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                EDITED BY
                MIRANDA REMNEK
                    The space of the book : print culture in the Russian social imagination /
                    edited by Miranda Remnek.
                    (Studies in book and print culture series)
                    Includes bibliographical references.
                    ISBN 978-1-4426-4102-0 (bound)
                    1. Books and reading – Russia – History. 2. Books and reading – Soviet
                    Union – History. 3. Books and reading – Russia (Federation) – History.  
                    4. Russia – Intellectual life. 5. Soviet Union – Intellectual life. 6. Russia
                    (Federation) – Intellectual life. I. Remnek, Miranda Beaven
                    II. Series: Studies in book and print culture
                    Z1003.5.R9S63 2011   028’.90947   C2010-906544-1
                    University of Toronto Press acknowledges the financial support for its pub-
                    lishing activities of the Government of Canada through the Book Publish-
                    ing Industry Development Program (BPIDP).
                   Introduction 3
                   miranda remnek
                 7 The Moral Self in Russia’s Literary and Visual Cultures: The Late
                   Imperial Era and Beyond 201
                   jeffrey brooks
                 8 Books and Their Readers in Twentieth-Century Russia     231
                   stephen lovell
Contributors 305
Figures
Tables
miranda remnek
              There are few cultures in which printed texts have played a more
              pivotal role in promoting social cohesion – or, for that matter, in creat-
              ing social divisiveness – than those of Imperial and Soviet Russia. Social
              spaces of all kinds have borne the hallmark of devotion to the printed
              word, to a degree not always encountered in other cultures. Whether we
              think of the predilection for books and disputation among Old Believer
              communities, the family reading groups of the pre-revolutionary nobil-
              ity, the circles of young students and intellectuals at nineteenth-century
              universities, or the thirst for reading in overcrowded apartments of the
              Soviet era – in all these venues and a host of others, print materials
              were a daily lifeline that sparked the imaginations of distinctive Rus-
              sian communities, and bound them more closely together.1 Indeed, the
              different forms of autocracy that marked the course of Russian history
              all fostered a need to uncover, understand, and belong, yet at the same
              time to escape and even rebel (when the political situation seemed to
              warrant it), in ways that only the printed word could satisfy.
                 To be sure, much has already been written about the history of print
              culture in Russia – and a review of this history and scholarship follows.
              But the spaces in which Russian yearnings for print culture were fos-
              tered still require closer scrutiny, in ways that the freshly minted essays
              in this volume all capture. Indeed, the main goal of the current volume
              is to serve (in the absence of a magisterial history of print culture in
              Russia) as a leading introduction to new scholarship in the field – one
              which illuminates the contributions of different print culture commu-
              nities in the light of new scholarly imperatives, and also brings these
              vibrant subcultures to a broader audience.
              The history of book culture in Russia has long attracted the attention
              of traditional scholarship, its contours following in large part the five
              broad periods of mainstream Russian history: Kievan, Muscovite, Im-
              perial, Soviet, and now, the post-Soviet period.2 In terms of written cul-
              ture, the Kievan and Muscovite eras (roughly the late ninth century to
              1380, and 1380 to 1553, respectively) were in some regards more lim-
              ited in their contributions than later periods, but even so the manu-
              script products of the monasteries played a truly seminal role in the
              development of early Russian culture, since the dominance of religion
              in Russian society was an even greater fixture in those early years. Es-
              pecially important were the chronicles or annals (letopisi), including the
              so-called Primary and Kievan Chronicles – described as the ‘most valu-
              able, original and interesting monument of Kievan literature.’3 These
              anonymous annals were the work of monks and lay bookmen, and, in
              Muscovite times, official scribes.4
                 With the coming of the first press in 1553 (which did not lag be-
              hind its European counterparts by many years), the demand for books
              rose, in part from the expansion of religious culture due to mission-
              ary activity in newly conquered areas. To satisfy demand, manuscript
              production was increased, but printing did most to spread religiosity.
