauere, neuter falso; for the expression cf. A. 1.44.1 uera exprobran. in
clamore. .. et ubi: for the cpexegetic relative clause cf. 76.2 longinquae
prouinciae et quidquid . . . man dinmitur. sibi ipsi obstrepentes: cf. Cic.
de Orat. 3.50 ut quodam modo ipsi sibi in dicendo obstrepere uideantur (where, how-
ever, confusion is an unintended consequence).

86 prodigia et fulminum monitus et futurorum praesagia

In supernatural phenomena and the causes ascribed to them - a theme
announced in the 'table of contents' (3.2) — Tacitus found a narrative de-
vice that suited the dark colours in which he painted imperial history.
(Lucan achieves a similar colouring with his exhaustive catalogue of prodi-
gies at 1.522—83.) On a narrow definition prodigia were events that the senate
declared significant of divine feeling towards the Roman state (Linderski
(1993) 58). Typical prodigia were lightning strikes and other weather signs,
earthquakes, eclipses, odd newborns (both animal and human), and pecu-
liar behaviour in the animate and inanimate world (Wülker (1904) 6-26).
Prodigies 'suggested that the gods were unfavourable to Rome as a whole,
rather than just a single action . . . they did not foretell anything in particu-
lar, but merely put forward a general warning of disaster unless appropriate
precautions were taken' (Levene (1993) 4). During the Republic prodigies
were rcported from all over Italy, and their expiation ('appropriate precau-
tions’) via sacrifice was a regular item of business for the consuls before
they set out for their provincces (cf. Liv. 33.26.6 pnusquam. . . ipst consules ab
urbe mouerent, procurare, ut assolet, prodigia quae nuntiabantur 1ussi; this 1s a Livian
 274 COMMENTARY: 86

formula). Expiatory rites were believed to restore the pax deorum — divine
goodwill toward Rome (e.g. Liv. 36.37.6 placatis dis nunc uotis nte soluendis nunc
prodigis expiandis) - whereupon the consuls proceeded to their campaigns
without any lingering shadow of divine displeasure; on state cult and the
pax deorum see Liebeschuetz (1979) 9, Linderski (1993) 56—8. Livy, whose
history is the fullest source of information on prodigies, tells us that by his
day attention to traditional prodigies had waned (43.13.1 neglegentia; cf. T’s
comment at Á. 14.12.1 quae (sc. prodigia) adeo sine cura deum eueniebant, ut mullos
post annos Nero tmpenium et scelera continuaueral). Thus when the Tiber flooded in
A.D. 15, rather than expiating the prodigy with guidance from the Sibylline
books (as one senator urged), Tiberius asked a senatorial commission to
look into flood control (4. 1.76.1, and cf. his response to the fire at 4. 4.64.1;
for the connection of the Sibylline books and prodigies see Liv. 22.9.8).
Under the principate omens (which were not controlled by official rituals
of acceptance and expiation) came into prominence instead. More content-
based than prodigies, they were believed to foretell success or disaster for
a particular undertaking or individual (Levene (1993) 5—6) and were thus
ideally suited to the principate. Omens foretelling the advent or doom
of emperors are collected in great numbers by Suetonius, for example
(Wallace-Hadrill (1983) 189-97; in general Liebeschuetz (1979) 56—60).
Both prodigies and omens had a place in the historical tradition. Lists of
prodigies and expiations were a regular item of new year's business in Books
21—45 of Livy's history, appearing in at least forty-three ofthe fifty-one years
covered by those books (prodigy-less years are 201 B.c., 195, 189, 185, 184,
171; lists for 175 and 170 might have stood where there are now lacunas
in the text). Omens, on the other hand, contributed to the exaedficatio of
important narratives (e.g. the second Punic war disaster at Lake Trasimene,
which has a full crop in both Livy and his source Coelius Antipater: Liv.
22.3.11—14, HRR fr. 20). Livy is avowedly old-fashioned in his attention to
this material (see 43.13.1); neither Caesar nor Sallust favours it (Caesar only
at Ctu. 3.105.3—6, part of which is quoted at 86.1n. ab occidente. . . conuersam,
- and Sallust, with a dismissive notice, at Cat. 30.2: simul id quod in tali re solet,
alu portenta atque prodigia nuntiabant, alii conuentus fieri etc.).
T. adapts the annalistic model for prodigies and omens to his own
uses (see Ginsburg (1981) 100, Syme (1958) 521—3; on the annalists see
Briscoe (1973) 16—17, 88, Luterbacher (1908) 10-13, Drews (1988) 289-99).
In the Annals, for example, he employs prodigies as a familiar part of the
yearly cycle by including them in some of the diminuendo miscellanies
 COMMENTARY: 86; 86.1 275

at year-end (A. 13.58, 15.22.2, 15.47.1, 16.13.1), but he makes more use of
them both as a measure of the irrationality of those who read significance
into natural or fortuitous events (86.3, cf. A. 1.28.1 miles rationts ignarus,
4.64.1 fortuita ad culbam trahentes), and as a narrative ornament (on Otho’s
suicide 2.50.2, the supremus dies of Jerusalem 5.13.1, the end of Claudius'
reign Á. 12.64.1, Boudicca's revolt 14.32.1, the Pisonian conspiracy 15.47.1).
ls prodiga are considerably more sinister than Livy's both because of
their irregular distribution (see the lists above and also A. 12.43.1—2, 13.24,
14.12.2, 14.22) and because he so rarely mentions expiation (only here and
at 4.13.24.2; for unexpiated prodigies and omens see Liebeschuetz (1979)
155—60).
In the present passage T. is at his most annalistic. The indirect statement
list 15 a traditional form (86.1 n. omissas), some of the reported prodigies are
traditional (carlier occurrences are noted below), and so is the expiation
(87.1n. lustrata urbe). But T’s occasional departures from traditional re-
portage (sce below on diuersis auctonbus and plura ala) betray the artificiality
of the treatment.

86.1 prodigia. . . diuersis auctoribus uulgata: for Republican pro-

cedure cf. (e.g.) Liv. 22.1.14 on the prodigies that preceded Trasimene: At;
(sc. prodignis) sicut erant nuntiata, expositis auctoribusque in Curam introductis consul
de relgwne patres consuluit. For "Ts uulgata the Livian formula is nuntiata. A
variety of sources (diuersis) is implicit in a formula such as frodigia Romae uisa
et peregre nuntiata (Liv. 28.11.6, 34.45.6, 40.19.1), but the human agency of the
report is not as prominent as T. makes it. In fact Livy generally mentions
auctores only when they were questionable (e.g. 5.15.1 prodigia . . . quia singult
auctores erant barum credita spretaque; cf. $.23.7 , 27 .11.3, 43.13.6). The increased
attention to (and fabrication of) prodigies in times of trouble was a familiar
phenomenon (e.g. 4.26.2, Cic. D. 2.58 (quoted 86.1n. plura alia), Sal. Cat.
30.2 (quoted above), Luc. 1.469, 473). terrebant...omissas: T. dis-
sociates himself from superstition both by siting the effect of the prodigies in
the past (terrebant, cf. A. 14.32.1 ad metum trahebantur) and by reporting them
in indirect statement (see on omissas). in uestibulo Capitolii: the
principal temple on the Capitoline hill, the Capitolium housed three gods,
Jupiter Optimus Maximus in the central nave, Juno Regina and Minerva
in smaller cellae to the left and right respectively (see on cella Iunonis below).
Begun in the regal period and dedicated at the beginning of the Republic,
the original temple survived the sack of Rome by the Gauls but was twice
276 COMMENTARY: 86.1

destroyed by civil war (83 B.c., A.p. 69; for T.'s account of its history see
3.72.1—3). Rebuilt each time with greater magnificence (Cic. Ver. 2.4.69),
though on the same basic plan (Richardson (1992) 221 —4), it survived as an
emblem of the stability of Rome until the sixth century (fignus tmperi, 3.72.1,
Cf. 4.54.2, Virg. Aen. 9.448-9, Hor. Carm. 3.3.42, 3.30.8—9, etc.). As such,
it was frequently associated with omens and prodigies (e.g 4. 13.24.2, Cic.
Cat. 3.19, Dw. 1.16, 1.19, Liv. 1.55.5—6, Liv. per. 14, Dio 41.14.3, 42.26.1—3,
55.1.1, 73.24.1, etc.). The vestibule of the temple was unusually deep; it
was one of the regular meeting places of the Republican senate (Taylor
and Scott (1969) 557—68; diagram in Richardson (1992), fig, 19). Gifts to
the gods from foreign powers and successful generals were on display, as
were bronze tablets inscribed with laws (Cic. Cat. 3.19). Omissas: sc.
esse (also omitted with conuersam, prolocutum, insolitos) indirect statement de-
pendent on uulgata, a device also used by Livy (Levene (1993) 19-20, 25),
gives formal expression to the author's role as (merely) a transmitter of
prodigy lists. Plutarch interprets: O. 4.4 'as if she were no longer able to
control (the chariot)'. For expiated prodigies involving statue activity cf. Liv.
27.11.3 (statuette falls from goddess' crown into her hand), 40.59.7 (statues
of gods turn their heads away from a lectisternium; Obsequ. 42 (statue stands
on head), 43 (statue acquires veil), 70 (statue turns from south to north
at fourth hour). Similar is the frequently attested moving of the 'spears of
Mars' (Liv. 24.10.1, 40.19.2; Obsequ. 36, 47, 50; Gel. 4.6.1—2). Statues also
cry (Liv. 40.19.2, 43.13.4; Obsequ. 6, 28a), bleed (Liv. 27.4.14; Obsequ. 70),
and sweat (Liv. 22.1.12, 22.36.7; Dio 48.50.4). Further references in Wülker
(1904) 13-14. bigae cui Victoria institerat: Heubner and Chilver
suggest that this was a replica of the Victory-driven two-horse chariot de-
dicated by Hiero of Syracuse in 216 B.c. to demonstrate his confidence in
Rome's ability to defeat Hannibal (Liv. 22.37.5; the work itself almost cer-
tainly perished in the fire of 83 B.c. (D. H. 4.62.5—6)). Parallels for the
replication of a work of art (as opposed to a cult statue) are hard to come
by: cf. A. 15.41.1 reparan nequibant and the wistful perfects of Cic. Vzr. 2.4.129
unum tllud Macedonicum (sc. sgnum Iouts) quod in Cafntolto uidimus, Cat. 3.19 quem
(sc. Romulum) tnauratum in Cafntolto, baruum atque lactentem . . . fuisse meministis,
Plin. Nat. 34.38 (quoted in n. below), 35.14 tsque clupeus supra foras Capitoks-
nae aedis usque ad incendium primum fuit). cella Iunonis: four-fifths the
size of the central hall, it contained a cult-statue of the goddess and an
altar (Serv. ad Aen. 3.134), and dedications such as the bronze dog that
Pliny admired (Nat. 34.38). speciem: for the language cf. A. 11.21.1
 COMMENTARY: 86.1 277

oblata et species muliebris ultra modum humanum (of a vision that appeared to
Curtius Rufus and foretold his future success), and Suet. CÀ. 1.2 species
barbarae muliens humana amplior uictorem tendere ultra sermone Latino prohibuis-
set (of a vision that stopped the elder Drusus’ advance in Germany). In
content this species, which refrains from speech and from precise signifi-
cation, 1s closer to Livy’s appanitions: 21.62.5 uisos (sc. homines) nec cum ullo
congressos, 24.10.10 aram in caelo speciesque hominum circum eam . . . uisas, 24.44.8
nauium longarum species, 42.2.4 classis magnae species, all from lists of expi-
ated prodigies. ab occidente in orientem conuersam: although
couched in a traditional-seeming list of prodigies expiated by a traditional
sacrifice (87 .1n. lustrata urbe) this prodigy differs from most of Livy's statue
prodigies (see on omissas above) in the apparent specificity of its message.
In content it is closer to omens reported by Caesar (Ciu. 3.105.3 (on the
day of a victory) constabat. . . ssmulacrum Victonae. . . ad ualuas se templi limenque
conuertisse), and by T. himself: A. 14.32.1 nulla palam causa delapsum Camulo-
duni stmulacrum Victoriae ac retro conuersum, quasi cederet hostibus. In treating the
statue's shift as a prodigy (and by keeping it separate from the omens that
persuaded Vespasian to challenge Vitellius, 2.78.1 —4) T. 15 resisüng Flavian
propaganda, which touted the turn to the East as an omen of the advent
of Vespasian (Suet. Ves. 5.7 nuntiabantur et ex urbe praesagia:. . . comitia secundi
consulatus ineunte Galba statuam D Iuli ad orientem sponte conuersam). Since ac-
cording to Suetonius the event occurred at some time in the last quarter
of 68 (Galba's ‘election’), the Flavian interpretation relies heavily on hind-
sight. T. focuses instead on the effect at the time (terrebant). Plutarch reports
that the prodigy ‘is said to have happened during the time when Vespasian
was at last openly trying to seize the supreme power' (i.e. in the summer
of 69, cf. 2.79; see Chilver). prolocutum...bouem: cf. Plin. Nat.
8.183 est frequens in prodigus priscorum bouem locutum; what the animal actually
said is rarely recorded (in only one of the twenty-three occurrences listed
by Hornstein). T. uses a compound verb where other authors have /ocutus,
despite his regular preference for uncompounded forms (Goodyear (1972)
ad A. 1.57.4). insolitos animalium partus: peculiar newborns ap-
pear very frequently in prodigy lists (e.g. A. 12.64.1, 14.12.2, 15.47.1—2; for
other authors see Wülker (1904) 14—15). T. refrains from giving the kind of
details that Livy provides (e.g. 27.11.5 boy with elephant head, 31.12.7 lamb
with pig's head, Obsequ. 40 (based on Livy) baby born with his abdomen
open u£ nudum intestinum conspiceretur). See further below. plura alia
rudibus saeculis etiam in pace obseruata, quae nunc tantum
278 COMMENTARY: 86.1-86.2

