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At War with Words

W
DE

G
Language, Power and
Social Process 10

Editors
Monica Heller
Richard J. Watts

Mouton de Gruyter
Berlin · New York
At War with Words

Edited by
Mirjana N. Dedaic
Daniel N. Nelson

Mouton de Gruyter
Berlin · New York 2003
M o u t o n de Gruyter (formerly Mouton, The Hague)
is a Division of Walter de Gruyter G m b H & Co. K G , Berlin.

® Printed on acid-free paper which falls within the guidelines

of the A N S I to ensure permanence and durability.

ISBN 3 11 017649 1 Hb.

ISBN 3 11 017650 5 Pb.

Bibliographic information published by Die Deutsche Bibliothek

Die Deutsche Bibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche
Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data is available in the
Internet at < h t t p : / / d n b . d d b . d e > .

© Copyright 2003 by Walter de Gruyter G m b H & Co. K G , D-10785 Berlin.

All rights reserved, including those of translation into foreign languages. N o part of this book
may be reproduced in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photo-
copy, recording, or any information storage and retrieval system, without permission in writing
f r o m the publisher.
Cover design: Christopher Schneider.
Printed in Germany.
War is sweet to those who have not experienced it.

Erasmus
Preface: Language as forms of death

Michael Billig

At the time of writing, it is commonplace to hear people say that the

world has changed since September 11, 2001. After two hijacked
planes destroyed the New York World Trade Center, with a loss of
life that still has not been fully calculated, this thought has been
expressed by pundits on the media and in countless ordinary conver-
sations. It is not clear to speakers exactly how the world might have
changed. The details are secondary to the conviction that something
altered irreversibly as the world watched those pictures of the
doomed planes, the collapsing buildings and the shocked faces on the
streets of New York.
Clausewitz's famous maxim of war being just an extension of
politics seemed inappropriate, for the horror of September 11, 2001
appeared to catch normal politics unaware. The regular words of
party advantage had little significance in relation to those images of
suffering and destruction. This was no time for spin-doctors and
image consultants to be "playing politics", especially in the United
States. Nor was party advantage to be sought when American planes,
in response, were bombing Afghanistan from the skies and the elite
troops were fighting on the ground. There was even a minor
rhetorical miracle that illustrated the suspension of political routines.
Previously when President Bush spoke, he would appear time and
again helplessly lost in mid-sentence, having dispatched out his verbs
before securing his end point. Suddenly this did not matter. The
politician, elected by a minority of voters after some dodgy business
in Florida, was transformed into a national leader, standing above
differences of caucus and party.
There are, however, limits to miracles. The gift of fluency cannot
be bestowed even to the leader of the "civilized" world. But now,
when Bush's sentences hover at their mid-point, awaiting
viii Michael Billig

grammatical rescue, his audiences can see this as a sign that their
President is sharing their own emotions.
Could any event have so dramatically signalled the limitations of
a trend in social scientific thinking in the past twenty years? So many
academics have been asserting the primacy of discourse, as if
everything could be contained within texts, whose deeper meaning
demand expert decoding. The textual thesis seems at home in a world
of sound-bites, slogans and nightly verbal spins. Politicians and
academics know that words are their business: they are never at a loss
to construct phrases. Yet, with the suspension of party politics and
the silent horror of the televised images, it seemed as if the old
contrast between words and things had been brutally re-established.
Words had become once more "mere words", incapable of expressing
what was being felt. Reporters on the scene would say that words
cannot do justice to the horror. Certainly words - "mere words" -
could not right the destruction nor soothe the loss of the grieving.
Something beyond words - the physicality of planes, velocity and
bodies - had disrupted the familiar world. We can't just talk, it was
said. Something must be done.
However the papers, which Mirjana Dedaic and Daniel Nelson
have so judiciously gathered together in this timely volume, point in
an opposite direction. They argue that it is too simple to contrast
words and war, as if the facts of war stand at a deeper level of reality
than the superficiality of rhetoric. As Daniel Nelson states so
expressively in the concluding chapter, human conflict begins and
ends with talk and text. In the period after the attack in New York
and before the bombing of Afghanistan, there were words and more
words. Behind the scenes, Bush was consulting with his military,
political and diplomatic advisors. He was regularly phoning other
leaders. The Prime Minister of the United Kingdom was boarding
plane after plane to meet politicians across the world to build an
alliance. When hands had been shaken and the photographs had been
taken of those shaken hands, what did Blair and the leaders do?
Doors were closed and they talked. And talked. This was necessary
for the deals to be done, before the bombers could be dispatched (by
 Preface: Language as forms of death ix

