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UC_Weisenfeld.qxd 1/22/07 11:40 AM Page i
judith weisenfeld
Weisenfeld, Judith.
Hollywood be thy name : African American religion
in American film, 1929–1949 / Judith Weisenfeld.
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-0-520-22774-3 (cloth : alk. paper).—ISBN
978-0-520-25100-7 (pbk. : alk. paper)
1. African Americans in motion pictures.
2. Religion in motion pictures. 3. Motion pictures—
United States. I. Title.
pn1995.9.n4w45 2007
791.43'652996073—dc22 2006037488
16 15 14 13 12 11 10 09 08 07
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
For Timea
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UC_Weisenfeld.qxd 1/22/07 11:40 AM Page vii
CONTENTS
List of Illustrations ix
Acknowledgments xi
Introduction 1
Conclusion 235
Filmography 239
Notes 241
Index 331
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I L L U S T R AT I O N S
ix
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17. The Prophet’s river baptism ceremony in Going to Glory, Come to Jesus
106
18. Satan and The Prophet in a battle for Lillie-Mae ’s soul in Going to Glory,
Come to Jesus 107
19. Church choir in The Blood of Jesus 108
20. Martha at the foot of the cross in The Blood of Jesus 109
21. Poster for Go Down, Death 114
22. Funeral service in Go Down, Death 118
23. Poster for Brother Martin, Servant of Jesus 125
24. Poster for The Black King 139
25. Emperor of Africa, Charcoal Jones, flanked by his vice-emperors in The
Black King 142
26. Jonathan Christian and Ezra Crumm look disapprovingly at Gertie in Dirty
Gertie from Harlem U.S.A. 147
27. Jonathan Christian faces temptation in Dirty Gertie from Harlem U.S.A.
148
28. Poster for Sunday Sinners 153
29. Rev. Hampton preaches against “the café people” in Sunday Sinners 155
30. Esther and Luke discuss the money they found with Rev. Lazarus in Tales
of Manhattan 169
31. Rev. Lazarus, Esther, and Luke distribute the money in Tales of Manhattan
170
32. Luke leads the community in song in Tales of Manhattan 171
33. Petunia in church, with Little Joe sitting next to her, in Cabin in the Sky
182
34. The General and Lucifer, Jr. struggle for Little Joe ’s soul in Cabin in the
Sky 183
35. Print advertisement for Cabin in the Sky (back) 184
36. Print advertisement for Cabin in the Sky (front) 185
37. Poster for We’ve Come a Long, Long Way 189
38. Print advertisement for Lost Boundaries 221
39. Marcia and Scott tell Howard the truth about his racial identity in Lost
Boundaries 222
x . i l lu s t r at i on s
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AC K N OW L E D G M E N T S
I am truly fortunate to have had the support of family, friends, and colleagues in the
course of what has been a much longer and more difficult journey than I had imag-
ined when I began this project. Lisa Collins, David Gerstner, Paula Massood, Colleen
McDannell, MacDonald Moore, Barbara Savage, Jacqueline Stewart, Timea Széll,
Terry Todd, and David Wills read part or all of the manuscript and contributed to
my work through their extraordinarily thoughtful and careful evaluation of the
work-in-progress. The project also benefited from the questions and comments of
students and faculty at colleges and universities that were generous enough to invite
me to discuss my work, and I am especially grateful to participants in the working
group on African American religion in the 1930s that David Wills organized at
Amherst College.