in metu audiuntur: cf. Cic. Dw. 2.58 atque haec (sc. produna) in bello plura
et maiora uidentur timentibus, eadem non tam. antmaduertuntur in. pace; n metu et
penculo cum creduntur facilius, tum finguntur impunius; the balance and measure
of Cicero's version contrast with T.'s inconcinnity. obseruata and audtuntur
are non-technical terms (see on uulgata above), and stress private reactions,
not official prodigy-management methods. With plura alia 'T. again departs
from Livian practice: a comparable 'catch-all' phrase appears only once in
forty-three lists (21.62.1 in quis); in both passages the expression discredits
the phenomena so casually reported. tantum in metu ‘only in per-
ilous times’; cf. 3.58.3 tn metu consilta prudentium el uulgi rumor tuxta audiuntur.
In antithesis with in pace 'T.'s in metu replaces Cicero's obvious :n bello. 'I.
varies both halves of the common doublet at A. 15.45.1 prospere aut :n metu.
86.2 sed .. . impleuit: the nine-word main clause lacks a verb, and
is outweighed by a twenty-seven-word abl. abs. expanded by a relative
clause, another abl. abs., a participle, and a non modo . . . sed etiam constructnon
(Intro. $14. — praecipuus et cum praesenti exitio etiam futuri
pauor: sc. erat ‘there was particular fear, with both present damage and
future (danger)'; cf. 4.65.1 metus futun. T. follows Livy's lead in buttressing
prodigies with a natural disaster: e.g. 30.38.10 tnter quae (sc. prodigia) exam
aquarum insolita magnitudo in. religionem uersa (also 35.21.2—5). inunda-
tione Tiberis: for the causal abl. cf. 2.32.1 proutnciam .Narbonensem tncursu
classis et aduerso proelio contremuisse. Plutarch, too, says people considered the
flood an unfavourable omen (O. 4.5). According to Pliny, Tiber floods were
more frightening than destructive (Nat. 3.55; see Becher (1985) for exam-
ples). T. stresses natural causes and effects by giving physical explanations
for the collapse of the bridge and the spread of water (see nn.), and by men-
tioning real damage (deaths, fames, collapsed building;). immenso
auctu: sc. aquarum; instrumental abl. with froruto. ponte sublicio:
sublicus *on pillars'. Earliest of the Tiber bridges at Rome, this narrow
wooden structure possessed a special sanctity, so that pontsfices (rather than
censors or curatores utarum) oversaw its maintenance (Varro L 5.83 deriv-
ing ‘pontifex’ from pons and facere, Plut. Num. 9.3, D. H. 2.73.1, 3.45.2),
and its occasional destruction was considered a prodigy (Dio 37.58.3—4;
in a joke at Cic. Qfr. 3.7.1). It was one of the structures rebuilt by Augus-
tus (RG 20.5). strage: instrumental abl. with refusus; for the uanatio
see 14.1n. swe...Lacone wnstante. obstantis molis: i.c. of the fallen
bridge. refusus ‘poured out of its normal course’ OLD 1b; cf. Sen.
JNQ 3.11.2 ut amisso canali suo flumina . . . refundantur. iacentia et plana
 COMMENTARY: 86.2-86.3 279

urbis loca sed secura eius modi casuum: /loca, which makes the ex-
pression unusually full (even Livy is briefer: 38.28.4 Tibens duodeciens Campum
Martium planaque urbis inundauit), eases the transition from the adjectives of
location (tacenta, plana) to the personifying secura, for which cf. Sen. .NQ.
6.1.2 Campaniam numquam securam huius (sc. terrae motus) mali. rapti: sc.
sunt. in tabernis et cubilibus: the antithesis with ¢ publico indicates
that this doublet defines ‘indoors’ (1.e. when the flood carries away entire
buildings with shops on the ground floor and apartments above), but cu-
bilibus — a surprising partner for tabernis (cf. 3.83.1 abditos in taberms aut 5
quam in domum, Juv. 3.303—4 clausis domibus. .. catenalae. . . tabernae) — adds
the pathos of death taking its victims unaware: cf. Liv. 9.37.3 semisomnos
m cubilibus suis. . . caedes oppressit (see further TLL s.v. 1271.52—63). in
uulgus sc. erat; for uulgus 'general public' see OLD 1b. inopia quaes-
tus et penuria alimentorum: the low-lying parts of the city included
market areas, whose destruction would interrupt both the income of shop-
owners (cf. Cic. Qfr 3.7.1 (on losses in a flood of 54 B.C.) tabernae plunmae)
and the supply of goods, including food, for sale (Plut. O. 4.5 reports that
the grain market was under water in 69). corrupta: sc. sunt. in-
sularum fundamenta: :nsulae, the multi-storey buildings that crowded
ancient Rome, were vulnerable to every variety of urban disaster: Juv. 3.193
nos urbem colimus tenui tibicine fultam. With the destruction here cf. the more
stylized report at A. 1.76.1 continuts tmbribus auctus Tibenris stagnauerat; relabentem
secuta est aedificrorum et hominum strages and Horace’s even more ominous list:
Carm. 1.2.13—16 utdimus flauum Tibertm retortis | litore Etrusco utolenter undis | ire
dewctum monumenta regis | templaque Vestae. remeante 'going back (to its
normal course)'; elsewhere T. uses remeo (a poetic synonym for redeo and
regredior that he and Pliny the Elder pressed into service: T. sixteen times,
Pliny twenty-two, Caesar never, Cicero once, Sallust never, Livy three times,
Virgil twice, Statius twelve times) only of persons (e.g. A. 14.25.2 patrias in
sedes remeauere).
86.3 utque: the focus shifts as we move from event to
outlook. quod 'the fact that'; the subj. reflects the thinking of con-
temporaries (VLS §240). uia Flaminia: the principal road between
Rome and the Po valley, via Ariminum (mod. Rimini) and the Adriatic
coast. Galba travelled it en route from Spain in 68 (6.2n. trucidatis). After
crossing the Tiber at the pons Muluius it follows the river valley for about
four miles (Ashby (1970) 247—51). Suetonius locates the obstruction at the
twentieth milestone (O. 8.3); T. emphasizes the ominous significance of
280 COMMENTARY: 86.3; 87-90; 87.1

what was blocked. iter bellis cf. 4.49.2 tnera audends; for the gen. cf.
also Ov. Ars 2.37 iter caeli, Caes. Ciu. 1.4.5 Asiae Synaeque itinere. 'T. also uses
dat. (e.g. 61.1 :&inera bello); other authors prefer prep. phrases (e.g. Cic. Att.
13.42.1 tifer ad bellum).

87—90 bello consilia

Against the foreboding background of chh. 80—6 (soldiers undisciplined,
senators useless, portents terrifying, nature hostile) T. begins the account of
Otho's military effort. À three-part operation was planned, with praetorian
and urban cohorts from Rome and detachments of the seven Danube
legions converging to confront the Vitellians in the Po valley, while a fleet-
based expedition attempted to delay the Alpine crossings. In chh. 87—8 T.
mentions only what Otho could initiate with troops available in Rome; the
movement of the Danube legions is reserved for Book 2. Otho's strategy
has been much studied; for discussion with further bibliography see Chilver
264—73, Murison (1993) 81—119, Syme (1958) App. 3o, Wellesley (1971) 33,
38-41. T. himself gives priority to the problems besetting Otho's forces,
which, despite the military might and loyalty of the men (87.1), suffered
under a crippling confusion of authority (87.1—2). He adds a long tirade on
the folly of Rome's aristocracy, now sadly decayed (88.2—3) and another on
her populace (89.1—2). In the final chapter Otho leaves for the front (90).
The book ends with all forces poised for conflict.

87.1 lustrata urbe: lustration, a ritual of boundary protection and

purification in which the officiant proceeds three times around the
pomerium before sacrificing a pig, a sheep, and an ox, was a regular form
of prodigy expiation (e.g. Liv. 3.29.9 (458 B.C.), 21.62.7 (218 B.C.), 35.9.5
(193 B.C.), 39.27.5 (186 B.C.), 44.18.6-7 (167 B.C.), Obsequ. 12 (166 B.C.),
Plin. .Nat. 10.36 (107 B.c.), Obsequ. 44 (102—1 B.C.), Obsequ. 46 (99 B.C.);
also A. 13.24 (A.D. 55)). Restoring the pax deorum was a necessary preliminary
to successful campaigns, and T. follows Livy's practice in juxtaposing
expiation and the beginning of a campaign. Otho's traditionalist response
to supernatural signs contrasts with that of Galba (18.1 contemptor talum
ut fortuitorum; see also 22.1—3 and 89.3n. conditorum anciliorum). ex-
pensis ‘having been weighed (in the mind) OLD 5; cf. A. 14.35.2 cofias
armatorum. . . causas belli secum expenderent. bello consiliis: 22.2n.
Othoni. . . comes. quando Poeninae Cottiaeque Alpes et ceteri
 COMMENTARY: 87.1 281

Galliarum aditus Vitellianis exercitibus claudebantur: the

interpretation of this causal clause has important consequences for the
understanding of Othonian strategy and for T.’s reputation as a military
historian. The principal difficulty lies in Vitellianis exercitibus, which has been
construed with claudebantur as both instrumental abl. (‘closed by' Chilver
ad loc., with discussion; Heubner) and dat. of disadvantage (‘inaccessible
to' Wellesley (1971) 47 n. 56). Abl. is easy syntactically (cf. 2.32.1 clausam
Alpibus. . . transpadanam Italiam, 3.50.3 tenen praesidus Appenninum rebantur; cf.
Plut. O. 5.1 ‘Caecina and Valens were reported already in possession of the
Alps’), but goes beyond what T. has told us (the passes of the Pennine and
Cottian Alps are blocked by Valens and Caecina (61.1) but nothing is said
about ceteri aditus) and imputes to Otho the unlikely strategy of invading
Gaul, when stopping the invaders at the Po was, most historians agree, his
plan (87—90n.). The dat. seems to yield the sensible strategy of attracting
Vitellian forces to southern France before they could march on Italy, but
requires that aditus Galliarum mean 'approaches from Gaul' (for which
Caesar, at least, uses aditus ex Gallia atque Hispania (Ctu. 2.1.2)). Two points
of Latinity can guide interpretation: (a) the ind. represents T.'s analysis of
Otho's strategy (NLS $242a), which may be incorrect, and (/) there is an
antithesis between Galliarum and Narbonensem Galliam (similarly at 2.32.1,
3.41.3 and implicit at A. 11.24.3; see 8.1 n. Galliae). The dat., which requires
a shift of perspective from Vitellians to Otho, muddies this antithesis, while
the abl. reinforces it: since (quando) crossing into Gaul (i.e. Tres Galliae) was
inadvisable (not to say impossible), Otho sent a force to harass Narbonese
Gaul (which had declared for Vitellius and expected protection: 2.14.1,
2.28.1 cura socios tuendi). Attacking before the Vitellians crossed the Alps
might not have been sound strategy, but it does seem to be Ts view of
what Otho initially hoped to do (2.11.2 quem (sc. Caecinam) sisti intra Gallias
posse sperauerat; cf. 2.12.1 aggredwndae . . . proutnciae Narbonensis. . . duces dederat).
At 2.28.2 T.s Vitellians, too, allude to the possibility of Narbonensis be-
coming the main theatre of war. Narbonensem Galliam aggredi
statuit: the Othonian rampage in the maritime Alps (in which Agricola's
mother perished, Agr. 7.1) is described at 2.12-15, 28. The chronology
of the expedition (which only T. mentions) is unclear. Wellesley (1971) 47
and Chilver (ad loc.) date it to late February, Murison (1993) 102-3 ties the
departure date to Otho's summons to the Danube legions (3/4 March)
and argues that it delayed Valens, who detached troops to confront it,
for about fifteen days (10/11—24/5 March). reliquos caesorum:
282 COMMENTARY: 87.1