more words - in this case the words of command and technical

expertise). After the bombing started, then came the nightly
rhetorical spinning: claims about civilian casualties had to be
minimized, the evil of the enemy emphasised and the certainty of
victory stressed. The public could not be trusted to interpret the
images of the conflict unaided; they required rhetorical guidance. The
grainy pictures of targets and bomb craters did not tell their own
stories. The world had not completely changed.
To understand the relations between language and war, it is not
sufficient merely to point to the use of words in warfare. As the
contributors to this volume show so convincingly, there can be no
war without communication. Warfare demands organization and
mobilization, as well as the circulation of beliefs about the enemy
and justifications for the need to kill and die. To explore these
matters further, it is necessary to reformulate traditional psy-
chological assumptions about human nature, particularly those
relating to the links between language and emotion.
Historically, the contrast between war and language is a variant of
an early psychological distinction between primitive instinct and
higher thought. In late nineteenth and twentieth century psychologies
such a distinction was commonplace. Reason was contrasted with
emotion. It was generally thought that the human psyche was split
between primitive, instinctual elements and higher conceptual ones.
Warfare was seen as an expression of biological instinct while
"civilization", or social order, depended upon the higher non-
instinctual realm. For example, William McDougall, who wrote the
first textbook in social psychology, expressed such views in his book
The Group Mind (1920). Under normal circumstances, the demands
of social life curtail basic, or "primitive", impulses. McDougall, who
had definite ideas about a hierarchy of civilizations, believed that the
most civilized nations demand the greatest control of impulses.
However, under conditions of emotional intensity, the psychology of
men (and McDougall was primarily writing about men) alters and the
higher forces give way to the lower instincts. If the complexities of
language belong to the higher rungs of civilization, then the chaos of
χ Michael Billig

war sees an unleashing of the lower wordless, formless instinctual

impulses.
Freud was greatly attracted to this aspect of McDougall's ideas,
quoting them in his book Group Psychology and the Analysis of the
Ego (1985a). Like McDougall, Freud emphasised a contrast between
civilization and instinct. In times of war, the control over the
primitive instinctual forces is loosened. Freud discussed such themes
in his famous letter on war to Einstein. Freud argued that it was too
simple to attribute wars to conflicts of interests. Psychological forces,
especially "a lust for aggression and destruction", must be at work
(Freud 1985b: 357). Again the image is that war is an expression of
primeval urges, although Freud was too sophisticated a thinker to
suggest that only a simple instinct for aggression was involved. The
protection against war, argued Freud, was through knowledge of the
unconscious instinctual forces that drive human behaviour. The
relevant knowledge was to be gained through language. As Freud
stressed, nothing happens in the psychoanalytic situation except that
people talk. Only by the reasoned talk of the ego would it be possible
to understand and control the dangerous forces of the instincts.
In an important critique, the social psychologist Henri Tajfel
referred to instinctual theories of warfare as "blood-and-guts theo-
ries" (Tajfel 1981; see Billig [in press] for an appreciation of Tajfel's
critique of instinctual theories). At the time of writing during the
1960s, Tajfel was drawing attention to the popularity of quasi-
biological, post-Freudian ideas in best-selling books such as those by
the Nobel prize-winner biologist Konrad Lorenz, as well as those by
popularising Freudians. As Tajfel so devastatingly argued, such
biological theories suggest that humans have a constant need to
aggress, and, as such, the instinctual theories cannot show why
warfare waxes and wanes - why the so-called innate instinct
sometimes expresses itself in war and sometimes does not. The
seeming profundity of theories that cite inborn needs and impulses is
helpless when confronted with the messy details of human history.
Tajfel, in criticising the blood-and-guts approaches, formulated a
decisive shift in psychological thinking. However, his contribution to
 Preface: Language as forms of death xi