Many other colleagues and friends provided direct and indirect support along the
way, including Mark Cladis, Marc Epstein, Rick Jarow, Margaret Leeming, Lynn
LiDonnici, Larry Mamiya, Deborah Dash Moore, Michael Walsh, Tova Weitzman,
my valued colleagues in the Department of Religion at Vassar, and Wendy Borden,
our department secretary. Joan Bailey, Lee Bernstein, Joan Bryant, Andy Bush,
Anthea Butler, Elizabeth Castelli, Celia Deutsch, Heather Hendershot, Kathryn Jay,
Martha Jones, Laurie Maffly-Kipp, Mary McGee, Charles Musser, Ann Pellegrini,
Caryl Phillips, Albert Raboteau, Jana Riess, Susan Shapiro, Valerie Smith, and
Jeffrey Stout have also offered valuable wisdom and encouragement. Writing group
members Karen van Dyck, Linda Green, Zita Nunes, Maggie Sale, Priscilla Wald,
xi
UC_Weisenfeld.qxd 1/22/07 11:40 AM Page xii
and Angela Zito helped me define the project in its early stages, as did R. Marie
Griffith, James Hudnut-Beumler, Colleen McDannell, Robert Orsi, Daniel Sack,
Leigh Schmidt, David Harrington Watt, and Diane Winston in the Material His-
tory of American Religion Project. Chaya Deitsch’s friendship and hospitality made
research trips to Los Angeles a pleasure, and she has also been a generous reader of
the work-in-progress. The project took an unexpected turn during my year as a
fellow-in-residence at the Institute for the Advanced Study of Religion at Yale; fel-
lows Cheryl Townsend Gilkes and Nick Salvatore offered much helpful advice as I
set out in new directions, and I also thank them for their mentorship during a period
of professional transition. I am indebted to Jon Butler and Harry Stout for the oppor-
tunity of time, space, and fellowship that the year at the institute afforded and to
Kenneth Minkema and the staff for their administrative assistance. The late Richard
Newman was a wonderful mentor who always made time to talk about my work
and provide suggestions for new research resources and avenues. I try to keep his
enthusiasm for research and his humor with me, and I hope he would have enjoyed
the final version of this project. I thank my research assistants at Vassar, especially
Josh Boydstun, Rashaad Chowdhury, and Emily Vezina, for putting in much hard
work on the project and Kaile Shilling from Loyola Marymount University for addi-
tional assistance.
Grants from a number of projects, foundations, and institutions helped with travel
to archives and provided time for research and writing. I am grateful for the sup-
port of the National Endowment for the Humanities Summer Stipend, the Mater-
ial History of American Religion Project, the Institute for the Advanced Study of
Religion at Yale, and the Robert R. Woodruff Library at Emory University for their
generous financial support. I also wish to acknowledge the Vassar College Brink
Fund for assistance with the publication of the book. The librarians and archivists
at the Margaret Herrick Library at the Academy of Motion Picture Arts and Sci-
ences and the Cinema-Television Library at the University of Southern California
offered invaluable assistance, as did Randy Roberts in the Axe Library Special Col-
lections at Pittsburg State University and Randall K. Burkett in the Robert R.
Woodruff Library at Emory University. I am tremendously grateful for John Kisch’s
generosity in providing a large number of the images reproduced in the book. His
Separate Cinema Archive is extraordinary, and this project is greatly enhanced by
these illustrations.