6.2n. truadatis.. . militum. saeuitia Galbae: T's assessment here

echoes Otho's at 37.3, but see 49.2n. magis. . . wrtuttbus. in numeros
legionis composuerat ‘arranged into the units of a legion’; cf. 4.66.1 (of
Civilis hastily organizing Gallic troops) tuuentute. . . per cohortes composita. In
T.'s account these survivors were marines aspiring to legionary status who
were attacked and imprisoned by Galba, then satisfied, somehow, by Otho.
The standard phrases for enrolling troops in a (pre-existing) legion are :
numeros referre (cf. Plin. Ep. 3.8.4 neque enim adhuc nomen in numeros relatum est,
with Davies (1989) 17) and :n numeros distribuere (cf. Plin. Ep. 10.29.2 ut iam
dixerant sacramento ita nondum distribuli in numeros erant &rones). 'T.'s avoidance
of these phrases may be interpreted in two ways. Either he denotes the
standard procedure with non-standard vocabulary, or his unusual phrase
denotes an unusual procedure, perhaps the formation of something that
looked like a legion, but wasn't quite one (cf. 4.66.1 quoted above), or the
conscription of an entirely new legion (an emergency measure adopted by
both Nero and Vitellius: 6.2n. trucidatis . . militum). If Ts phrase refers to
a new formation of either type these troops vanish from the literary and
epigraphic record. It seems more likely that T. imagines these marines to
have been enrolled in Nero's ex-marine legion, 1 Adtutrix, which was in
Rome at the time (6.2, 36.3). His emphasis on that unit's loyalty to Otho
then makes good sense: it served Otho's cause energetically at Bedriacum
(2.43.1; cf. 2.23.2 pugnandi ardore, 2.24.3), whence Vitellius sent it off to
Spain uf pace et otio mitesceret (2.67.2), and its loyalty outlived Otho (3.44).
But see 6.2n. trucadatis. . . militum for the confused record on these troops.
honoratae . . . militiae: in their terms of service (twenty-six years rather
than twenty, lower pay, citizenship on discharge rather than enlistment) and
opportunities for profit (the Mediterranean fleets saw little military activity
during the first two centuries A.D.: Starr (1993) 167—208, Reddé (1986)
323—453) marines ranked below the legionaries. For hopes of betterment
raised by the disturbances of 68-9 cf. the opportunistic accession of marines
to the Flavian cause at 3.50.3. urbanas cohortes: 4.2n. urbanum
militem. Their contribution to the expedition (2.12—15, 28) is not specified.
plerosque e praetorianis: their number is unclear. Five praetorian
cohorts and their prefect Licinius Proculus (see below) accompanied the
advance guard to the Po (2.11.2), and the remaining seven were divided
between Otho (2.11.3) and this expedition. See 2.14.2—3 for their impor-
tance in the expedition's principal battle. ipsis ducibus consilium
et custodes: deadpan irony well rendered by Wellesley ‘to...give
 COMMENTARY: 87.1-87.2 283

the generals the benefit of their advice and protection'; for the idea cf.
74.2stmulationem officu, for the irony cf. ad obseruandam honestiorum fidem below.
82.2 Antonio Nouello: he did nothing of note in Narbonensis (2.12.1
Ántonio Nouello nulla auctonitas) and is unknown elsewhere. Suedio
Clementi: cf. 2.12.1 Suedius Clemens ambitioso impenio regebat, ut aduersus mo-
destiam disciplinae corruptus, ita proeliorum auidus. He survived the civil wars
and prospered under Vespasian and Titus, serving as praetorian tribune,
imperial administrator in Pompeii (/LS 5492, 6438 b—d), and praefectus
castrorum in Egypt (CIL m 33). On his career see Dobson (1978) 207-8;
PIR s 687). primipilaribus: 31.2n. Aemilio Pacensi: 20.3n.
permissa: sc. est. curam nauium: untechnical language; cf. 2.24.3
curam peditum FPaulinus, equitum Celsus sumpsere and contrast 2.100.3 Lucilius
Bassus . . . Rauennats simul Misenensi classibus a Vitellio praepositus. Freedmen had
displaced equestrian fleet prefects during the reigns of Claudius and Nero
(the most notorious being Anicetus, prefect from A.D. 59—61, A. 14.3-8,
62), but equestrians (including Bassus (above) and the elder Pliny) man-
aged the fleets thereafter (Starr (1993) 30-8). [fimmutatus[ is the
reading of some copies of M (which is here missing), others offer :nuitatus
and imitatus. None is satisfactory. Heubner takes tmmutatus as 'changed' (cf.
D. 24.2, A. 6.2.2, 11.29.2; the text is uncertain at . 2.100.2), but there
are no parallels for tmmutare ad as he explains it, namely, that Moschus
was still praefectus classis, but had the additional assignment (tmmutatus) of
keeping an eye on his betters, ad obseruandam honestwrum fidem. Wellesley
adopts wuitatus, explaining ‘Moschus praemus promissis minis inuitatus est' (in
app. crit.), but by itself inuitatus is too bare (cf. 2.82.3 praemio tustarent). imita-
tus is nonsense. Wellesley lists seventeen suggested emendations. Whatever
word (if any) modifies Moschus, T*'s point is clear: Moschus' mission was
comparable to that of another Neronian freedman, Polyclitus: A. 14.39.1
ad spectandum Britanniae statum. missus est e libertis Polyclitus. Polyclitus' invid-
ious authority over his superiors, a legate and a procurator (the legate -
Suetonius Paulinus, on whom see below - was recalled) receives extended
comment (14.39.1 —9); e.g. mtrabantur (sc. barbari) quod dux et exeraitus tanti belli
confector seruttus oboedirent. See also 76.3n. nam...facunt. peditum
equitumque copiis: T. now turns to the forces sent to delay the Vitellians
at the Po until the Danubian legions should arrive. For its constituents see
2.11.2, for its operations 2.18—26. Suetonius Paulinus: cos. suff. c.
43, cos. 11 66 (PIR s 694). Militarily the most distinguished of the three com-
manders (hence auctoritatem Paulint, cf. 90.2, 2.32.1 nemo illa tempestate militanis
284 COMMENTARY: 87.2

rei callidwr habebatur, 2.37 .X uetustisstimus consulartum et militia clarus), Paulinus

had commanded troops in Mauretania as long ago as A.D. 41 (Dio 60.9), but
was renowned primarily for his achievements in Britain (A.p. 58—61; Agr. 5.1,
14.2, 16.2, A. 14.29-39). He and Celsus inflicted a serious defeat on Caecina
in the battle ad Castores (2.24—6 res egregiae) and his was the (unheeded) voice
of prudent delay in Otho's war council (2.32; cf. 2.25.2 cunctator natura et
cut cauta potwr consilia cum ratione quam prospera ex casu placerent). Vitellius par-
doned him (2.60.1). He left a written account of a journey he made in
Africa (Plin. .Nat. 5.14—15), and it is possible that T. drew from him details of
both the British campaigns and the ad Castores battle (Syme (1958) 765; T.’s
father-in-law, Agricola, was a close connection). His death is nowhere
recorded. Marius Celsus: 14.1n. Annius Gallus: suffect
consul under Nero sometime between 62 and 68, perhaps at an advanced
age (hence matuntatem Galli; PIR* A 653), he was put in charge of these
troops and crossed the Po to preserve contact with the legions en route from
the Danube. His subordinates had better success than he (Spurinna at
Placentia, 2.18—22, Martius Macer near Cremona, 2.23.3). Gallus had dif-
ficulty controlling the exuberant legion of ex-marines (1 Adtutrix) and was
injured when his horse fell (2.33.1), so he took no part in the Othonian suc-
cess ad Castores (2.24—6). Otho's brother eventually replaced him in com-
mand (2.23.4). Gallus supported his consular colleagues in urging delay
(2.33.1) and calmed the troops after the defeat at Bedriacum (2.44.2). He
survived Vitellius’ principate and later appears in command of Flavian
forces (4.68.1, 5.19.1). rectores ‘commanders’ OLD 4c. desti-
nati: sc. sunt. plurima fides 'his greatest reliance' OLD i2b; that the
praetorian prefect, an eques, could surpass in importance (if not rank) distin-
guished consular commanders is an aspect of the principate that T. found
unpalatable (cf. A. 4.74.3—5 on Sejanus' pre-eminence). Otho's reliance was
ill placed: Proculus gives bad advice at 2.33.1 (tmperitia properantes (sc. Proculus
et Titianus)) and is responsible for culpa at 2.37 .1. He shows less spirit than his
men at 2.44 and succeeds in excusing himself to Vitellius (2.60.1). His career
is not elsewhere attested. urbanae militiae impiger: backhanded
praise, since urbana militia is practically an oxymoron (cf. 2.19.1 £s labor urbano
milit: insolitus, and 2.21.4 contrasting the robur of the German legions with
urban troops, segnem et desidem et circo ac theatris corrubtum militem); contrast the
unqualified 2.5.1 Vespasianus acer miliae and 3.43.1 strenuus militiae. For tmfiger
see 53.1n. bellorum insolens: the plural is concrete (A&G §100c),
emphasizing Proculus' absence from Rome's wars. ut cuique erat
 COMMENTARY: 87.2-88.1 285

‘respectively’; lit. “as each had (these qualities)’. prauus. .. anteibat:

for the expression cf. Sal. Hist. fr. 1.77.13 antea. . . boni malos facile anteibant,
nunc. . .); for the behaviour see 64.4n. infamauerat.
88.1 sepositus: sc. es. 10.1n. mox...sepositus. Cornelius
Dolabella was a candidate for adoption by Galba (Plut. G. 23.1; 13.2n.
non. . . aliquem), but the precise relationship between the two is unclear (see
PIR? c 1347). At some point Galba had disbanded a German bodyguard
unit on the grounds that it was partial to Dolabella (Suet. G. 12.2). Otho
tghtens the restraints on him here; Vitellius has him killed (2.63—4). T.
stresses his innocence (nullum ob crimen) and the danger of social eminence
and connection with the emperor (cf. 2.3n. nobilitas). Plutarch’s version is
more strongly suggestive of protective custody: O. 5.1 'Dolabella, a man of
noble family, made the praetorians suspect revolutionary intent, so Otho,
fearing either him or someone else, sent him away with heartening words
(TrapaBappuvas) to the city of Aquinum.’ T. treats Dolabella's eventual
death as a revealing sample (spectmen) of Vitellius’ principate: it is instigated
by an intimate friend (2.63.1; cf. 2.3n. quibus . . . oppresst), exposes a weakness
in Flavius Sabinus (46.1n.), introduces an unpleasant female (2.63.2 Tnana,
L. Vitelli uxor, ultra feminam ferox), suggests sexual Jealousy in Vitellius (2.64.1
quod Petroniam uxorem eius mox Dolabella in matrimontum accepisset), and illus-
trates a soldier's indifference both to his emperor's orders (and reputation)
and to killing: 2.64.1 uocatum (sc. Dolabellam) . . . deuertere Interamnium atque ibi
interfici iussit. longum interfectori utsum: in itinere ac taberna. proiectum humi 1ugu-
lauit, magna cum inuidia noui principatus, cutus hoc primum . specimen noscebatur.
Dolabella’s son (by Vitellius’ ex-wife) became consul in 86. coloniam
Aquinatem: Aquinum, mod. Aquino, on the via Latina some 105 km
from Rome, Juvenal's hometown (Sat. 3.319). neque arta custodia
neque obscura: cf. the antithesis between 'respectful custody' and chains
at 3.12.3 Bassus honorata custodia. . . Atnam peruectus a praefecto alae. . . uincitur.
Dolabella left Aquinum for Rome after Otho's death (2.63.1). multos
e magistratibus: the difhcult straits of the capital’s elite receive extended
(but not sympathetic) treatment from T. (118 words mullos . . . tutzsstmi; cf. 4.3
patres laeti, 19.1 patrum fauor aderat, 35.1 equitum plenque ac senatorum. . . ruere,
etc. 45.1 ruere cuncti, etc., 81.2 trepidi, 2.52.2 trepidi). Plutarch is much briefer
(O. 5.1: 22 words; see App. r). ministros bello: 22.2n. Othoni...
comes. comitum specie: more sarcastic than Plut. O. 5.1 ‘men to
share his journey’ (ouvexdnpous). Lucium Vitellium: behind his
brother in the cursus honorum, and presumably younger, he was suffect consul
 286 COMMENTARY: 88.1-88.3

in 48 and succeeded Aulus as governor of Africa (PIR v 501). He plays a

prominent role during his brother's principate beginning at 2.54.1 with a
mecting of senators after Otho's defeat. The picture that emerges is not
flattering: he leads the senate in condemning the traitor Caecina (3.37.1
atrocis. . . sententiae), manipulates Vitellius into executing a personal enemy
(3.38, a long narrative introduced by mors . . . famosa), and captures Tarracina
with signal cruelty (3.76—7, esp. 3.77.2 luhanus. .. ad L. Vutelltum perductus et
uerberibus foedatus in ore eius iugulatur); his wife's contribution is equally nox-
ious (3.77.25uperbe saeueque egisset; for 'Triaria see also above on Dolabella).
This episode elicits a character sketch: 3.77.4 L. Vitellio, quamuis infami inerat
industria, ne uirtutibus, ut bom, sed quo modo pessimus quisque, uitiis ualebat (cf.
also 3.38.2 omnt dedecore maculosum). He surrenders to the Flavians at 4.2.1
and is promptly killed, whereupon he gets an epitaph 4.2.9 par uitus fratris,
in pnncapatu ews wgilantor, nec peninde prosperis socius quam aduersis abstractus.
Suetonius adds that he entertained the new princeps extravagantly: Vit. 13.2
famosissima . . . cena data ei aduenticia a fratre, in qua duo milia lectisstmorum piscium,
septem autum apposita traduntur. cultu ‘respect’ OLD 11; cf. Sal. fug. 5.7
eodem cultu quo hberos suos habuit (sc. Iugurtham).
88.2 motae: sc. sunt. urbis curae: reiterated in nullus ordo
metu . . . uacuus. The components of the urbs (rimores senatus . .. nobibas . . .
eques . . . uulgus) are surveyed top to bottom, as in 4.3; at 35.1 the order
Is reversed. quanto: for other passages where T. omits tanto from
the correlative pair see GG mB2c; for another vanation see 12.3n. eodem
auctu. pauidi: sc. erant.
88.3 irritamenta libidinum: cf. 2.62.1 irntamenta gulae and see
20.1 n. insfrumenta uitiorum. Like Otho's pride in the (useless) allegiance of the
senate (84.3n. senatus nobtscum est), this detail aligns his party with Pompey's:
Caes. Ciu. 3.96.1 in castris Pompei uidere licuit trichilas structas, magnum argenti
pondus expositum, recentibus caespitibus tabernacula constrata. . . tabernacula protecta
hedera multaque praeterea quae nimiam luxuriam et uwtonaefiduaam designarent. 'T.
is less detailed but more outraged. sapientibus . . . tutissimi: the
motives of Vespasian's partisans are similarly mixed: 2.7.2 oplimus quisque
amore rei publicae, multos dulcedo praedarum stimulabat, alios ambiguae domi res;
tta boni malique causis diuersis, studio pan, bellum omnes cupiebant. sapien-
tibus: sc. erat. spe uana tumens: Miller (1987 b) g8 compares Virg
Aen. 11.854 (on Arruns, who has just killed Camilla) fulgentem armis ac uana
tumentem, and Sil. 17.429 Cly&um . . . uana tumentem: 'Apart from the inevitable
Silius example, which has become almost a guarantee of Virgilian influence,
 COMMENTARY: 88.3-89.2 287