              Even so, between 1553 and 1600 only eighteen books were printed in
              Muscovy, and the normal print run produced fewer than one thousand
              copies. Moreover, 95 per cent of printed literature was devotional, and
              even this was inhibited in 1653 when Patriarch Nikon provoked the
              schism by reforming church texts on the basis of early originals. Thus,
              secular materials were mainly in manuscript, and when Peter I became
              tsar in 1698 he inherited a church-oriented system.5
                 Soon, however, important changes began to mark the landscape of
              Russian print culture. Peter’s westernizing tendencies resulted in the
              founding of the first printed newspaper, Vedomosti (News), in 1703, and
              a greater number of secular titles. After Peter’s demise in 1725 the pace
              of expansion slowed, but it revived in the late eighteenth century with
              the founding of Moskovskie vedomosti (Moscow News) in 1756 and espe-
              cially with the activities of Nikolai Novikov (1744–1818), whose work
              spanned the last decades of the century and included the publication of
              satirical journals. This period also saw a certain increase in the provin-
              cial book trade, which Novikov deliberately influenced in his position
              as director of Moscow University Press.6
                 In the early years after the fall of communism, however, Russian pub-
              lishing experienced true liberation; the entire infrastructure changed, as
              did the content from the new houses (which after 1991 produced a far
              higher proportion of detective fiction, mysteries, and other sensational-
              ist output than in the Soviet years). But although prices are now much
              higher than in the heavily subsidized Soviet period, the Russians are
              still a nation of readers whose yen for print culture remains a terrain
              richly worthy of study.10
              A seminal debate has taken place on the extent to which the printing
              press has served in different cultures as an agent of change. This de-
              bate has dominated print culture studies since the publication in 1979
              of Elizabeth L. Eisenstein’s The Printing Press as An Agent of Change:
              Communications and Cultural Transformations in Early Modern Europe. The
              book was controversial when it appeared, and remains so, according to
              the editors of a new collection of essays published in 2007 and entitled
              Agent of Change: Print Culture Studies after Elizabeth L. Eisenstein.28 In the
              Russian context, the notion of print culture as a driving force behind
              cultural expansion takes on new meaning – since the ubiquity of cen-
              sorship in both the Imperial and Soviet eras at once derailed the power
              of the printed word, and acted as an agent of additional meaning, al-
              beit often disguised (as the essays in this volume by Gutsche, Peschio
              and Pil’shchikov, and Choldin all indicate to varying degrees). Besides
              Eisenstein, a host of other scholars have written on topics of value for
              the study of print culture, including Robert Darnton, Roger Chartier,
              Jürgen Habermas, Michel Foucault, and Pierre Bourdieu.29
                 One interesting notion is the revolution in reading habits said to have
              occurred after 1750. The German scholar Rolf Engelsing posited the
              concepts of ‘intensive’ versus ‘extensive’ reading – the first a manner
              of reading used when books were still scarce, and the second a habit
              encountered when access to larger quantities of books became more
              prevalent in the late eighteenth century.30 True, the issue of whether the
              transition occurred as dramatically as posited by Engelsing has been
              questioned by some, especially Robert Darnton, who suggested that as
              the book trade expanded, intensive and extensive reading coexisted.31
              In Russia the timing of the transition occurred at a later point; as the
              present volume shows, a stark contrast is noticeable between the inten-
              sive readings of Pushkinian poetry under Nicholas I (in the essay by
              Peschio and Pil’shchikov), and the extensive reading that began concur-
              rently but developed fully in the late nineteenth century (in the essays
              by Eklof, Borodkin and Chugunov, and Kain). Even so, this is an intrigu-
              ing concept, allowing the print culture historian to adumbrate more
              fully the many varieties of reading habits by probing such practices in
              different communities, as well as different periods.