The opportunity to publish some of the work-in-progress helped me to develop
the project in ways that have certainly improved it, and I thank the editors of the
volumes for their support. Earlier versions of parts of the work have appeared in
xii . a c k n o w l e d g m e n t s
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acknowledgments . xiii
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Introduction
In November and December of 1928, The King of Kings, Cecil B. DeMille ’s silent
film about the life of Christ, played at the Royal Theatre in Baltimore, one of eleven
theaters in the city that catered exclusively to black audiences. The movie proved
so popular that the theater booked it for a return engagement and enhanced the show
by adding “special religious music by a choir of trained voices as well as special
orchestral effects by the Royal Symphonic Orchestra.”1 In addition to announcing
that the film had been held over, Baltimore ’s black weekly, the Afro-American, pub-
lished an item recounting an event at a late November screening under the headline
“Women Get Happy, Shout at Moving Picture Show.” The paper presented the
ecstatic, emotional, and embodied response of audience members Alice Harris and
Hattie Hutchins to the movie as humorous, hinting strongly that their behavior was
inappropriate for the modern urban environment. “‘Old time religion’ was felt at
a picture show performance here recently,” the brief account began, “when two
women, becoming happy, were injured when they fell shouting down the steps of
the Royal theatre during the showing of ‘King of Kings.’” The item noted that the
women, both in their sixties, were overcome by religious ecstasy and, while head-
ing downstairs from the balcony, “fell down the stairs shouting.” One fractured an
arm and the other received lacerations on her face.2
What is remarkable about this account, probably included in the Afro-American
simply for its entertainment value, is what it reveals about how some African Amer-
icans engaged film in the early twentieth century. The stage was set for this partic-
1
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ular encounter by the fact that the film was self-consciously religious. White direc-
tor DeMille saw great potential in the cinema as a vehicle for religious instruction
and directed many religious spectacles and biblical epics in the 1920s and 1930s and
again in the 1950s.3 Black audiences clearly appreciated The King of Kings, and it is
possible that the theater added a choir performance not only in response to audi-
ences’ enthusiastic support for the film as entertainment but also in recognition of
some general sense among its patrons that the event was a religious one. DeMille ’s
popularity with African American audiences continued when, in 1933, The Sign of
the Cross opened at the Tivoli Theater in Los Angeles. On this occasion, the black
weekly the California Eagle commented, “It is remarkable the effect the stirring and
frequently deeply pathetic scenes had on the audience. Tears were frequently seen
in the eyes of the patrons as the perfect screen and sound brought the ancient scenes
to life again.”4 For Harris and Hutchins and perhaps many others who sat in the dark-
ened Royal Theatre and watched the life of Christ play before their eyes, the exhi-
bition of DeMille ’s The King of Kings rendered the movie theater an appropriate
place for religious expression, and these women fashioned their own religious mean-
ing from the movie experience with particular enthusiasm. Had they not been injured,
the account of their religious ecstasy, an experience enabled by viewing a film, would
never have been preserved.
In the case of this particular biblical epic featuring white actors, spectatorship facil-
itated an exuberant religious experience for some African Americans, but typically
the appearance of African and African American religious practices on movie screens
elicited a very different response from black audiences. Writing in The Crisis in 1934,
Loren Miller, a black Los Angeles–based civil rights attorney, bemoaned the trou-
bling presence of “Uncle Tom in Hollywood.” Miller decried an industry whose
products encouraged black audiences to cheer for the white hero who rescues the
blonde heroine from “savage” Africans and to consume newsreels that “poke fun
at Negro revivals or baptisings.”5 He argued forcefully that African Americans
should take very seriously the impact of media on American political and social life.
“The cumulative effect of constant picturization of this kind is tremendously effec-
tive in shaping racial attitudes. Hollywood products are seen in every nook and cor-
ner of the world. Millions of non-residents of the United States depend almost
entirely on the movies for their knowledge of Negro life, as those who have been
abroad can testify. Other millions of white Americans of all ages confirm their beliefs
about Negroes at the neighborhood theaters while Negroes themselves fortify their
inferiority complex by seeing themselves always cast as the underdog to be laughed
at or despised.” Miller’s focus on religion in both examples of representations that
2 . introduction
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introduction . 3
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of American film from the earliest years of moviemaking in the United States. As
Daniel Bernardi notes in his collection on race and early film, “[C]inema’s inven-
tion and early development coincided with the rise in power and prestige of bio-
logical determinism, with increased immigration and immigrant restriction laws, and
with the United States’ imperialist practices in the Caribbean and Asia.” He further
argues that these “sociopolitical practices” so profoundly affected the development
of early cinema that processes of racializing can be seen across “studios, authors,
genres, and styles.”8 Exploring, defining, and projecting concepts of race, then, were
woven into the fabric of this industry that would become such an influential part of
American popular culture. By the 1930s, when the Hollywood studio system had
solidified what scholars refer to as the classical Hollywood style, race had become
a central and unremarked component of silver screen images of Americanness.9
As much as scholars of American film have identified and examined the ideological
functions of the cinema with regard to the production and maintenance of racial
categories and racial hierarchy, none have addressed the profound connections
between ideas and representations of religion and those of race in the history or the
filmic presentation of African Americans. Similarly, scholars of African American
religion have not attended to complicated and significant cultural approaches to the
creation of religious and racialized meaning in American history. The production
and maintenance of racial categories require “technologies”—legitimating mech-
anisms that help structure our lives in public and material ways as well as in more
subtle and veiled ways of which we are sometimes hardly aware. These technolo-
gies consist of the set of elaborated discourses, “implemented through pedagogy,
medicine, demography, . . . [and] economics,” for example, that produce, re-
produce, and seek to regulate race.10 Film, as a significant contributor to the dis-
cursive production of race, gender, and sexuality in America, deserves an impor-
tant place in any discussion of the technology of race.