the combination of uana and tumeo appears to be found only in Virgil and
Tacitus.' T. has varied the hexameter line-end by borrowing Livy's uana
praedae spes (23.42.12). afflicta fide: the abl. abs. is causal ‘since their
(fhinancial) credit had been impaired'; OLD s.v. fides 5. For the metaphor cf.
Suet. Ves. 4.3 prope labefacta 1am fide, for the 1dea 2.7.2 ambiguae domt res as
a stimulant for bellicosity; for both cf. Luc. 1.180 concussa fides et multis utile
bellum. Cf. also 30.2 fides. . . illaesa. ac connects the first two modifiers
of multi (the descriptive abl. afflicta fide and alacres); for ac. . . et cf. A. 12.46.1.
( The series et...ac s more common: e.g. 43.1 occurrens. . .et. . . exprobrans
ac. .. uertendo.) Heubner prints Nolte's emendation anxi. per incerta
tutissimi: an unexpected and paradoxical phrase concludes the critique
of those who desire war.
89.1 uulgus et...populus: 35.1nn. non populus tantum and tmpenta
plebs, 50.1n. non senatus modo . . . sed uulgus quoque. magnitudine nimia:
causal abl. with expers populus ‘because its size was too great’, cf. 8.1 tamquam in
tanta multitudine, 33.2 tantae multitudinis, 75 .1 tantam hominum multitudinem, all on
Rome’s populace. This fits the context (the ills of war are just now beginning
to be felt by the masses). Others take magnitudine with. communium curarum;
for discussion see Hellegouarc'h, who takes it with both. sentire:
historic inf. (46.3n. fatigan . conuersa .. . fuit: twenty-nine-word abl.
abs. appended to a thirteen-word main clause. intentis 'made
more severe' OLD 5; cf. Plin. Ep. 4.9.17 senatui... licet et mitigare leges et
intendere. perinde: 30.3n. attriuerant ‘had impoverished’ OLD
3b; cf. G. 29.1 nec publicanus attent (sc. Germanos).
89.2 ex quo: sc. tempore. res Caesarum: i.1n. ut alenae.
pacis aduersa: 50.2n. saeuae pacis. In the ‘table of contents’ at 2.2—3
T. offers a list of aduersa from the Flavian period, many of which have
counterparts under Tiberius and Gaius (see nn.). For the oxymoron cf. Juv.
6.292 nunc patimur longae pacis mala. Scriboniani. . . incepta: a rebel-
lion in A.D. 42, not long after Claudius’ accession, headed by a governor of
Dalmatia with two legions at his disposal: Suet. Cl. 13.2 bellum cuile mout
Funus Camillus Scribonianus, etc. Its adherents were ruthlessly punished: Dio
60.15—16. T.s narrative is lost. simul audita et coercita: sc. erant; cf.
Suet. Cl. 13.2 intra quintum diem oppressus est. Rapid victory is conveyed by sim-
ilar expressions elsewhere: cf. A. 3.47.1 tum demum Tibenus ortum patratumque
bellum senatu scripsit, Liv. 44.32.5 hoc. . . bellum pnus perpetratum quam coeptum
Romae auditum . est. Nero nuntiis magis et rumoribus quam
armis depulsus: sc. erat; for discussion and bibliography see Murison
288 COMMENTARY: 89.2-90.1

(1993) 1—26. Plutarch uses a different antithesis (G. 29.1 Galba brought
down Nero 'by his reputation (5ó8ni) rather than by his strength (Buvdniei)))
and places it in Galba's epitaph. The epitaph in T. (49.2) has no equivalent
phrase. quod raro alias: sc. factum est. Praetorians accompanied
campaigning emperors (e.g. Claudius in Britain: Durry (1938) 367), but
there were few such occasions during the long peace. Bérard (1988) cites
examples of urban cohorts in external campaigns under Domitian and
Trajan, none earlier. deducti: sc. sunt. & tergo: sc. rerat. si
ducibus aliis bellatum foret ‘had the war been fought under different
leaders’, with longo bello matenia (sc. eraf), a comment by T. based on hindsight.
For his assessment of the actual conflict between Otho and Vitellius see
2.38.2 quod singulis uelut ictibus transacta sunt bella, ugnauia principum factum est.
89.3 moras religionemque: the second term explains the first (GG
s.v. -que Al1a). Religious observance (see n. below) would have delayed Otho
until 23 March at the earliest, eight days. Here religion seems a delaying
tactic on the part of Otho's advisors (fuere qui . . . afferrent) and Otho's haste
reasoned (cunctatonem. . . exitiosam). In Suet. (O. 8.3 nulla ne relgwnum qui-
dem cura) the same episode illustrates Otho's impiety. Suetonius’ Otho also
ignores aduersissima auspicia (O. 8.3; not in T. or Plut.). nondum con-
ditorum ancilium: cf. Suet. O. 8.3 motis necdum conditis ancilibus, quod
antiquitus infaustum habetur. 'The story of the twelve ancihia (round shields)
is told at Ov. Fast. 3.365—96: the first was a gift from Jupiter to Numa,
eleven copies were made to keep its identity hidden. The Salii carried
them about Rome from 1—-23 March. These days were also inauspicious
for marriage (Ov. Met. 3.392—6) and journeys (Liv. 37.33.6 dies. . . religiost ad
tler). Caecina... transgressus exstimulabat: for the expression
cf. Liv. 3.35.3 demissa.. . in discnmen dignitas. . . simulabat Ap. Claudtum. On
the ‘ab urbe condita’ expression as subject see 18.1n. obseruatum . . . dintmendis.
go.1 pridie Idus Martius: 14 March, a day on which the Arval
Brethren made vows on Otho's behalf McC-W 2.14 pro salute et
rediu). commendata patribus re publica: the senate's only known
action during the remainder of Otho's principate was the trial of Annius
Faustus (2.10), a delator acüve under Nero and easy to attack because his
rank was only equestrian. reliquias Neronianarum sectionum
nondum in fiscum conuersas: cf. Plut. O. 1.5 'to all senators who had
been exiled under Nero and restored under Galba he gave back as much
of each man's property as he found unsold’; this was one of Otho's concil-
iatory measures, the rest of which T. reports in ch. 77. sectio is the 'buying
 COMMENTARY: 90.1-90.2 289

up (of confiscated property) at auction' (OLD 2; cf. 20.1n. hasta et sector), so

T.'s expression is slightly illogical (if property was actually bought surely the
revenue went straight to the fiscus), but sectio 1s the term that best conveys
an invidious aspect of confiscations, namely, that others besides the fiscus
could profit: A. 13.23.1. Paetus quidam, exercendis secthonibus famosus, Suet. Vit.
2.1 (invective on the origins of Vitellius' family) fitus sectionibus. . . ubertus
compendium nanctus; cf. Cic. Phil. 2.64 exspectantibus omnibus quisnam esset tam
imfnus, tam demens, tam dis hominibusque hostis, qui ad lud scelus sectiomis auderet
accedere, etc. reuocatis ab exilio: Galba recalled Nero's exiles (4.3n.
clientes. . . erectt) and Otho began the restoration of their dignity (77.3nn.
recoluit, reduus . . . senatorius locus), but they are still waiting for money (from
Vitellius) at 2.92.2 flebilis et egens nobilium turba, quos tpsos liberosque patnriae
Galbae reddiderat, nulla principts misericordia tuuarentur. No mention of assis-
tance (if any) from Vespasian survives. At A. 15.73.2 T. reports information
on the Pisonian conspiracy from exiles qui post interitus Neronis in urbem regressi
sunt. iustissimum donum: for the acc. in apposition to, and com-
menting on, the sentence see 44.2n. munimentum . . . ultonem. exactione
‘the execution (of a plan) OLD 3. usu sterile: for the agricultural
metaphor cf. 3.1n. wirtutum stenle saeculum.
90.2 aduersum...disseruit: onto this five-word main clause
(preceded by thirteen subordinated words), are appended forty-two words
of commentary (inscitiam . . . credebatur); Intro. §14. — nulla Vitellii men-
tione: for the caution cf. 2.30.3 duces partium Othonis quamuis uberrima conuicio-
rum in Vitelltum matenria abstinerent, 3.9.4. simul uirtus Germania exeratus laudibus
attollebatur, Vitelli modica et uulgari mentione, nulla in. Vespasianum. contumelia.
ipsius: sc. erat. Galeri Trachali: cos. 68 with Silius Italicus and
later Nero, speech-writer for Otho, in-law (perhaps) of Vitellius (cf. 2.60.2
Trachalum aduersus cnminantes Galena uxor Vitellu protexit), and governor of
Africa under the Flavians (PIR? G 30). His career inscription survives (CIL
v 5812 — McC-W 255). Quintilian's tributes to Trachalus' oratorical per-
formances (/nst. 10.1.119, 12.5.5—6) show that his talents were wasted as
a ghost-writer. erant qui...noscerent may be a trace of eyewit-
ness testimony (Intro. §17). crebro fori usu celebre: Quintilian de-
scribes a memorable performance at Inst. 12.5.6: speaking in one of four
trials being held simultaneously in the noisy Basilica Julia, Trachalus drew
the attention and, finally, praise of all four courts: hoc uotum est et rara felicitas.
latum et sonans ‘copious and sonorous’. latus is a frequent antithesis to
‘compressed’ or ‘cut short’: e.g. Quint. Inst. 10.1.1006 ille concludit astnctius, hic
290 COMMENTARY: 90.2-90.3

latius, Plin. Ep. 20.19 non amputata et abscissa oratw, sed lata et magnifica et excelsa
(OLD 6). For sonans (OLD 3) cf. Sen. Ep. 114.14 (on contemporary rhetor-
ical style) splendidis uts ac sonantibus et poeticis (sc. uerbis); the related stylisuc
term sonus 'sonority' is usually associated with a genre or setung (e.g. D.
10.4. coturnum uestrum aut herowi carminis sonum; OLD s.v. 3), but cf. Quint.
IÍnst. 10.1.67 —8 (a stylistic comparison of Euripides and Sophocles): grau:tas
el coturnus et sonus Sophocli widetur esse sublimior. At Inst. 12.10.11 Quintilian
mentions among rhetorical virtues the sonus Trachah.
90.3 clamor uocesque...publicum: for the scene cf. 32.1 uni-
uersa tam plebs Palatium implebat (with nn.). nimiae et falsae: sc.
erant, characterizing the cries of support as unreliable (cf. 35.1 tgnauissimus
quisque el, ut res docuit, in periculo non ausurus, mmu uerbis, linguae feroces) and
insincere (cf. 45.1 quanto . . . magis falsa erant quae fiebant, tanto plura facere) and
linking this passage with. earlier crowd scenes. ut in familiis: for
the analogy cf. 22.1, where Otho’s slaves are corruptius quam i pruata domo
habiti. priuata cuique: sc. ¢raf; for the antithesis with decus publicum
cf. 19.1pnuatas spes agitantes sine publica cura (on senators under Galba; cf.
45.1n. ahum. . . populum) and 2.7.2 optimus quisque amore rei publicae, multos dul-
cedo praedarum stimulabat, altos ambiguae domi res. 'The reading of all but two
MSS is stmulatio, which Wellesley accepts, but priuata simulatio can hardly
yield the required sense 'self-interested pretence'. stmmulatio, which often
expresses motives (cf. 25.2 suspensos. . . antmos diuersis artibus stimulant, 2.7 .2
quoted above, and A. 2.46.3 propriae . .. causae sttimulabant) makes a better
parallel for the causal abl. metu, amore, and ex libidine, and a more effective
antithesis with utle. pnruata stimulatio does convey self-interest, while the scene
itself (with. nimiae et falsae) guarantees the insincerity of the crowd's enthu-
siasm. profectus: Suetonius sets his departure on 15 March (O. 8.3).
quietem urbis curasque imperii...fratri permisit: Titianus was
soon summoned from Rome to take charge of the war (2.23.5). The former
task would in ordinary circumstances be the responsibility of the urban
prefect, currently Flavius Sabinus (46.1 nn. Flauium Sabinum and praefecere).
 APPENDICES

1 PARALLEL PASSAGES SHOWING STRONG

VERBAL SIMILARITIES
N.B. The translations from Plutarch and Dio replicate the original syntax
and word order as closely as possible.
5.2 accessit Galbae uox pro re publica honesta, ipsi anceps, legi a se
militem, non emi.
Plut. G. 18.2 ‘He made a statement befitting a great general,
saying that he was accustomed to levy soldiers, not to buy
them.’
Suet. G. 16.1 iactauit legere se militem non emere consuesse.
Dio 64.3.3 ‘He said, “I am accustomed to levy soldiers, not to
buy them.”’
6.2 introitus in. urbem trucidatis tot milibus inermium militum
infaustus omine
Plut. G. 15.4 ‘neither a happy nor an auspicious omen for Galba
entering the city through much slaughter and so many bodies'
7.2 seu bene seu male facta parem inuidiam afferebant.
Plut. G. 18.1 'Even his moderate measures were criticized.'
7-3 seruorum manus subitis auidae et tamquam apud senem festinantes
Plut. G. 16.4 'Vinius, seeing that Galba was weak and old, took
his fill of good fortune on the ground that its beginning practically
coincided with its ending.'
legatum Hordeonium Flaccum spernebat, senecta ac debilitate
pedum inualidum, sine constantia, sine auctoritate.
Plut. G. 18.4 'Flaccus, physically incapacitated by acute gout and
without practical experience, was a complete cipher to them.'
g.1b A. Vitellius aderat, censoris Vitellii ac ter consulis filius. id satis
uidebatur.
Suet. Vit. 7.3 excepit uelut dono deum oblatum (sc. Vitellium),
ter consulis filium.
Dio 64.4.2 'all that counted was his good birth’ (eUyéveia).
I2.I rupta sacramenti reuerentia
Suet. G. 16.2 . obsequium rumpere ausi