Reader-Response Theory
              Perhaps the most salient and long-standing debate that relates to print
              culture concerns the traditional bipartite division into ‘elite’ versus
              ‘popular’ culture: whether this relates only to the modern era, and
              more important, whether it is justified at all. Writing in the 1930s, the
              Russian theorist Mikhail Bakhtin certainly saw its existence in pre-
              modern Western culture, in the work of Rabelais. Bakhtin also saw cul-
              ture as structured by plurality and difference – but in his case, still as
              the result of a binary opposition.34 In recent scholarship, the notion of
              plurality has expanded. Faith Wigzell notes that although the binary
              model was maintained by nineteenth-century Russian cultural histo-
              rians and some later scholars, it has been questioned: ‘Jeffrey Brooks
              showed that … reading material for different classes … became increas-
              ingly varied, though the distinction between elite and popular culture
              remained widely held.’35 In fact, the terms ‘high’ and ‘popular’ are
              still to be found, but the conceptualization is changing as a result of the
              topics studied – as in Reitblat’s several essays on middle-class culture
              in the early nineteenth century, which was neither elite nor popular.36
              theories and debates adumbrated above, and others forging new direc-
              tions. First presented in 2006 at the University of Illinois, the essays all
              seek to lift the curtain on Russian book culture in ways that will strike
              the imaginations of a new generation of scholars (advanced undergrad-
              uates as well as newly established Slavists), and inspire them to apply
              these findings to broader themes in the study of Russian culture. The
              interpretations in this volume and the primary sources they adduce all
              promise a more comprehensive analysis of the disparate intellectual
              leanings that characterized Russian cultural communities, and stand
              to foster a broader reconsideration of the worldwide significance of Im-
              perial and Soviet Russian culture in its socio-economic setting.
              In terms of chronology, the essays in this volume cover the period from
              the late eighteenth century to the early years of the twenty-first. Inside
              this framework, a number of themes are discernible. The first two es-
              says, which concern the early years of the period under review, both
              relate book issues to the broader themes of commercialization and so-
              cial engagement, an important area of socio-economic history that has
              not yet been fully explored.42 In a discussion of popular enlighten-
              ment literature on commerce in the late 1700s, Lina Bernstein shows
              how the second part of the eighteenth century witnessed in Russia ‘the
              rapid growth … as evidence of commercialization began to increase,
              of specialized literature on trade ethics and practices.’ This literature is
              richly deserving of further study because it signifies that Russia ‘had
              entered an age in which society was in flux,’ and its members began
              to need guidance in ‘correctly adapting themselves to the numerous
              social roles available.’ Among the treatises that appeared was Mikhail
              Chulkov’s Istoricheskoe opisanie rossiiskoi kommertsii (Historical Descrip-
              tion of Russian Commerce) in seven volumes (1781–8). In thus writing
              for merchants Chulkov was inspired by Catherine II; both the writer
              and his sovereign wished to implement the ideas of the Enlightenment,
              especially Montesquieu’s assurance that ‘commerce will put an end to
              harmful prejudices.’ The same desire to educate and civilize moved oth-
              er writers who wrote for merchants, and the merchant class appeared
              in these works not as a secluded caste but as a layer of society with a
              strong identity and desire to communicate with the outside world.
                 As noted, Russian print culture is widely studied by Russian
              scholars.43 But Bernstein’s focus on the eighteenth century in this and
              (at a time, from the 1890s, when her industrialization rate surpassed
              that of many other economies) need hardly be stressed.
              nent and lesser artists engaged with the reality of their times. Works of
              genius are clearly different from the ‘formulaic artefacts’ of commer-
              cial popular culture, yet studying these lesser prints can inform our
              understanding of higher culture, especially with regard to the sharing
              of traditions between these groups. Brooks refers to works by Tolstoy,
              Dostoevsky, and early Soviet writers, as well as graphic artists such
              as the peredvizhniki (wanderers), and then views the reflection of the
              issues they posed in works by ‘a cohort of semi-educated illustrators
              [who] invented the modern lubok.’ His goal is to explore the common
              themes of writers and artists at different levels of cultural production,
              especially their intersections and appropriations, and to suggest that
              the lower groups may have been similarly preoccupied with moral and
              ethical alternatives.
Reader Response
              The remaining essays in this collection move more fully to the Soviet
              period and beyond, but each harks back to themes adumbrated earlier.
              In the next two essays, Stephen Lovell and Anne O. Fisher both deal
              at length with issues of reader response, a subject of recent interest to
              both literary and historical studies.60 But they examine its occurrence
              in a society where the sociology of reading operated under enormous
              constraints and the full diversity of reader response could never be
              acknowledged. To circumvent this difficulty they approach the theme
              from different points of view. In the case of Stephen Lovell, the approach
              is broad. The author’s main goal is to offer a general review of recent
              scholarship on the history of reading and print culture in Soviet Rus-
              sia, including discussion of the following questions: what were some
              of the major publication categories?61 What did people read? How did
              they respond to what they read? In pursuing these issues he explores
              the major changes in Russia’s relationship to the printed word over
              the past century, and seeks to articulate questions for future research.62
              Lovell also echoes another theme in this volume: reading communi-
              ties and their social status. Complementing the detailed discussions of
              the 1800s, he returns to the audience differentiation that was present
              in the late tsarist period and explores the question of what happens
              when readers are presented with a culture whose mission was to ob-
              literate social and cultural differences. He argues that such differences
              can never in fact be obliterated.