My broadest concern in this book is with the ways American films have repre-
sented religion, specifically African American religion, through the technology of
race. The involvement of representations of religion in particular ways of racial-
izing characters in film (that is, using the power and the privileged gaze of the cam-
era to invest skin color with moral meaning) is striking even in any brief survey of
American movies. The coupling of religion and race at certain moments in film
authorizes and naturalizes American racial categories and works to describe and pre-
scribe the boundaries of the category of religion. In many cases, mobilizing race in
relation to religion helps train the spectator with regard to what is and is not to be
considered appropriate religion for the American context. The drive to define insider
4 . introduction
UC_Weisenfeld.qxd 1/22/07 11:40 AM Page 5
and outsider categories of religion, common in so many social contexts, has often
coincided with the power exercised in the United States by some racialized groups
over others. We must understand the contest for the right to define what constitutes
religion as situated in a field of other categories in process, including those of “mod-
ern,” “primitive,” “American,” “foreign,” “man,” “woman,” “black,” and “white.”
Lillian Smith, in reflecting on growing up white in the Jim Crow American South,
has described the impossibility of disaggregating the elements that have contributed
to the formation of American identities and of understanding these categories in
isolation from one another. “Religion . . . sex . . . race . . . avoidance rites . . . —no
part of these can be looked at and clearly seen without looking at the whole of them.
For, as a painter mixes colors and makes them new colors, so religion is turned into
something different by race, and segregation is colored as much by sex as by skin
pigment.”11 Film has functioned as an important arena in which this mixing has taken
place.
Hollywood Be Thy Name examines the complicated ways filmmakers and their
films engaged in the ongoing process of articulating race and religion in America
in the early twentieth century. The migration and increasing urbanization of African
Americans over the first decades of the twentieth century, the religious, artistic, and
literary creativity that emerged from burgeoning urban centers, and the develop-
ment in the 1920s of technology to produce sound film fostered conditions that made
the representation of African American subject matter appealing. Demographic
shifts in America’s black population from rural to urban captured artistic imagina-
tions, as did the potential consequences of this transformation for African Ameri-
can claims to modernity and to citizenship. Black and white filmmakers were par-
ticularly drawn to the possibilities that black religious music offered for the new
sound technology, and Hollywood and independent studios recognized the aesthetic
power of African American religious expression, so often grounded in using the
body’s sound and motion as conduits to the divine. Many actors brought to the pro-
ductions I consider in the book their experiences with and commitment to a reli-
gious way of being that emphasized modes of worship developed in African Amer-
ican social contexts and that valued oral and embodied performances of the Word.
Attempts to translate these religious commitments to the artistic medium of film often
generated debate in African American communities over the appropriateness of lit-
eralizing complex theological ideas and of commodifying them in popular culture.
The major Hollywood films of the period generally mobilized black religious aes-
thetics in service of an essentialized understanding of African American religion,
presenting something the filmmakers understood to be the fundamental religious
introduction . 5
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