29]

(.o ole
292 APPENDICES

13.1 Potentia principatus diuisa in Titum Vinium consulem Cornelium

Laconem praetori praefectum; nec minor grata Icelo Galbae
liberto, quem anulis donatum equestri nomine Marcianum uoc-
itabant.
Suet. G. 14.2. regebatur trium arbitrio, quos una et intra Palatium
habitantes nec umquam non adhaerentes paedagogos uulgo uoca-
bant. ii erant T. Vinius legatus eius in Hispania, cupiditats immen-
sae; Cornelius Laco ex assessore praefectus praetorii, arrogantia
socordiaque intolerabilis; libertus Icelus, paulo ante anulis aureis
et Marciani cognomine ornatus ac iam summae equestris gradus
candidatus.
13.3 in prouinciam Lusitaniam specie legationis seposuit.
Suet. 0. 3.2 sepositus est per causam legationis in Lusitaniam.
13.4. Otho comiter administrata prouincia primus in partes transgressus
nec segnis et, donec bellum fuit, inter praesentes splendidissimus,
spem adoptionis statim conceptam acrius in dies rapiebat.
Plut. G. 20.1 '*He made himself neither unpleasant nor hateful to
his subjects ... When Galba revolted he was the first of the gover-
nors to go over to him.'
Suet. 0.3.2—4.1 prouinciam administrauit quaestorius per decem
annos, moderatione atque abstinentia singulan. ut tandem occasio
ultionis data est, conatibus Galbae primus accessit; eodemque
momento et ipse spem imperii cepit magnam.
14.2 Piso M. Crasso et Scribonia genitus
Plut. G. 23.1 'Piso, son of Crassus and Scribonia'
17.1 Pisonem ferunt statim intuentibus et mox coniectis in eum
omnium oculis nullum turbati aut exsultantis animi motum
prodidisse.
Plut. G. 23.3 — Asfor Piso, those present marvelled perceiving from
his voice and his expression that he received so great a benefit
without astonishment, though not without feeling.'
18.1 Quartum idus Ianuarias, foedum imbribus diem, tonitrua et fulgura
et caelestes minae ultra solitum turbauerant.
Plut. G. 23.2 'Great signs from heaven accompanied his setting
out, and when he began his speech and announcements in the camp
there was so much thunder and lightning, so much rain and dark-
ness, that it was clear that heaven neither favoured nor approved
an act of adoption that would lead to no good.’
 APPENDICES 293

19.1 quadriduo, quod medium inter adoptionem et caedem fuit

Plut. G. 24.1 'It wasnot the work of four days to change the alleg-
1ance of a healthy army, and only so many days intervened between
the adoption and the murder.'
20.1 bis et uiciens miliens sestertium donationibus Nero effuderat;
appellari singulos iussit, decima parte liberalitatis apud quemque
eorum relicta. at illis uix decimae super portiones erant, isdem erga
aliena sumptibus quibus sua prodegerant.
Plut. G. 16.2 "The gifts that Nero had given to the people of stage
and palaestra were all recalled, except for the tenth part. When
he got small and niggardly sums (for most had squandered what
they had received, being improvident and satyr-like individuals) he
sought out people who had bought or received anything from these
and exacted it from them.’
Suet. G. 15.1 liberalitates Neronis non plus decimis conces-
sis. . . reuocandas curauit exigendasque, ut et si quid scaenici ac
xystici donatum olim uendidissent, auferretur emptoribus, quando
illi pretio absumpto soluere nequirent.
22.1 non erat Othonis mollis et corpon similis animus.
Plut. G. 25.1 'In spirit he was not enfeebled, as per the softness
and effeminacy of his body.’
Suet. 0. 12.1 tanto Othonis animo nequaquam corpus aut habi-
tus competit.
22.2 e quibus (sc. mathematicis) Ptolemaeus Othoni in Hispania comes,
cum superfuturum eum Neroni promisisset, postquam ex euentu
fides, coniectura iam et rumore senium Galbae et iuuentam
Othonis computantium persuaserat fore ut in imperium ascis-
ceretur.
Plut. G. 23.4 *... Ptolemaeus, who frequently expressed confi-
dence in his prediction that Nero would not kill Otho but would
predecease him, while Otho would survive and rule the Romans (for
having shown the former to be true he thought that Otho should
not despair of the latter).'
Suet. O. 4.1 qui (sc. Seleucus mathematicus) cum eum olim super-
stitem Neroni fore spopondisset, tunc ultro inopinatus aduenerat
imperaturum quoque breui repromittens.
24.1 quotiens Galba apud Othonem epularetur, cohorti excubias agenti
uiritim centenos nummos diuideret.
294 APPENDICES

Plut. G. 20.4 'Whenever he entertained Galba he gave a bribe to

the cohort on guard duty, an aureus to each man, thus appearing to
honour Galba but reducing his power and courting the favour of
the troops.’
Suet. 0. 4.2 quotiens cena principem acciperet, aureos excubanti
cohorti uiritim diuidebat.
24.2 adeo animosus corruptor ut Cocceio Proculo speculatori de parte
finium cum uicino ambigenti uniuersum uicini agrum sua pecunia
emptum dono dederit.
Suet. 0. 4.2 cuidam etiam de parte finium cum uicino litiganti
adhibitus arbiter totum agrum redemit emancipauitque.
25.1 Barbium Proculum tesserarium speculatorum et Veturium op-
tionem eorundem
Plut. G. 24.1 'Among those were Veturius and Barbius, the one
an optw, the other a tesseranus.’
25.1b pretio et promissis
Plut. G. 24.1 'some with money, others with hopes’ (Tous pgv
&pyupiwi, Tous 8¢ EATrion)
27.1 sacrificanti pro aede Apollinis Galbae haruspex Vmbricius tristia
exta et instantes insidias ac domesticum hostem praedicit.
Plut. G. 24.2 'Early that day Galba offered sacrifice on the
Palatine with his friends present. The officiant, Umbricius, as soon
as he took the victim's entrails into his hands and studied them, said
(not through enigmas but directly) that there were signs of a great
disturbance and that danger and treachery threatened the life of
the emperor.'
Suet. G. 19.1 sacrificani mane haruspex identidem monuit
caueret periculum, non longe percussores abesse.
27.1—2 nec multo post libertus Onomastus nuntiat exspectari eum ab archi-
tecto et redemptoribus, quae significatio coeuntium iam militum
et paratae coniurationis conuenerat. Otho, causam digressus re-
quirentibus, cum emi sibi praedia uetustate suspecta eoque prius
exploranda finxisset, innixus liberto per Tiberianam domum in
Velabrum, inde ad miliarium aureum sub aedem Saturni pergit.
Plut. G. 24.4 'Onomastus his freedman arrived and said that the
builders (&py1TéxTovas) were waiting for him at home. This sig-
nalled the moment when Otho had to meet up with the soldiers.
 APPENDICES 295

Saying, therefore, that he had bought an old house and wanted

to show things he was suspicious about to the sellers, he went off.
Proceeding through what is called the domus Tiberiana he came to
the Forum, where stands the gilded column at which all the roads
that cut across Italy terminate.'
Suet. 0. 6.2 deinde liberto adesse architectos nuntiante, quod
signum conuenerat, quasi uenalem domum inspecturus abscessit
proripuitque se postica parte Palati ad constitutum (the plan was
described earlier: praemonitis consciis, ut se in foro sub aede Saturni
ad miliarium aureum opperirentur).
Dio 64.5.3 . 'He hurried off as if on some other errand.’
27.2 ibi tres et uiginti speculatores consalutatum imperatorem...
strictis mucronibus rapiunt.
Plut. G. 25.1 'Here, they say, the first to receive him and salute
him as emperor numbered no more than three and twenty.’
Suet. 0. 6.3 imperator consalutatus inter faustas acclamationes
strictosque gladios ad principia deuenit.
28 Stationem in castris agebat Iulius Martialis tribunus. is magnitu-
dine subiti sceleris, an corrupta latius castra et, si contra tenderet,
exitium metuens, praebuit plerisque suspicionem conscientiae.
Plut. G. 25.3 ‘Of tribunes the one on guard at the camp,
Martialis — they say he was not a conspirator and was surprised
by the unexpected and frightened - allowed them to enter.'
29.1 sacris intentus fatigabat alieni iam imperii deos, cum affertur rumor
Plut. G. 25.4 'At the Palatine the news was immediately an-
nounced to Galba, who was still at the sacrifice with the entrails in
his hands.’
29.2 Piso pro gradibus domus uocatos in hunc modum allocutus est: (a
speech follows).
Plut. G. 25.4 'Piso went out and met with the praetorians on
guard duty.'
31.2 Missus et Celsus Marius ad electos Illyrici exercitus Vipsania in
porticu tendentes.
Plut. G. 25.5 *To the lllynan unit camped in the so-called
porticus Vibsania was sent Marius Celsus.'
313 Germanica uexilla diu nutauere, inualidis adhuc corporibus et pla-
catis animis, quod eos a Nerone Alexandriam praemissos atque inde
296 APPENDICES

rursus longa nauigatione aegros impensiore cura Galba refouebat.

Suet. G. 20.1 1 (sc. Germaniciani) ob recens meritum, quod se
aegros ct inualidos magno opere fouisset, in auxilium aduolauerunt.
33.2 Vinium Laco minaciter inuasit, stimulante Icelo.
Plut. G. 26.1 'Icelus and Laco .. . assailed Vinius vehemently.'
34.2 occisum in castris Othonem uagus primum et incertus rumor.
Plut. G. 26.1 'Many a report circulated to the effect that Otho
had been killed in the camp.'
35.2 Obuius in Palatio Iulius Atticus speculator cruentum gladium os-
tentans occisum a se Othonem exclamauit. et Galba ‘commilito,’
Inquit ‘quis 1ussit?’
Plut. G. 26.1-2 Aftera short time was seen Julius Atticus, a prae-
torian of some distinction. He was approaching with drawn sword
and shouting that he had killed the emperor's enemy. Shoving his
way through those ahead of him he showed Galba his bloody sword.
Galba, looking at him, said "Who gave the order?""
Suet. G. 19.2 1s ut occurreret produt tanta fiducia, ut militi
cuidam occisum a se Othonem glorianti ‘quo auctore?’ responderit.
Dio 64.6.2 ‘A certain soldier, holding out his drawn and bloody
sword, approached him and said, “Take heart, emperor, for I have
killed Otho and there is no further cause for fear.” Believing him,
Galba said “And who ordered you to do this?""
37-5 minore auaritia ac licentia grassatus esset I. Vinius si ipse
imperasset.
Suet.G.14.2 his(sc. Vinio, Lacone, Icelo) diuerso uitiorum genere
grassantibus
40.1 Agebatur huc illuc Galba uario turbae fluctuantis impulsu.
Plut. G. 26.3 — 'His litter was swept hither and thither (beüpo kóxei)
as if in a swell, and often threatened to capsize.'
40.1b completis undique basilicis ac templis, lugubri prospectu
Plut. G. 26.4 'seeking the porticoes and galleries of the Forum, as
if to spectate'
41.1 uexillarius comitatae Galbam cohortis (Atilium Vercilionem fuisse
tradunt) dereptam Galbae imaginem solo afflixit.
Plut. G. 26.4 *'When Atilius Vergilio dashed down a statue of
Galba ...'
41.2 alii suppliciter interrogasse quid mali meruisset, paucos dies
exsoluendo donatiuo deprecatum
 APPENDICES 297

Suet. G. 20.1 suntquitradant, ad primum tumultum proclamasse

eum: 'quid agitis, commilitones? ego uester sum et uos mei.' do-
natiuum etiam pollicitum.
Dio 64.6.4 'saying only this: “But what evil have I done?”’
41.2b plures obtulisse ultro percussoribus iugulum: agerent ac ferirent, si
ita e re publica uideretur.
Plut. G. 27.1 'Stretching out his neck he said, "Go ahead, if this
is better for the people of Rome."'
Suet. G. 20.1 plures autem prodiderunt obtulisse ultro iugulum
et ut hoc agerent ac ferirent, quando ita uideretur, hortatum.
41.3 de percussore non satis constat: quidam Terentium euocatum, alii
Laecanium, crebrior fama tradidit Camurium quintae decimae
legionis militem.
Plut. G.27.2 "Theman who killed him, according to most writers,
was a certain Camurius from Legio xv. Some report that it was
Terentius, others Lecanius, still others Fabius Fabullus, who they
also say cut off Galba's head and carried it wrapped in a cloak,
since its baldness made it difficult to hold.’
42 ... non esse ab Othone mandatum ut occideretur. quod seu finxit
formidine seu conscientiam confessus est . . .
Plut. G. 27.4 '...confessing that he was party to the conspiracy
against Galba. For he cried out that he was dying contrary to Otho's
intention.’
43.1 Insignem illa die uirum Sempronium Densum aetas nostra uidit.
Plut. G. 26.4—5 ‘No one kept them off or supported him except
one man, the only one among the thousands seen by the sun who
was worthy of the Roman empire. He was Sempronius Densus, a
centurion.’
Suet. G. 20.1 illud mirum admodum fuerit, neque praesentium
quemquam opem imperatori ferre conatum et omnes qui arcesse-
rentur spreuisse nuntium excepta Germanicianorum uexillatione.
Dio 64.6.4-5 — 'Sempronius Densus, a centurion, defended him as
long as he was able ...1 have recorded this man's name as well,
because he is most worthy of mention.'
43.2 missu Othonis nominatim in caedem eius (sc. Pisonis) ardentis
Plut. G. 27.3 'They say that Otho, when the head (sc. of Galba)
was brought to him, cried out, "This is nothing, soldiers. Show me
Piso’s head!”’
298 APPENDICES