psychological thinking has been undeservedly neglected by social

scientists beyond the particular specialism of social psychology.
Tajfel argued that the seeming irrationality of phenomena such as
prejudice and war have key cognitive, rather than emotional, roots.
Warfare depends upon beliefs about one's own group and about the
enemy. There must be a categorization of the world into "us" and
"them". However, such categorization reflects wider processes of
thought. As Tajfel argued, human knowledge generally depends on
categorization, for categories provide meaning. Because humans are
driven, above all, by the desire to understand their world, they cannot
but use categories to impart sense. The very act of categorization,
however, implies distinction and exaggeration. We tend to assume
that instances of categories are more similar than they actually are
and more different than instances of other categories. Tajfel
suggested that social categories are no 7 different from physical
categories in this regard. Without social categories there could be no
sense of social identity and the categories of "our" identity only make
sense because there are categories that denote "others". Thus, social
categories imply distinctions between social groups and the
exaggerations of categorization provide the basis for stereotyping
others. As the categories of ingroups and outgroups become salient
and meaningful, so the distinctiveness between "us" and "them" is
psychologically exaggerated.
If the role of categorization is recognized, argued Tajfel, it is
unnecessary to postulate instinctual, blood-and-guts forces in order to
understand the basis of prejudice and the psychological origins of
warfare. Tajfel's insight leads to a psychological paradox. The
apparent irrationality of war is not the product of irrational
psychological drives, but is the outcome of the seemingly rational
human propensity to make sense of the social world. Clausewitz is
implicitly reinstated. When Bush and the majority of the American
people advocated the bombing of Afghanistan after September 11
2001, they were not responding to a release of innate, instinctual
urges. Their collective response was based upon understandings of
the social world, which involved a heightened sense of "us" and
xii Michael Billig

"them". As Bush said a number of times in the days and weeks

following the destruction of the World Trade Center, "if you're not
with us in the war against terrorism, you're against us".
Perhaps one reason why Tajfel's approach has been comparatively
neglected outside of social psychology is because of the way that he
and many subsequent social psychological theorists understood the
notion of categorization. All too often a perceptual model of
categorization, rather than a rhetorical model, has been adopted
(Billig 1985, 1996; Potter and Wethereil 1987). As Edwards has
argued, categories are for talking: they are part of language (Edwards
1991). If factors such as social identity and stereotyping are based on
categorization and if categorization is itself part of language-use, then
the psychological factors underlying prejudice will themselves be
rooted in language. After all, when Bush was declaring that "if
you're not with us in the war against terrorism, you're against us" he
was using language.
Recently, a number of social psychologists have been developing
a discursive approach, that points to the key importance of language
in human affairs (see, for instance, Antaki 1994; Billig 1996;
Edwards 1997; Edwards and Potter 1992; Harre and Gillett 1994;
Parker 1992; Potter 1996; Potter and Wetherell 1987). Discursive
psychology claims that many of the phenomena that social
psychologists have studied are constituted within language. For
instance, social identities, prejudice, stereotyping depend upon
utterances. That being so, psychological insight will not be gained by
postulating internal cognitive or emotional processes that cannot be
directly observed. Instead psychologists should be studying the
rhetorical details and complexities of utterances that form the basis of
social psychological phenomena. One of the key implications of this
approach has been to question the conventional distinction between
thought and emotion or between cognitive and affective processes.
Emotions have their discursive basis: without talk we would be
unable to display and recognize emotions such as jealousy,
indignation, and embarrassment (Billig 1999; Edwards 1997; Harre
and Parrott 1996; Lutz 1990). The talk is not an epiphenomenon, as if
 Preface: Language as forms of death xiii

the emotions really exist wordlessly within the individual's body.