                 In the case of Anne Fisher, the focus is more exclusively on reader re-
              Initially the web site would carry most such surrogates as html texts.
              The eventual goal would be to offer the materials in various formats,
              making them susceptible to the kinds of added analysis increasingly
              employed by digital humanists.72
NOTES
                   Fiction and Society in the Age of Pushkin: Ideology, Institutions, and Narrative
                   (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1986), 94.
              23   Blium has written many works since the late 1960s, especially on censor-
                   ship, including, most recently, Ot neolita do Glavlita: dostopamiatnye
                   i zanimatel’nye epizody, sobytiia i anekdoty iz istorii rossiiskoi tsenzury (St
                   Petersburg: Izd-vo N.I. Novikova, 2009). Major studies by Reitblat are Ot
                   Bovy k Bal’montu: Ocherki po istorii chteniia v Rossiii vo vtoroi polovine XIX
                   veka (Moscow: Izd-vo MPI, 1991) – recently reprinted with various new
                   works under the title Ot Bovy k Bal’montu: I drugie raboty po istoricheskoi
                   sotsiologii russkoi literatury (Moscow: Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie, 2009)
                   – and Kak Pushkin vyshel v genii: istoriko-sotsiologicheskie ocherki o knizhnoi
                   kul’ture Pushkinskoi epokhi (Moscow: Novoe literaturnoe obozrenie,
                   2001).
              24   T.G. Kupriianova, Pechatnyi dvor pri Petre I: monografiia (Moscow: MGUP,
                   1999); A. Iu. Samarin, Rasprostranenie i chitatel’ pervykh pechatnykh knig po
                   istorii Rossii, konets XVII-XVIII v. (Moscow: MGUP, 1998); N. Iu. Bubnov,
                   Knizhnaia kul’tura staroobriadtsev: stat’i raznykh let (St Petersburg: BAN,
                   2007); P.I. Khoteev and E.A. Savel’eva, Kniga v Rossii v seredine XVIII v.:
                   Biblioteki obshchestvennogo pol’zovaniia (St Petersburg: Biblioteka Rossiiskoi
                   AN, 1993).
              25   E.A. Dobrenko, Formovka sovetskogo chitatelia: sotsial’nye i esteticheskie pred-
                   posylki retseptsii sovetskoi literatury (St Petersburg: Akademicheskii proekt,
                   1997); T.M. Goriaeva, Politicheskaia tsenzura v SSSR: 1917–1991 (Moscow:
                   ROSSPEN, 2002); O.V. Andreeva, Kniga v Rossii, 1917–1941 gg.: Istochniki
                   izucheniia: monografiia (Moscow: Moskovskii gos. un-t pechati, 2004); S.A.
                   Paichadze, Knizhnaia kul’tura za Uralom: Issledovaniia kontsa XX–nachala XXI
                   stoletii (Omsk: Variant-Omsk, 2008).
              26   See Gareth Jones, Nikolay Novikov: Enlightener of Russia (Cambridge: Cam-
                   bridge University Press, 1984); Effie Ambler, Russian Journalism and Politics,
                   1861–81: The Career of Aleksei S. Suvorin (Detroit: Wayne State University
                   Press, 1972); Robert Otto, Publishing for the People: The Firm Posrednik, 1885–
                   1905 (New York: Garland, 1987); Charles Ruud, Fighting Words: Imperial
                   Censorship and the Russian Press, 1804–1906 (Toronto: University of Toronto
                   Press, 1982); Marianna Tax Choldin, A Fence Around the Empire: Russian
                   Censor-ship of Western Ideas under the Tsars (Durham, NC: Duke University
                   Press, 1985); Faith Wigzell, Reading Russian Fortunes: Print Culture, Gender
                   and Divination in Russia from 1765 (Cambridge: Cambridge University
                   Press, 1998).