44.2 certatim ostentantibus cruentas manus qui occiderant, qui inter-

fuerant, qui uere qui falso ut pulchrum et memorabile facinus
1actabant.
Plut. G. 27.5 'Many who had had no part in the murder smeared
their hands and swords with blood and showed them off and asked
for rewards.’
44.2b pluresquam centum uiginti lhbellos praemium exposcentium ob ali-
quam notabilem illa die operam Vitellius postea inuenit, omnesque
conquiri et interfici iussit.
Plut. G. 27.5 "They submitted petitions to Otho. In fact 120 of
them were later found out by means of their petitions. All of these
Vitellius sought out and killed.’
Suet. Fit. 10.1 centum autem atque uiginü quorum libellos
Othonidatosinuenerat exposcentium praemium ob editam in caede
Galbae operam conquiri et supplicio affici imperauit (sc. Vitellius).
45.1 Alium crederes senatum, alium populum
Plut. G. 28.1 'asifthey (sc. the senate) were now other men or the
gods were different gods'
46.1 urbi Flauium Sabinum praefecere, iudicium Neronis secuti, sub
quo eandem curam obtinuerat, plerisque Vespasianum fratrem in
eo respicientibus.
Plut. 0. 5.2 ‘As prefect of the city he appointed Flavius Sabinus,
Vespasian's brother, either as a show of respect for Nero (for Sabinus
had the office from Nero, while Galba removed him) or else, as is
more likely, he was demonstrating good will and trust to Vespasian
by elevating Sabinus.’
47.2 Otho cruento adhuc foro per stragem iacentium in Capitolium
atque inde in Palatium uectus
Plut. G. 28.1 "They gave him the titles of Caesar and Augustus,
while the headless bodies in consular robes lay strewn in the
forum.’
48.2-3 legatum Caluisium Sabinum habuerat, cuius uxor mala cupidine
uisendi situm castrorum per noctem militari habitu ingressa, cum
uigilias et cetera militiae munia eadem lasciuia temptasset, in ipsis
principiis stuprum ausa. et criminis huius reus Titus Vinius ar-
guebatur. igitur iussu C. Caesaris oneratus catenis, mox mutatione
temporum dimissus
 APPENDICES 299

Plut. G. 12.1-2 'While still young and a soldier in his first year of
service, under Calvisius Sabinus, he brought into camp by night his
commander's wife, a loose woman, she wearing military garb, and
seduced her in the headquarters, the building that the Romans call
the Principia. On account of this Gaius Caesar imprisoned him,
but when he (sc. Gaius) died, he (sc. Vinius) with great good fortune
was released.'
48.3 seruili deinceps probro respersus est, tamquam scyphum aureum
in conuiuio Claudii furatus. et Claudius postera die soli omnium
Vinio fictilibus ministrari iussit.
Plut. G. 12.2 ‘Dining with Claudius Caesar he carried off a silver
cup. When Claudius heard, he invited him back to dinner the next
day, and when he came he ordered the servants to bring out and
set before him nothing silver but only earthenware.’
49.1 Galbae corpus diu neglectum et licentia tenebrarum plurimis ludib-
riis uexatum dispensator Argius e prioribus seruis humili sepultura
in priuatis eius hortis contexit.
Plut. G. 28.3 "The body of Galba Helvidius Priscus took up with
Otho's permission. The freedman Argius buried it.'
Suet. G. 20.2 . sero tandem dispensator Argiuus et hoc (sc. caput)
et ceterum truncum in priuatis eius hortis Aurelia uia sepulturae
dedit.
Dio 64.6.3 "They abused his body in various ways.’
49.2 quinque principes prospera fortuna emensus
Plut. G. 29.1 'having lived during five emperors' reigns with hon-
our and reputation'
49.2b uetus in familia nobilitas, magnae opes
Plut. G. 29.1 ‘a man inferior to few Romans in birth or wealth,
indeed in wealth and birth superior to all his contemporaries'
52.4 collegium Caesaris
Plut. G. 22.5 'colleague, in a manner of speaking, of Claudius
Caesar’
53.1 corpore ingens
Plut. 0.6.3 *with a huge body' (cóparros pey&^ou; Hardy (1890)
notes the Latinate construction of Plutarch's phrase).
55-3-4 dirumpunt imagines Galbae, quarta legio promptius, duoetuicen-
sima cunctanter, mox consensu. ac ne reuerentiam imperii exuere
 APPENDICES

uiderentur, senatus populique Romani oblitterata iam nomina

sacramento aduocabant.
Plut. G. 22.3 'Going up to the statues of Galba they overturned
them and dragged them down. After swearing allegiance to the
senate and the Roman people they dispersed.'
56.2 Nocte .. . epulanti Vitellio nuntaat
Plut. G. 22.6 ‘he announced it to Vitellius in the evening, while
many were feasting with him’
57-1 superior exercitus, speciosis senatus populique Romani nominibus
relictis, tertium nonas Ianuarias Vitellio accessit.
Plut. G. 22.8 'And straight away Flaccus' force cast aside their
fine and democratic oaths of allegiance to the senate and swore to
Vitellius that they would do what he commanded.’
Suet. Vi.8.2 . consentiente deinde etiam superioris prouinciae ex-
ercitu, qui prior a Galba ad senatum defecerat.
62.2 nomen Germanici Vitellio statim additum; Caesarem se appellari
etiam uictor prohibuit.
Plut G. 22.; 'He tolerated their applicaünon of the name
Germanicus to him, though he did not accept that of Caesar.’
Suet. Vit. 8.2 cognomen Germanici delatum ab uniuersis cupide
recepit, Augusti distulit, Caesaris in perpetuum recusauit.
62.3 Laetum augurium Fabio Valenti exercituique quem in bellum
agebat
Suet. Vit. 9.1 praemisso agmine laetum euenit augurium.
71.1 Marium Celsum .. . acciri in Capitolium iubet.
Plut. O. 1.1 "... having ordered Marius Celsus to be brought to
him'.
71.2 Celsus constanter seruatae erga Galbam fidei crimen confessus,
exemplum ultro imputauit.
Plut. 0. 1.1 ‘When Celsus replied neither ignobly nor insensibly,
saying that the charge against him gave proof of his character, for
he was charged with having been a supporter Galba could rely
on...'
72.1 Par inde exsultatio disparibus causis consecuta impetrato Tigellini
exitio.
Plut. 0. 2.1 ‘But nothing so gladdened all Romans alike and
won their acceptance for him (sc. Otho) as the treatment of
Tigellinus.'
 APPENDICES 301

72.1b corrupto ad omne facinus Nerone...ac postremo eiusdem

desertor ac proditor
Plut. G. 17.3 ‘The man who made Nero deserving of death and
abandoned and betrayed him in that state .. . '
72.3 in circum ac theatra effusi seditiosis uocibus strepere, donec
Plut. G. 17.4 ‘in all the theatres and circuses they would not cease
demanding him, until’
74-1 ab Othone ad Vitellium epistulae offerebant pecuniam et gratiam
et quemcumque quietis locum prodigae uitae legisset.
Plut. 0. 4.2 ‘He (sc. Otho) wrote to Vitellius counselling him to
think like a soldier and saying that he would give him money and
a city in which he could live an easy and pleasant life at peace.'
74.1b paria Vitellius ostentabat, primo mollius, stulta utrimque et in-
decora simulatione; mox quasi rixantes stupra ac flagitia inuicem
obiectauere, neuter falso.
Plut. 0. 4.3 ‘He (sc. Vitellius) wrote back, feigning calm at first.
But thereafter in anger they wrote abusing one another with many
shameful insults, not falsely (oU weudds uév), but foolishly and
ridiculously, seeing that one was insulting the other with reproaches
that fit both.'
76.1 iurasse in eum Dalmatiae ac Pannoniae et Moesiae legiones
Plut. O. 4.1 *...the armies of Pannonia and Dalmatia and Moe-
sia, along with their leaders, chose Otho'.
77.2 ceteri consulatus ex destinatione Neronis aut Galbae mansere.
Plut. O. .2 ‘For all those who had been designated by Nero or
Galba he preserved their consulships.'
77-3 sed Otho pontificatus auguratusque honoratis iam senibus
cumulum dignitatis addidit.
Plut. O. .2 'With priesthoods he honoured those who were dis-
tinguished by age or reputation.’
81.1 cum timeret Otho, timebatur.
Plut. O.3.5 'Fearingfor these men he was himself fearful to them’
(poPoupevos yap Utrep Tv áv5pov avrós fjv qopepos Exelvois).
81.2 et praefectos praetorii ad mitigandas militum iras statim miserat et
abire propere omnes e conuiuio iussit.
Plut. O.3.5 'He both (&po) sent off the prefects, ordering them to
talk with the soldiers and calm them, and (&po) roused his guests
and sent them out through a different door.’
302 APPENDICES

82.1 donec Otho contra decus imperii toro insistens precibus et lacrimis
aegre cohibuit
Plut. 0. 3.7 'Then upright on the couch he addressed them at
length and pleaded with them and spared not even tears. With
difficulty he sent them away.'
86.1 in uestibulo Capitolii omissas habenas bigae cui Victoria institerat
Plut. 0. 4.4 'Everyone saw that in the Capitolium the reins of the
Nike standing on a chariot had been loosed from her hands as if
she was no longer able to control it.'
86.1b statuam diui Iulii in insula Tiberini amnis sereno et immoto die ab
occidente in orientem conuersam
Plut. 0. 4.4 "The statue of Gaius Caesar on the island in the river
Tiber, without the occurrence of either seismic movement or wind,
turned from west to east.'
Suet. Ves. 5.7 statuam Diui Iuli ad orientem sponte conuersam
88.1 in quis et Lucium Vitellium, eodem quo ceteros cultu, nec ut im-
peratoris fratrem nec ut hostis
Plut. O. 5.1 *he included among them Lucius, Vitellius' brother,
not adding to or detracting from his dignity'.
89.3 fuere qui proficiscenti Othoni moras religionemque nondum con-
ditorum ancilium afferrent; aspernatus est omnem cunctationem
ut Neroni quoque exitiosam.
Suet. O. 8.3 expeditionem autem impigre atque etiam prae-
propere incohauit, nulla ne religionum quidem cura, sed et motis
necdum conditis ancilibus.
90.1 reliquias Neronianarum sectionum nondum in fiscum conuersas
reuocatis ab exilio concessit.
Plut. 0.1.3 ‘To all senators exiled by Nero and recalled by Galba
he gave whatever of each man’s property he found still unsold.’

2 EPIGRAMS AND SENTENTIAE

1.4 ubi sentire quae uelis et quae sentias dicere licet
2.1 ipsa etiam pace saeuum
2.3 et quibus deerat inimicus per amicos oppressi
3.2 non esse curae deis securitatem nostram, esse ultionem
6.1 inauditi atque indefensi tamquam innocentes perierant
7-3 eadem... nouae aulae mala, aeque grauia, non aeque excusata
 APPENDICES 303

10.2 cui expeditius fuerit tradere imperium quam obtinere

10.3 post fortunam credidimus
I1.3 annum sibi ultimum, rei publicae prope supremum
13.2 non tam unum aliquem fouebant quam alium
16.4 nec totam seruitutem pati possunt nec totam libertatem
16.4 Galba quidem...tamquam principem faceret, ceteri tamquam
cum facto loquebantur
17.1 imperare posset magis quam uellet
20.2 tam pauperes forent quibus donasset Nero quam quibus abstulisset
22.1 in ciuitate nostra et uetabitur semper et retinebitur
24.2 quem nota pariter et occulta fallebant
25.1 suscepere duo manipulares imperium populi Romani transferen-
dum et transtulerunt
30.1 libido ac uoluptas penes ipsum ..., rubor ac dedecus penes
omnes
30.2 Nero... uos destituit, non uos Neronem
32.1 eodem die diuersa pari certamine postulaturis
36.3 omnia seruiliter pro dominatione
37.1 nec priuatum me uocare sustineo princeps a uobis nominatus, nec
principem alio imperante
38.2 non potest laudari nisi peractum
38.3 praecipuum pessimorum incitamentum quod boni maerebant
39.1 optima uiderentur quorum tempus effugerat
45.1 quantoque magis falsa erant quae fiebant tanto plura facere
45.2 Othoni nondum auctoritas inerat ad prohibendum scelus; iubere
lam poterat
46.2 per latrocinia et raptus aut seruilibus ministeriis militare otium
redimebant
47.1 Exacto per scelera die nouissimum malorum fuit laetitia
48.1 ad hoc tantum maiori fratri praelatus est ut prior occideretur
48.4 prauus aut industrius eadem ui
48.4 testamentum Tit1i Vini magnitudine opum irritum, . Pisonis
supremam uoluntatem paupertas firmauit
49.2 alieno imperio felicior quam suo
49.3 quod segnitia erat, sapientia uocaretur
49.4 omnium consensu capax imperii, nisi imperasset
50.3 deteriorem fore qui uicisset
52.2 ipsa uitia pro uirtutibus interpretabantur
304 APPENDICES