Our emotions are part of our relations with others, our sense of
morality and our understandings of how the social world should be.
This is even true of unconscious repressed feelings (Billig 1999).
Recasting the psychology of emotions in terms of language has
direct implications for understanding the intense emotions that
accompany, and indeed lead to, warfare. An inner state, that remains
locked within individuals, cannot be the impetus to war. But a
discourse of indignation, threat and suffering, shared and
communicated within a group, can become the basis for mobilization
against an identified enemy. The horror and anger that followed the
destruction of the World Trade Center was not worldless. From the
outset, the anger was located within discourses that sought
understanding and these discourses contained familiar themes of
morality and nationhood.
The carnage of September 11 was unforeseen. In terms of scale
the attack on New York was beyond comparison with previous
terrorist actions. The effect - the killing of thousands of citizens -
was disproportionate to the means. This was the sort of destruction
that one would have associated with a heavy poundage of bombs and
sophisticated technology. It seemed incredible that a small group of
men equipped with household knives and a precise knowledge of
airline timetables, could cause such devastation. How could the
centre of capitalism be so vulnerable? There are no ready-made
frames of reference for unexpected events of such magnitude. Yet,
the reactions could not be left to wordless feeling nor wait for the
construction of new vocabularies. Things had to be said straightaway.
Within hours of the destruction, television stations were inter-
viewing American citizens, asking them about their feelings. A
frequent response was given that the event was like Pearl Harbour.
Here was an illustration of what the social psychologist Serge
Moscovici has described as the anchoring of unfamiliar events in
familiar social representations (Moscovici 1984). To understand
something dangerously unfamiliar and seemingly incomprehensible,
familiar categories of meaning have to be applied. Of course, in
xiv Michael Billig

crucial respects Pearl Harbour differed from the destruction of the

World Trade Center. The Japanese attack had been aimed at a
military target and was carried out by the armed forces of a nation
state which had formally been at war for some time. However,
analogies are revealing. In describing the attack as resembling the
attack on Pearl Harbour, the responses of television interviewees, and
that of many other Americans, were equating the action with the
event that brought the United States into warfare. In this way, the
discursive understanding was a means of preparing for reaction. A
similar understanding and preparation was shown as Bush was
declaring "a war against terrorism".
Thus, the familiar discourse of "war" was being employed. This
discourse contains a number of assumptions. In the contemporary
age, warfare primarily involves nation-states. A national response,
like the response to Pearl Harbour, was being expected. The flags,
that were draped at the scene of the attack and that were being worn
so generally by the citizenry of the United States, were a visible sign
that the attack was being interpreted primarily as something national,
rather than local or even international: New York or capitalism were
not the prime victims, but America was. For this to occur so
spontaneously in response to the extraordinary event, the
assumptions and symbols of everyday nationalism have to be firmly
established (Billig 1995). The national response together with the
discourse of warfare suggested that there would be - indeed there
would have to be - a military response. No amount of collectively
shared feelings of anger, experienced purely wordlessly and
individually, would produce a military response. The anger had to be
formed within a series of understandings, uttered out aloud.
When a particular set of understandings is discursively uttered,
then other possible understandings remain unsaid. In the days after
the World Trade Center attack, it was rarely said, either by ordinary
Americans on television or by their political leaders, that what had
happened was primarily a criminal act which called for the
mobilization of criminal justice systems nationally and inter-
nationally. The words of criminality were subsumed by those of war.
 Preface: Language as forms of death xv

The language of war was implicitly suggesting that this was not an
event to be decided slowly and evenly by judges in courts of law:
guns must be fired and bombs dropped rather than counsels for
prosecution and defence appointed. The words of war, in this respect,
are words of impatience.
The events of September 11, 2001 underlined factors that are
stressed in this volume, whose contributions were prepared prior to
that day. Those events provide yet another confirmation of the main
theme of this volume: the words of war are central to the activity of
war. Indeed one can ask whether there can be war without the very
word "war".
Saying all this, does not, of course, mean that war is merely
words. That would underestimate the nature and importance of
words. As Wittgenstein wrote, "words are deeds" (1980: 46).
Wittgenstein was making the important point that even words are not
"mere" words. There is always more to words for they are not merely
the verbal representation of a deeper reality but they are integrally
part of our human reality. Words belong, as Wittgenstein stressed in
Philosophical Investigations, to forms of life: "to imagine a language
is to imagine a form of life" (1963: 8).
So, too, it is with the language of war. Such language belongs to
particular forms of life. In our age these forms of life are primarily
national forms. In a crucial respect, Wittgenstein's famous insight
omits a crucial factor. These national forms of life are also forms of
death.