              27   A useful resource is SHARP Web from the Society for the History of
                   Authorship, Reading and Publishing (http://www.sharpweb.org), with
                   listings such as Archives & Collections, Research Tools, Series & Journals,
                   Online Exhibits & Blogs, Scholarly Societies, and more.
              28   Elizabeth L. Eisenstein, The Printing Press as An Agent of Change: Com-
                   munications and Cultural Transformations in Early Modern Europe (Cam-
                   bridge: Cambridge University Press, 1979); Sabrina Alcorn Baron, Eric
                   N. Lindquist, and Eleanor F. Shevlin, eds., Agent of Change: Print Culture
                   Studies after Elizabeth L. Eisenstein (Amherst: University of Massachusetts
                   Press, 2007).
              29   These include the material history of books (Robert Darnton), oral litera-
                   ture and literacy (Roger Chartier), the public sphere (Jürgen Habermas),
                   authorship (Michel Foucault), print and cultural capital (Pierre Bourdieu).
                   Chartier’s notion of the ‘referential text’ and its significance for a given
                   period – as noted in his ‘Text, Printings, Readings,’ in The New Cultural
                   History, ed. Lynn Hunt (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1989), 166
                   – is well worth examining in terms of Russian print culture; one thinks of
                   Karamzin’s History of the Russian State (1816) and Chernyshevsky’s What is
                   to be Done? (1863), among others.
              30   Rolf Engelsing, ‘Die Perioden der Lesergeschichte in der Neuzeit. Das
                   statistische Ausmass und die soziokulturelle Bedeutung der Lektüre,’
                   Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens, X (1969), cols. 945–1002; and his
                   Der Bürger als Leser. Lesergeschichte in Deutschland, 1500–1800 (Stuttgart:
                   Metzler, 1974).
              31   Robert Darnton, ‘First Steps Toward a History of Reading,’ in The Kiss of
                   Lamourette: Reflections in Cultural History (New York: Norton, 1990), 154–
                   87.
              32   A convenient introduction is Jane Tompkins, ed., Reader-Response Criticism:
                   From Formalism to Post-Structuralism (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University
                   Press, 1980).
              33   Fish discusses interpretive communities in ‘Interpreting the Variorum,’ in
                   Reader-Response Criticism, ed. Jane Tompkins, 164–84; Jauss discusses hori-
                   zon of expectations in ‘Literary History as a Challenge to Literary Theory,’
                   New Literary History 2, no.1 (1970): 7–37. These notions have informed my
                   own work; see Miranda Remnek, ‘The Expansion of Russian Reading
                   Audiences, 1828–1848’ (PhD dissertation, University of California, Berke-
                   ley, 1999).
              34   See M.M. Bakhtin, Rabelais and His World (Bloomington: Indiana University
                   Press, 1984). See also Peter Goodall, High Culture, Popular Culture: The Long
                   Debate (St Leonards, NSW: Allen and Unwin, 1995).
              35   Wigzell, Reading Russian Fortunes, 3.
              36   See, for example, A. I. Reitblat, ‘F.V. Bulgarin i ego chitateli,’ in Chtenie v
                   Boris N. Mironov, The Social History of Imperial Russia, 1700–1917, ed. and
                   trans. Ben Eklof. 2 vols. (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 2000). But more
                   studies on eighteenth-century socio-economic forces are needed, especially
                   those that emphasize their intersection with print culture such as Owen’s
                   own study for the mid-nineteenth century: ‘The Moscow Merchants and
                   the Public Press, 1858–1868,’ Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas 23, no. 1
                   (1975): 26–38. An exception for the 1700s is recent work by David Ransel;
                   see A Russian Merchant’s Tale: The Life and Adventures of Ivan Alekseevich Tol-
                   chenov, Based on his Diary (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2009).
              46   Such intersections in the eighteenth century have, however, stirred the in-
                   terest of Russian scholars; see V.P. Kovalev, ‘O dvizhenii ekonomicheskoi
                   mysli v russkoi periodike kontsa XVIII-pervoi poloviny XIX veka,’ Vestnik
                   Leningradskogo universiteta 1974, no 14: 92–9. They also form the basis
                   of other work on the early nineteenth century; see Remnek, ‘Russia, 1790–
                   1830,’ in Press, Politics and the Public Sphere in Europe and America, 1760–1820,
                   ed. H. Barker and S. Burrows (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
                   2002), 224–47.