52.4 ut concupisceret magis quam ut speraret

54.3 faciliore inter malos consensu ad bellum quam in pace ad
concordiam
55.1 insita mortalibus natura propere sequi quae piget inchoare
56.1 unde plures erant omnes fuere
58.2 apud saeuientes occidere palam, ignoscere non nisi fallendo
licebat
59.1 damnatos fidei crimine
63.2 non quidem in bello sed pro pace tendebantur
65.1 uno amne discretis conexum odium
71.2 fidei crimen confessus
71.2 fides integra et infelix
77-3 quod auaritia fuerat, uideri maiestatem
81.1 cum timeret Otho, timebatur
82.1 inuiti neque innocentes
85.3 tumultu uerborum sibi ipsi obstrepentes
87.2 prauus et callidus bonos et modestos anteibat
88.3 per incerta tutissimi

3 NOTES PERTAINING TO PARALLEL INCIDENTS

REPORTED UNDER TWO OR MORE PRINCIPES
(G = Galba, O = Otho, V - Vitellius, F — Vespasian)
4.2 finis Neronis (GOVF), 4.3 usurpata . .. licentius (GF), 5.1 neque dari donatiuum
(GF), 6.1 alter . .. destruebant (GF), 6.1 cruentum (GF), 6.2 trucidatis . .. militum
(GVF), 7.2 an ne ... scrutaretur (GVF), 8.1 recentr . .. cuntatrs (GOVF), 8.1
in...leuamento (GF), 13.1 potentia pnncipatus (GOV), 13.1 anulis dona-
tum (GVF), 13.1 discordes (GV), 18.2 quartam ... fore (GV), 20.3 exauc-
torat (GF), 21.2 mento penre (GO), 27.2 miraculo (OF), 41.1 uexilla-
nus . .. tmaginem (GVF), 44.1 nullam ... dicstur (OF), 45.1 nec ... temperans
(OF), 45.2 Othon . . poterat (OVF), 45.2 stimulatione. . . wssum (OVF), 47.2
in . .. uectus (OV), 52.2 auiditate imperandi (GOVF), 53.1 flagitan (GV), 54.2
nec . .. aberant (OV), 55.3 dirumpunt . . . turbantibus (OVF), 57.2 auala (VF),
58.1 astu subtraxit (V F), 58.2 occidere . . . fallendo (OV), 59.1 fidet cromine (OVF),
60 discors (GF), 61.2 ad. . . milia (VF), 61.2 tota . . . secuturus (VF), 62.2 torpebat
(OVF), 63.1 mitigatr (VF), 64.4. infamauerat (VF), 66.2 . Valentem .. . emptum
(VF), 66.3 lento...agmine (VF), 67.2 direptus ... locus (OV), 70.2 cuncta-
tus ...num (VF), 71.2 exemplum .. . :mputauit (OV), 74.1 crebrae ... epastulae
 APPENDICES 305

(VF), 74.3 epistulas (VF), 76.1 fiduaam (OV), 77.1 Otho... obbat (OV),
77.3 reditus .. . locus (GOF), 80.1 Paruo .. . seditio (OV), 80.2 tribunos . . . arguit
(OV), 83.4 neque. . . credidenm (GOV), go.1 reuocatis ab exilio (GOV)

4 NOTES ILLUSTRATING DIFFERENCES BETWEEN

HISTORIES 1 AND THE PARALLEL TRADITION
1 different context
5.2 Semwm ...auantam, 7.2 seu... facta, 7.3 tamquam ... festinantes, 8.1
tamquam . . . multitudine, 12.1 rupta ... reuerenta, 13.1 potentia principatus, 17.1
statim . . . ocults, 19.1 quadnduo, 21.1 proximus destinaretur, 30.2 Nero . . . Neronem,
36.1 cauen ... praepositos, 37.5 grassatus esset, 40.2 inermem et senem, 48.2
Titus Vinius, 49.2 uetus .. . nobilitas, 53.1 decorus . . . incessu, 55.4 non . .. locutus,
62.2 nomen ... prohibuit, 72.1 par ... dispanbus, 72.1 impetrato . . . exitio, 72.3
infamem uitam, 77.2 consul .. . ipse, 85.1 in duos, 89.2 .Nero .. . depulsus, 90.1
reliquias . . . conuersas

2 different tone or detail

5.1 praecuentamque gratiam, 5.2 ne...cetera, O.1 . inualidum — senem, 7.2
Suere . .. abstinuisse, 7.3 imperatores . .. comparantibus, 8.2 abducto ... amicitiae,
8.2 superbia ... wictonae, 9.1 debilitate pedum, 10.1 Licimus Mucianus, 13.1
Icelo ... hiberto, 13.2 destinabantur, 13.2 rei ... subisse, 13.3 aemulatione luxus,
13.3 eoque. .. seposuit, 13.3. conscium. libidinum, 13.4. primus . . . sblendidissimus,
13.4 . spem ...rapwbat, 14.2 mons...seuerus, 20.1 isdem ... manerent, 20.1
repeti, 20.3 exauctoraly, 21.1 . inopia .. . toleranda, 22.1 non ... ammus, 23.1
studia . . . affectauerat, 25.1. Barbium .. . eorundem, 25.1 pretw . .. promissis, 27.1
audiente . . . interpretante, 27.2 sellae, 28 suspicionem conscientae, 31.3 nutauere,
34.2 multy arbitrabantur, 35.1 thorace, 36.1 non ... circumdarent, 41.2 trepida-
fione ferentium, 42 de . . . ambigitur, 42 conscius sceleris, 44.2 certatim . . . ullionem,
45.2 . Othoni ... poterat, 45.2 simulatione. .. iussum, 47.1 . exacto .. . laetitia,
47.1 omnes...honores, 47.2 in...uectus, 47.2 . quaesitis .. capttibus, 49.1
dispensator . .. contexit, 49.2 — quinque...emensus, 49.2 . magnae opes, 49.3
famae . . . uendilator, 49.9, pecuniae. . . parcus, 49.4 apud . . . Hispaniam, 49.4 om-
nwum . .. imperasset, 52.2 comitatem bonitalemque, 52.2 ipsa ... interpretabantur,
53.2 praeuentus erat, 55.3 dirumpunt... turbantibus, 56.2 . nocte . .. nuntiat, 60
Rosctus. Coelius, 62.2. inerti .. . epulis, 71.1. formidimis, 71.1. Manum Celsum,
72.1 exsultatio, 72.2 Titi.... defensus, 72.2 haud. .. seruauerat, 72.3 Sinuessanas
aquas, 72.3 supremae necessitatis, 72.3 inter .. . oscula, 72.3 deformes moras, 73
306 APPENDICES

Caluia Crispinilla, 74.1 pecumam . . . legisset, 74.1 stupra . .. obiectauere, 74.2 rur-
sus...misu, 77.1 ex...decus, 77.3 sed ... recohat, 78.1 Hispalensibus
. . . dedst,
78.2 creditus . . . agilauisse, 78.2 quibusdam . . . acclamauit, 78.2 uetandi
. . . pudore,
79.1 externa . .. habebantur, 80.2 seuerissimos centurionum, 81.1. celebre conutuium,
81.1 qui...timebatur, 81.2 discnmune ... terntus, 81.2 tum ... petruere, 82.1
undique, 82.1 donec
... cohibuit, 82.3. tum
.. . ausus, 88.1. comitum specie, 88.1
Lucium Vitellium, 89.3 moras religionemque

3 different chronology
14.1 ntfal .. . certum, 20.1 proxima.
. . cura, 20.3 exauctorati, 35.2 lultus . . . specu-
lator, 47.2 tn ... uectus, 72.1 tmpetrato. .. exilio, 74.1 crebrae
. . . efistulae, 86.1
ab .. . conuersam

4 different facts (i.e. somebody has made a mistake)

6.2 truadahs . .. militum, 7.3 praepotentes liber, 20.2 trinta .. . praepositt, 22.2
e quibus, 40.2 rafidi equis, 43.1 tnsignem .. . utdit, 46.1 praefecere, 86.3 uta Flamimia
 SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY

EDITIONS OF HISTORIES 1
The following editions (and commentaries and translations) are cited by
name alone. In notes on the text of Histories 1 the names Heubner and
Wellesley refer to their respective critical editions; elsewhere they refer to
Heubner’s commentary and Wellesley’s translation.
Alford, M. (1912). Tacitus: Histories, book I. London.
Chilver, G. E. F. (1979). A historical commentary on Tacitus? Histores I and II.
Oxford.
Church, A. J. and W.J. Broddribb. (1894). The History of Tacitus. New ed.
London.
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Wallace-Hadrill, A. (1983). Suetontus: the scholar and his Caesars. New Haven.
Watson, G. R. (1974). 'Documentation in the Roman army', A.NAW n t:
4937507.
Weaver, P. R. C. (1972). Familia Caesans: a social study of the emperor's freedmen
and slaves. Cambridge.
Webster, G. (1998). 7he Roman imperial army of the first and second centuries A.D.
3rd ed. Norman.
Wellesley, K. (1967). 'In defense of the Leiden Tacitus', RAM n.s. 110:
210—24.
(1971). ‘A major crux in Tacitus: Histories n. 40', JRS 61: 28—51.
Wiedemann, T. (1999). 'Valerius Asiaticus and the regime of Vitellius',
Philologus 143: 323-35.
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Wolfflin, E. (1888). 'Abolefacio — abolla', ALL 5: 107—15 and 118-19.

(1898). ‘Galbanus, galbianus’, ALL 10: 282.
Wolski,J. (1993). L'emptre des Ársacides. Louvain.
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Ziolkowksi, À. (1993). ‘Urbs direpta, or how the Romans sacked cities',
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 INDEXES

1 LATIN WORDS -ere, -erunt 1.1

et quidem 5.2
abolere 47.1 ex 57.2
ad 85.1
adeo 9.1 fama 5.2
adhibere 71.2 famosus 10.1
aduersus 66.3 feralis 37.3
affectatio 8o.1 ferocia 51.1
alius 29.1 fessus 12.2
alumnus 84.3 fides 59.1
ambitiosus 83.1 fingere 21.1
animaduersio 64.2 forma 5.2
anxius 14.1
arma 68.1 grassari 37.5
aula 7.3
auspicato 84.4 haesitatio 39.2
auxilia 61.2 haud dubie 7.1
haurire 41.3, 67.1
casus 2.1 hiare 12.3
circa 13.2 horror 37.3
citus 53.1 hostis 71.2
clamor 32.1
coercere 11.1 Jam uero 2.2
comitia 14.1 illecebrae 10.2
commilito 29.2 immanitas 16.2
concieo 4.2 imperare 52.2
consensus 15.1 impigre 53.1
consumere 42 imputare 38.2
contumacia 3.1 incitamentum 38.3
cruentus 6.1 inclinare 42
cunctus 2.3 incuriose 13.3
cupido sui 8o.1 indere 51.3
infringere 1.1
decus 51.2 ingenium 51.2
deorum 15.1 ingens 61.1
desum - inf. 36.3 inhabilis 79.3
domus 37.5 inoffensus 48.3
donec 4- subj. 35.1 inopia 21.1
dubia 85.2 instinctus 70.1
instinguere 22.3
efferatus 21.1 insuper 36.1
effugium 43.1 interest 1.1

319
320 INDEXES

intutus 33.2 remeare 86.2

iter 86.3 reuerentia 12.1

latus 90.2 sagina 62.2

ludibrium 2.1 satelles 84.1
lymphatus 82.1 scortum 13.3
secreta 22.2
magnus 2.2 sonans 90.2
maiestas 77.3 strenuus 52.3
materies 51.5 subita 7.3
matrimonium 22.2
miscere 32.1 tamquam 7.3, 8.2
moles 61.2 -tor 22.3, 38.3, 49.3
momentum 59.1 trini 2.1
mos 7.3 tum uero 35.1
mulcere 39.2 turbamentum 23.1

nobilitare 2.1 uocitare 13.1

nutare 31.3 ut...ita 4.2
uulgus 25.2, 69
oblitteratus 55.4
occupare 40.1
opimus 2.1 2 GENERAL INDEX
paganus 53.3 *ab urbe condita' construction 18.1,
palor 68.1 26.1, 89.3
penes 57.1 ablative: 2.3, 8.1, 12.2, 22.2; description
perinde 30.3 31.3; gerundive 52.1; lists 12.2, 57.2,
petulanter 13.3 67 .1, 90.3; locative 12.2, 55.4; route
placamenta 63.2 61.1, 70.2
plures 1.1 abl. abs. appendixes 20.1, 22.1, 24.2,
praegrauis 21.1 27.1, 32.1, 39.2, 40.1, 47.1, 63.1, 76.1,
praetextus 19.2 70.3, 85.1, 86.2, 89.1; see also 51.2,
prensare 36.2 77-1,90.2
primores 25.2 abstract nouns: 1.1, 2.2, 12.1, 15.4, 16.2,
principalis 13.3 17.2, 22.2, 32.1, 35.1, 44-2, 45.2,
proinde 21.2 51.4, 55.2, 62.2, 63.1, 65.1, 66.1, 73,
promisce 47.1 79.4,.83..1, 85.1 H
prospectus 40.1 accusative in apposition to sentence
44-2
quamquam 9.2 adjectives: substantive 4- partitive gen.
quamuis 5.2 4.3; with ex 57.2
adverbs: attributive 46.4; in apposition
recolere 77.3 to sentence 65.1;
rector 16.1 Aedui64.3 .
refundere 86.2 Aemilius Pacensis 20.3
 INDEXES 321

agon 32.2 Cluvius Rufus 6.1, 8.1, 78.2

ala Taunana 59.2 cohors Thracum 68.2
alliteration: 6.1, 9.2, 25.1, 34.2, 45.1, cohorts, urban 4.2, 64.3
45.2, 62.2, 82.1 Cologne 56.2
alternatives 7.2, 14.1, 18.1, 42, 75.2; conditionals 26.1
unexpressed 8.2, 23.1 constructio ad sensum 27.2, 35.1, 46.3
Ammianus 1.3, 14.1, 22.3, 23.1, 43.2, Cornelius Dolabella 2.3, 13.2, 15.2,
53.1, 83.2 21.1, 46.1, 88.1
anaphora 32.2, 36.3, 44.2, 45.1, 56.1, Cornelius Laco see under Laco
62.1, 68.1
Annius Gallus 87.1 dates: 18.1, 19.1, 26.1, 27.1, 55.1, 55.3,
antthesis: 8.1, 9.1, 10.2, 33.2, 36.3, 56.2, 57.1, 90.1
49.3, 68.2, 87.1 dative: adnominal 22.2, agent 34.2,
Aponius, M. 79.5 gerundive expressing purpose 6.2
Arrius Antoninus 77.2 delatores 2.3
astrology 22.1 donatives 5.1
asyndeton 2.3, 6.1, 8.1, 34.2, 35.2, 44.1, Ducenius Geminus 14.1
45.1, 62.1, 65.2, 83.1
attraction 5.1, 15.2 euphemism 16.1, 65.2, 72.3, 85.1
Aventicum 68.2 extispicy 27.1