References

Antaki, Charles
1994 Explaining and Arguing. London: Sage.

Billig, Michael
1985 Prejudice, categorization and particularization: from a perceptual to
a rhetorical approach. European Journal of Social Psychology 15,
79-103.
xvi Michael Billig

1995 Banal Nationalism. London: Sage.

1996 Arguing and Thinking. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

1999 Freudian Repression: Conversation Creating the Unconscious.

Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.

in press Henri Tajfel's "Cognitive aspects of prejudice" and the psychology

of bigotry. British Journal of Social Psychology.

Edwards, Derek

1991 Categories are for talking. Theory and Psychology 1,515-542.

1997 Discourse and Cognition. London: Sage.

Edwards, Derek, and Jonathan Potter

1992 Discursive Psychology. London: Sage.

Freud, Sigmund
1985a Group Psychology and the Analysis of the Ego. Penguin Freud Li-
brary, volume 12. Harmondsworth: Penguin. Original edition, 1921.

1985b Why War? Penguin Freud Library, volume 12. Harmondsworth:

Penguin. Original edition, 1933.

Harri, Rom, and Grant Gillett

1994 The Discursive Mind. London: Sage.

Harri, Rom, and W. Gerrod Parrott (eds.)

1996 The Emotions: Social, Cultural and Biological Dimensions. Lon-
don/Thousand Oaks: Sage.

Lutz, Catherine A.
1990 Morality, domination, and understandings of "justifiable anger"
among the Ifaluk. In Semin, Gün R., and K. J. Gergen (eds.),
Everyday Understandings. London: Sage, 204-226.

McDougall, William
1920 The Group Mind. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
 Preface: Language as forms of death xvii

Moscovici, Serge
1984 The phenomenon of social representations. In: Farr, Robert M., and
Serge Moscovici (eds.), Social Representations. Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 3-70.

Parker, Ian
1992 Discourse Dynamics: Critical Analysis for Social and Individual
Psychology. London: Routledge.

Potter, Jonathan
1996 Representing Reality. London: Sage.

Potter, Jonathan, and Margaret Wetherell

1987 Discourse and Social Psychology. London: Sage

Tajfel, Henri
1981 Human Groups and Social Categories. Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press.

Wittgenstein, Ludwig
1963 Philosophical Investigations. Oxford: Blackwell.

1980 Culture and Value. Oxford: Blackwell.

Contents

Preface: Language as forms of death

Michael Billig

Notes on contributors

Introduction: A peace of word

Mirjana N. Dedaic

I. War discourse

Liberal parasites and other creepers:

Rush Limbaugh, Ken Hamblin, and the discursive
construction of group identities
Kathryn Ruud

Threat or business as usual?

A multimodal, intertextual analysis of a political statement
Suzanne WongScollon

Deixis and distance:

President Clinton's justification of intervention in Kosovo
Paul A. Chilton
xx Contents

The language of atomic science and atomic conflict:

Exploring the limits of symbolic representation
Robert E. Tucker and Theodore O. Prosise 127

The politics of discontent: A discourse analysis

of texts of the Reform Movement in Ghana
Kweku Osam 149

When guilt becomes a foreign country: Guilt and

Responsibility in Austrian postwar media-representation
of the Second World War
Alexander Pollak 179

Remembering and forgetting: The discursive

construction of generational memories
Gertraud Benke and Ruth Wodak 215

II. Language wars

Attitudes towards linguistic purism in Croatia:

Evaluating efforts at language reform
Keith Langston and Anita Peti-Stantic 247

Wars, politics, and language: A study of the

Okinawan language
Rumiko Shinzato 283
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