              47   Remnek, ‘The Expansion of Russian Reading Audiences,’ 403. See also
                   note 22.
              48   Reading libraries became an important new space for access to books in
                   the early nineteenth century; see A.A. Zaitseva, ‘“Kabinety dlia chteniia”
                   v Sankt-Peterburge kontsa XVIII-nachala XIX veka,’ in Russkie biblioteki i
                   chastnye knizhnye sobraniia XVI-XIX vekov (Leningrad: Biblioteka Akademii
                   nauk SSSR, 1979), 29–46. Public libraries did not become a fixture of Rus-
                   sian life until later, although the Imperial Public Library in St Petersburg
                   was opened in 1814, and did provide added reading space; see N.A. Efi-
                   mova, Chitateli publichnoi biblioteki v Peterburge i organizatsiia ikh obsluzhiva-
                   niia v 1814–1917 gg. (Leningrad: Gosudarstvennaia Publichnaia Biblioteka,
                   1958). But libraries were not the only social spaces offering increased
                   access to print materials; as in Europe the coffeehouse became a popular
                   place for enjoying new literature (see A.D. Galakhov, ‘Literaturnaia
                   kofeinia v Moskve v 1830–1840 gg.,’ Russkaia starina, 50, no. 4 (1886):
                   181–98).
              49   Important studies on nineteenth-century Russian censorship are Choldin,
                   A Fence Around the Empire, and Ruud, Fighting Words. See also Sidney
                   Monas, The Third Section: Police and Society in Russia under Nicholas I (Cam-
                   bridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1961).
              50   Much of the research on diversification has dealt with the late nineteenth
                   century (see Brooks, When Russia Learned to Read). But more scholars are
                   pointing to the early nineteenth century; besides recent work by Remnek,
              59 For more on the space of the lubok in late nineteenth-century Russia, see
                 A.V. Blium, ‘Russkaia lubochnaia kniga vtoroi poloviny XIX veka,’ Kniga:
                 issledovaniia i materialy 42 (1981): 94–114, and Gunther Schaarschmidt, ‘The
                 “Lubok” Novels: Russia’s Immortal Bestsellers,’ Canadian Review of Com-
                 parative Literature 9, no. 3 (September 1982): 424–36.
              60 See also Lovell and Menzel, eds., Reading for Entertainment in Contemporary
                 Russia, in which the wealth of fictional genres suggests a move from inten-
                 sive to extensive reading similar to the Leserevolution after 1750 noted by
                 Engelsing (Der Burger als Leser).
              61 A recent example is Barbara Walker, ‘On Reading Soviet Memoirs: A
                 History of the “Contemporaries” Genre as an Institution of Russian In-
                 telligentsia Culture from the 1790s to the 1970s,’ Russian Review 59, no. 3
                 (2000): 327–52.
              62 One category is children’s reading, a topic of enduring interest in view
                 of its political ramifications – from the earlier study by Felicity O’Dell,
                 Socialisation Through Children’s Literature: The Soviet Example (Cambridge:
                 Cambridge University Press, 1973) to the new Marina Balina and Larissa
                 Rudova, eds. Russian Children’s Literature and Culture (New York: Routledge,
                 2008). Lovell highlights this category with reference to Catriona Kelly’s
                 ‘“Thank-You for the Wonderful Book”: Soviet Child Readers and the Man-
                 agement of Children’s Reading, 1950–1975,’ Kritika: Explorations in Russian
                 and Eurasian History 6, no. 4 (2005): 717–53. He thereby highlights a meth-
                 odology that has proven rewarding since the fall of the USSR allowed the
                 opening of many archives: the analysis of letters to newspaper editors as a
                 gauge of reader response (a tool likewise used by Fisher in her essay in this
                 volume, but for different purposes).
              63 Even the concept of the paratext is not yet widely encountered in area
                 studies research, although there are a few applications; see Kai-wing
                 Chow, Publishing, Culture and Power in Early Modern China (Stanford, CA:
                 Stanford University Press, 2003), especially the section entitled ‘Paratext:
                 Commentaries, Ideology and Politics.’