Batavi 59.1 Fabius Valens: descniption 7.1; age

brevity: 4.2, 7.2, 8.2, 11.2, 12.2, 13.2, 66.2; competition with Caecina 7.3,
13.3, 17.2, 19.1, 26.1, 29.1, 32.1, 46.4, 67.1; route to Italy 11.2, 59.2, 61.1,
56.3, 59.1, 63.2, 66.3, 68.1, 85.1 63—6 passim; sizc of army 61.2; greed
66.2; letters; 74.3; oath 53.2; at
Caecina Alienus: description 52.3, 53.1, Vesontio 55.2; treachery 7.2, 8.2;
66.2; size of army 61.2; route to Italy 7.2, 66.2
61.1, 67 -70 passim, 89.3; defection Flavius Sabinus 46.1
53.1, 66.2 Flavius Vespasianus 10.3
Calpurnius Piso Licinianus, L. see under flood 86.2
Piso Fonteius Capito 7.1, 7.2
Calvia Crispinilla 73 freedmen 46.5, 58.1, 76.3; see also Icelus
Capitolium 86.1
Catline 7.2, 10.2 Galba: nobilis 2.3; age 5.2; march to
chiasmus 1.4, 8.2 Rome 6.1; reputation 4-7 passim,
chronology: 7.1, 12.1, 14.1, 20.1, 20.3, 18.2—3, 35.2, 41.1, 83.1, 87.1; advisors
26.1, 35.2, 40.1, 47.2, 74.1; see also 6.1, 13.1 -2, 31.3, 32.2-33, 34.1, 37.5,
dates and see also Icelus, Laco, Vinius;
Cicero 2.2, 6.1, 10.2, 13.3, 16.1, 16.2, executions 6.1; administration 12—20
17.2, 23.1, 27.1, 36.1, 37.5, 38.3, passim; and Civilis 59.1; and Otho
39.2, 51.2, 51.4, 64.2, 84.3, 86.1, 86.2 13.4, 21.1, 37—8; and Piso 14.1, 15-16
Cingonius Varro 6.1 passim, 18.1; and Tigellinus 72.1; and
Civilis: se? Julius Civilis Verginius Rufus 8.2; and Vespasian
claustra Caspiarum 6.2 10.3; and Vindex 6.2, 8.1; and Gaul
Clodius Macer, L. 7.1 8.1, 65.1-2; quotations 5.2, 35.2,
322 INDEXES

Galba: (cont.) Livy 1, 1.1, 1.3, 4.2, 4.3, 6.1, 9.2, 12.1,
41.2; last day 27 - 44 passtm; 13.3, 16.1, 21.1, 26.1, 27.1, 32.2, 33.2,
assassination 41.1 -3; burial 49.1; 34.1, 35.1, 36.1, 37.1, 39.2, 46.2,
obituary 49.2 4; avenged 44.2; 46.4, 47.1, 49.2, 50.2, 51.1, 51.2,
see also Appendix 3 52.3, 53.1, 61.2, 62.2, 64.2, 65.1,
genitive, objective, 46.4 68.2, 70.3, 71.3, 79.2, 80.1, 84.1,
gerundive: abl. 52.1; expressing 84.4, 86, 87.1, 88.3, 89.3
purpose 6.2, 18.1; impersonal 84.2 Lucan 2.1, 2.2, 3.2, 6.2, 12.2, 16.2, 32.1,
gloss 52.2, 55.4, 61.2 59.1, 63.1, 84.3, 86.1, 88.3
Lugdunum 51.5
hendiadys 36.1, 52.1, 60, 67.1, 69 Lusitania 13.3
homoioteleuton 37.5 lustration 87.1
Hordeonius Flaccus g.1
Manlius Valens 64.4
Icelus 7.3, 13.1, 37.5, 46.5 marines 6.2, 87.1
impressionistic writing: 55.1, 63—70, Marius Celsus 14.1, 31.2, 45.2, 71.1—2,
85.3 87.2
inchoative verbs 32.2 metaphor 2.1, 3.1, 4.3, 5.1, 10.1, 12.2,
infinitive, historic 46.3 12.3, 13.2, 13.3, 15.4, I6.1, 16.2,
inheritance-hunting 73 21.1, 26.1, 29.1, 31.3, 35.1, 37.3,
irony and sarcasm 16.1, 22.1, 29.1, 32.1, 37-4, 40.1, 48.3, 48.4, 49.3, 51.4,
34.2, 36.3, 37.1, 41.2, 45.1, 46.1, 58.2, 74.1, 84.3, 85.1, 88.3, go.1
47.1, 56.3, 57.2, 61.2, 62.2, 62.3, miliarium aureum 27.2
64.2, 66.1, 87.1
Nymphidius Sabinus 5.1, 20.3, 25.1,
Julius Alexander, Tib. 11.1 30.2, 72.1
Julius Civilis 59.1
Julius Vindex 6.2, 8.1 oaths 36.2
Junius Blaesus 59.2 obituaries 48.2—4, 49.2—4
Ofonius Tigellinus 72
Laco, Cornelius 6.1, 14.1, 24.2, 26.2, omens 6.2, 70.1, 86
31.2, 33.1, 35.1, 39.2, 46.5, 47.2 omission: of correlative 14.2, 88.2, of
lacus Curtius 41.2 name 5.2, of preposition 4.2, 12.2, of
"adder' (rhet. fig.) 84.1 protasis 33.1, of quam 30.3, of subject
legions g.2, 10.2, 11.1, §1.3; 1 55.2; I 4.2, 7.2, 13.1, 38.3, 45.2, 51.4, of
ltalica 59.2; tv Macedonya 55.3; v utrum 17.2,
Alaudae 55.2; vi1 Galbiana 6.2; xv Otho, M. Salvius: description 13.2,
Primigenia 55.2; Xv1 55.2; xx Valena 21.1, 50.4; luxuria and mollitia 21.1,
Victrix 60; xx1 Rapax 61.2; xxi 22.1, 30.1, cf. 71.1; astrology 22.1—2,
Prmigenia 55.3 27.1; defection 21—6 passtm; coup
lex curiata 15.1 27—8, 36—43 passtm; administration
lex sacrata 18.2 71—990 passim; preparations for war
Licinius Mucianus 2.1, 6.2, 7.2, 10.1-2, 87—90; speeches 21.1-2, 37—38.2,
52.3, 61.2, 66.2—3, 70.2, 75.2, 77.3 83.2—84; and Cluvius Rufus 76.1;
Licinius Proculus 46.1, 82.2, 87.1—2 and Galba 13.4; and Marius Celsus
Lingones 53.3 14.1, 45.2, 71.1; and Nero 13.2-4,
 INDEXES 323

30.1, 78.2; and Piso 43.2, 44.1; and repraesentatio 7 .2

Poppaea 13.3, 22.2, 78.2; and Vinius Roscius Coelus 60
13.2, 42; and Vitellius 74.1; and
praetorians 20.3, 23-5, 80—5 passim, Sallust 1, 1.1, 2.3, 3.2, 4—11, .1, 10.1,
and see also defection and coup; and 10.2, 10.3, 11.3, 13.3, 21.1, 22.3, 23.1,
senate 45.1, 47.1, 77.3, 84.3, 85.3, 24.2, 26.1, 33.2, 35.1, 35.2, 36.3,
88.1; brother 75.2, 90.3; suicide 3.1; 37-5, 45-1, 46.2, 46.3, 49.3, 51.1,
see also Appendix 3 51.2, 52.2, 52.3, 53.1, 53.2, 56.3,
oxymoron 21.1, 30.1, 39.2, 54.3, 85.1, 62.1, 64.2, 67.1, 68.1, 70.1, 70.2,
85.3, 87.2 71.1, 72.1, 79.2, 85.1, 85.3, 86, 87.2,
88.1
paradox 2.1, 2.3, 15.3, 32.1, 40.1, 56.1, Salvius Otho, M. see under Otho
71.3 : Salvius Otho Titianus, L. 75.2, 90.3
paronomasia 72.1 second person address 10.2
participle, substantive 4.2, 43.2 Sempronius Densus 43.1
passive, impersonal 2.3, 17.2, 85.1 Statius 1.2, 2.2, 2.3, 6.1, 16.2, 37.3,
periodic sentences 4.1, 5.1, 14.1, 15.1, 40.1, 41.1, 42, 73, 82.3, 86.2
32.2, 48.2, 81.1, 87.1 Suedius Clemens 87.1
personification 17.2, 34.2, 86.2 Suetonius Paulinus 87.1
Petronius Turpilianus, P. 6.1 Sulpicius Galba, Ser. see under Galba
Piso Licinianus: description 14.2, 17.1, syllepsis 9.2, 67.1
19.1; exile 4.3; and Galba 14.1, 15-16;
adoption 18.1; and praetorians technical language: avoided 52.1, 53.1,
29.2—30, 34.1, 39.1; and Otho 21.1, 86.1, 87.1; used 6.2, 20.3, 27.1, 66.1
43.2, 83.1; wife 47.2; death 43.2, Thucydides 37.1, 52.2
cf. 33.2; obituary 48.1; will 48.3 Tigellinus 72.1
Pliny the Elder 1.1, 2- 3, 10.1, 13.2, 16.1, umesis 20.1
21.1, 86.2, 87.2 Trebellius Maximus 60
Pliny the Younger 1.4, 2—-3, 6.1, 8.2, Treueri 53.3
14.1, 15.1, 15.3, 16.1, 70.2, 76.3, 77.1
Plotius Firmus 46.1 uanatio: 10.3, 23.1, 46.1; abl. ~ abl. abs.
Poppaea 13.2, 13.3, 22.2, 72.1, 78.2 14.1, 44.2, abl. ~ per 4+ acc. 20.3, abl.
praetonian guard 4.2, 5.1, 5.2, 6.1, 20.3, ~ prep. phrase 46.2, abl. ~ purpose
21—6 passtm, 27.2, 28, 29.2-30 clause 7.2, abl. of respect ~ ad). 6.2,
passtm, 31.1, 31.2, 36—44 passim, 46.1, abl. abs. ^- adj. 55.1, abl. abs. ~
55.3, 66.2, 74.2, 74.3, 80 5 passim, participle 17.1, adj. ^ 1 + acc. 12.3,
87.1, 89.2 adverb ~ prep. phrase 32.2, dat. —
prepositional phrases, attributive 11.2, conditional clause 22.1, inf. ~
16.2, 21.1, 24.1, 25.1, 26.2, 30.2, 42, abstract noun 15.4, noun ~
43.2, 44.1, 66.3, 68.1, 74.1, 84.3, participle 14.2, of modifier 32.1,
85.1 of mood 1.2, 15.2, of person 15.3,
prodigies 3.2 palam ~ secreta 10.2, participle ~
Ptolemaeus 12.3, 22.2 temporal clause 7.1
uja Flaminia 86.2
relative pronoun, connecting 24.2, uigiles 46.1
parenthetical 37.2 urban cohorts 4.2, 64.3
324 INDEXES

Valerius Asiaticus 59.2 Vitellius, A.: description 9.1, 15.4, 52,

Verania Gemina 47.2 53.2, 62.2; gluttony 62.2;
Verginius Rufus, L. 6.2, 8.2, 12.1, acclamation 57.1—2; army 61.2;
52.3 advisors 7.2, 15.4, 26.2, 67.1;
Vespasian 10.3, 50.4; see also Appendix 3 nomenclature 62.2; executions 12.1,
Vienna 65.1 44-2, 58.2, 59.1, 88.1; preparations
Vindex see under Julius Vindex for march on Rome 55-70 passtm;
Vinia Crispina 13.2 family 14.2, 75.2, 88.1; and Cluvius
Vinius, T.: consulship 1.1; greed 37.5; Rufus 8.1; and Cornelius Dolabella
and Galba 6.1, 32.2; and Otho 13.2; 88.1; and Flavius Sabinus 46.1; and
and Piso 34.1; and Tigellinus 72.2; Otho 74.1; and Valens 52.3, 57.1;
assassination 42; burial 47.2; and Valerius Asiaticus 59.2; and
obituary 48.2-4 Vespasian 55.1; and Batavians 59.1,
Virgil 2.3, 3.1, 6.1, 6.2, 12.2, 13.2, 18.1, 64.2; and praetorians 20.3, 25.2;
29.1, 32.2. 36.2, 39.2, 40.2, 42, 44.1, betrayed 55.3, 67.1, 79.5; see also
44-2, 47.2, 48.4, 51.1, 51.4, 59.2, 61.1, Appendix 3
62.2, 62.3, 65.2, 66.1, 79.3, 80.2, Vitellius, L. 88.1
84.2, 85.1, 88.3 Vmbricius 27.1