              64 A new Russian monograph on sources for the study of Soviet readership in
                 the early years is Andreeva, Kniga v Rossii, 1917–1941 gg.
              65 Other scholars who have dealt with circumvention tactics in the twentieth
                 century include Kathleen Parthé; see her Russia’s Dangerous Texts: Politics
                 Between the Lines (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2004). General
                 sources are Martin Dewhirst and Robert Farrell, eds., The Soviet Censorship
                 (Metuchen, NJ: Scarecrow Press, 1973), and Valeria Stel’makh, ‘Reading
                 in the Context of Censorship in the Soviet Union,’ Libraries and Culture: A
                 Journal of Library History 36, no. 1 (2001): 143–51.
              66 The fact that historians of Russia have been able to take the concept of
                   openness and effectively query its rise and fall at watershed periods of
                   Russian history indicates the extent to which this alternation will continue
                   to dominate the Russian media for years to come; see, for example, W.
                   Bruce Lincoln, ‘The Problem of Glasnost’ in Mid-Nineteenth-Century Rus-
                   sian Politics,’ European Studies Review 11 (1981): 171–88.
              67   No Western scholar has attempted a pluralistic history of reading in Russia
                   that covers more than a century, making the availability of this volume all
                   the more important. But a definitive history is clearly needed.
              68   John Unsworth, ‘Scholarly Primitives: What Methods do Humanities
                   Researchers have in Common, and How Might Our Tools Reflect This?’
                   Symposium on ‘Humanities Computing,’ King’s College, London, 13 May
                   2000. http://www3.isrl.illinois.edu/~unsworth/Kings.5–00/primitives
                   .html
              69   See Miranda Remnek, ‘Adding Value to Digital Texts: Approaches for
                   Scholars and Librarians,’ Slavic & East European Information Resources 6,
                   nos. 2/3 (2005): 151–67. Recent TEI developments include the June 2010
                   announcement of an innovative program called AccessTEI, designed to
                   facilitate use of the TEI for smaller scholarly projects; supported by the
                   Mellon Foundation and developed in cooperation with Apex CoVantage,
                   a premier data conversion company, AccessTEI (http://www.tei-c.org/
                   AccessTEI/) ‘makes it easy and affordable for members of the TEI consor-
                   tium to create and encode the full text of valuable academic and research
                   collections or even individual works and documents in preparation for
                   online or other forms of digital publication.’ Note also the July 2010 an-
                   nouncements of (1) TEI By Example (http://www.teibyexample.org),
                   which offers a series of freely available online tutorials walking individu-
                   als through the different stages in marking up a document in TEI, and
                   (2) the inaugural issue of The Journal of the Text Encoding Initiative (http://
                   journal.tei-c.org.
              70   See, for example, Anne Kelly Knowles, ed., ‘Introduction: Special Issue:
                   Historical GIS: The Spatial Turn in Social Science History,’ Social Science
                   History 24, no. 3 (Fall 2000): 451–70.
              71   Bertrum H. MacDonald and Fiona A. Black, ‘Using GIS for Spatial and
                   Temporal Analyses in Print Culture Studies: Some Opportunities and
                   Challenges,’ Social Science History 24, no. 3 (Fall 2000): [505]-36.
              72   A recent symposium on New Directions in Digital Humanities Scholarship
                   held at the University of Illinois in February 2009 (http://www.library.
                   uiuc.edu/hpnl/news/new_ directions.html) made clear the extent to
                   which historians are showing increasing interest in such technologies,
                   especially GIS.
lina bernstein
Editor’s Note
               In keeping with our volume’s first goal – to highlight current research in Rus-
               sian book studies by presenting new interpretations from various disciplines
               that often lead to conclusions beyond the sphere of print culture proper – Lina
               Bernstein’s essay, which introduces the first of five thematic divisions in our
               volume (‘Commercialization and social engagement’), is typical of history
               scholarship in that it provides in-depth analysis of evidence found in tradi-
               tional primary sources (periodicals, compilations of laws). But it is also
               ground-breaking for the eighteenth century, not only in its use of more spe-
               cialized sources for the study of commercialization (literature on trade ethics,
               books on bookkeeping, dictionaries of commodities, practical manuals) but also
               in that it blends the study of specific print culture developments with broader
               economic processes. There is much to be learned about questions that also affect
               mainstream Russian history (state involvement in economic development, for-
               mation of new identities), and the points discussed should indeed be of interest
               to researchers outside print culture itself.
                  To promote our second goal – to attract younger scholars by suggesting
               methodologies now in use by digital humanists – it is worth noting that the
               types of sources used by Bernstein are also candidates for digital approaches
               such as the analysis allowed by the Text Encoding Initiative’s Guidelines for
               Electronic Text Encoding and Interchange.* The TEI is most widely applied
               by literary scholars, but it has been used for legal texts (hence might apply to
               the laws and contracts included in Bernstein’s literature on trade practices),
               and historians too make use of its possibilities. Humanities scholars increas-
               ingly perform TEI structural encoding to retrieve identical sections of texts
               like the prefaces Bernstein uses to compare expressions of respect by publishers
               for readers; one might also use such encoding to facilitate comparison of the
               letter-writing models found in different published manuals. Further, linguis-
               tic encoding might allow analysis of the business terminology found in these
               sources, while content encoding might permit markup of the personal inscrip-
               tions Bernstein finds in surviving copies of the manuals to extract and com-
               pare the information contained, especially as the corpus grows – much of this
               in line with the emphasis on contextual encoding planned for upcoming work-
               shops on Scholarly Text Encoding funded by NEH Institutes in Advanced
               Topics in Digital Humanities, and sponsored by Brown University’s Women
               Writers’ Project.
               ally acted and conducted their business. However, it is clear that there
               was a market for these books: although the printing of such books was
               encouraged and sometimes even commissioned by the government,
               most of the publishers were private companies concerned with their
               bottom line. Both authors and publishers expressed respect for their
               merchant readers, indicating their expectation that those to whom they
               directed their publications would profit by them.4 Thus Christian Lud-
               wig Vever, the publisher and translator of Jean-Pierre Ricard’s Le Négoce
               d’Amsterdam (Amsterdam trade), which appeared in Russian in 1762,
               wrote in his dedication (in a flowery and elevated style that I shall at-
               tempt to reproduce in translation), ‘The publisher of this exceedingly
               difficult and exceedingly useful composition on the Amsterdam market
               dedicates it to the merchantry of the first guild as a sign of his high
               esteem for this merchantry and his eagerness to be of service [Vsemu
               pervoi gil’dii kupechestvu sie pretrudnoe i prepoleznoe sochinenie ob
               amsterdamskom torge, v znak svoego k nim vysokopochitaniia i okhot-
               nosti ko uslugam ikh prinosit i posviashchaet onago izdatel’].’5
                  In The Plow, the Hammer, and the Knout, Arcadius Kahan writes, ‘[Rus-
               sian merchants of the eighteenth century] had no knowledge or ability
               to arrange insurance, shipping facilities, or quality control. They had no
               network of information gathering and other important ancillary serv-
               ices necessary for efficient trading in a world market.’6 The eighteenth-
               century books on trade aimed at changing this situation by introducing
               their readers to such notions as insurance, efficient banking, and modern
               bookkeeping, while promoting a merchant’s duties and responsibilities
               and ethical business practices. They frequently introduced new com-
               mercial institutions and business terminology to Russian merchants.
               They championed general education and the study of foreign languages
               as a tool for ‘information gathering’ and as a prerequisite for participa-
               tion in the global market. Such books, in the words of Andrei Volchkov,
               applied to his translation of Savary des Bruslons’s famous Dictionnaire
               du Commerce, promised their ‘commerce-loving readers’ a description of
               trading practices ‘of the entire earthly sphere.’7
                  Trade was increasingly conducted by correspondence, and therefore
               a merchant’s ability to express himself clearly in writing acquired great
               importance. Almost every instructional manual for merchants empha-
               sized that a merchant aiming at success must first of all acquire good
               penmanship and a knowledge of spelling, grammar, and epistolary
               style. As if in answer to this demand, in the last third of the eighteenth
               century there appeared a number of letter-writing manuals, most of
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