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OXFORD THEOLOGY AND RELIGION
MONOGRAPHS
Editorial Committee
J. BARTON M. J. EDWARDS
P. S. FIDDES G. D. FLOOD
D. N. J. MACCULLOCH C. C. ROWLAND
G. WARD
OXFORD THEOLOGY AND RELIGION MONOGRAPHS
HEIDEGGER’S ESCHATOLOGY
Theological Horizons in Martin Heidegger’s Early Work
Judith Wolfe (2013)
SEAN DOHERTY
1
3
Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP,
United Kingdom
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford.
It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship,
and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of
Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries
© Sean Doherty 2014
The moral rights of the author have been asserted
First Edition published in 2014
Impression: 1
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in
a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted
by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics
rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above
You must not circulate this work in any other form
and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer
Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press
198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
Data available
Library of Congress Control Number: 2013945565
ISBN 978–0–19–870333–4
As printed and bound by
CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon, CR0 4YY
Links to third party websites are provided by Oxford in good faith and
for information only. Oxford disclaims any responsibility for the materials
contained in any third party website referenced in this work.
Acknowledgements
Abbreviations ix
Introduction 1
Bibliography 203
Index 221
Abbreviations
BEE Rich, Arthur, Business and Economic Ethics: The Ethics of Economic Systems,
ed. Georges Enderle, trans. David W. Lutz and Albert Wimmer (Leuven:
Peeters, 2006).
LW Luther, Martin, Luther’s Works, 55 vols. (Philadelphia: Fortress and St Louis:
Concordia, 1955–1986).
ST Aquinas, St Thomas, Summa Theologica, 2nd rev. edn. 22 vols., trans. Fathers
of the English Dominican Province (London: Burns, Oates & Washbourne,
1912–36), <http://www.newadvent.org/summa/> accessed January 2006–May
2011.
WA Luther, Martin, Luthers Werke: Kritische Gesamtausgabe, 65 + vols. (Weimar:
H Böhlau, 1883–), <http://luther.chadwyck.co.uk> accessed August 2005–May
2011.
Introduction
1
We will not attempt a full-scale literature review in this introduction, but for a sample of
recent forays into ethics by economists, see the collection of essays edited by Peter Groenewegen,
Economics and Ethics? (London: Routledge, 1996) and Amartya Sen, On Ethics and Economics
(Oxford: Blackwell, 1987). As for theological explorations in economic ethics, see, for example:
Max L. Stackhouse with others (eds.), On Moral Business: Classical and Contemporary Resources
for Ethics in Economic Life (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1995) and J. Philip Wogaman, Economic
Ethics: A Christian Inquiry (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1986). Several valuable discussions of the
2 Theology and Economic Ethics
issue have been penned by Christians who also happen to be economists, such as D. L. Munby,
Christianity and Economic Problems (London: Macmillan, 1956), and Donald Hay, Economics
Today: A Christian Critique (Leicester: Apollos 1989).
2
For example, Hans-Jürgen Prien, Luthers Wirtschaftsethik (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck &
Ruprecht, 1992), and Ricardo Rieth, ‘Habsucht’ bei Martin Luther (Weimar: Hermann Böhlaus
Nachfolger, 1996).
3
One attempt to appropriate Luther’s thought for today is the relatively brief and relatively
popular work by Ulrich Duchrow, Global Economy: A Confessional Issue for the Churches?, trans.
David Lewis (Geneva: WCC Publications, 1987). The book is no less useful for its brevity and
popularity, but clearly there is scope for more sustained work.
4
Arthur Rich, Business and Economic Ethics: The Ethics of Economic Systems, ed. Georges
Enderle, trans. David W. Lutz and Albert Wimmer (Leuven: Peeters, 2006). This single-volume
edition is a translation of two original volumes: Arthur Rich, Wirtschaftsethik I: Grundlagen in
theologischer Perspektive (Gütersloh: Gerd Mohn, 1984), and Wirtschaftsethik II: Markt-
wirtschaft, Planwirtschaft, Weltwirtschaft aus sozialethischer Sicht (Gütersloh: Gerd Mohn,
1990).
Introduction 3
on the matter.5 Forced to choose only between recent options, she adopts what
she designates a dialogic, Niebuhrian approach while trying to synthesize it
with what she regards as the valid features of other twentieth-century methods.
This yields real insights, but restricting oneself to a single period means that the
assumptions of that period may remain unquestioned. By contrast, it will be
assumed that contemporary theology cannot be sufficiently self-critical if the
conversation remains within its own chronological horizon.6 This monograph
therefore sets out to discover resources in an earlier theological generation,
which may help to liberate us from potential tunnel vision with respect to
economics. Thus it sets out to address the still somewhat uncharted methodo-
logical question of economic ethics in a way that, where necessary, has
the capacity to reshape the assumptions of contemporary discourse.
THE M ETHOD
5
Anna M. Robbins, Methods in the Madness: Diversity in Twentieth-Century Christian Social
Ethics, (Carlisle: Paternoster, 2004).
6
For discussion of this notion, see Bernd Wannenwetsch, ‘Conversing with the Saints as they
Converse with Scripture: In Conversation with Brian Brock’s Singing the Ethos of God’, European
Journal of Theology xviii (2009), pp. 125–35.
7
The full German text of Luther’s sermon can be found in WA v. 6, pp. 36–60. The standard
English translation is in LW v. 45, pp. 273–308.
4 Theology and Economic Ethics
more intuitive Luther. At other times, he is less self-aware, and his manoeuvres
are more concealed. At such times, our prior study of Luther will better enable
us to notice and describe what Rich does. Luther, however, tends not to reflect
explicitly on what he is doing, although his execution is masterful. This alerts
us to the possible discrepancy between how good one is at doing something,
and how good one is at describing it. Our proposal is therefore that it is worth
delving into these methodological steps and exploring the reasons for them,
and it will establish this by enumerating what we can learn from such a
process. At times the critique will be mutual, but more often the evaluation
will be of Rich’s method from the perspective of Luther’s, for the reasons that
we have already set out.
In summary, the key words in what follows will be ‘why’ and ‘how’ rather
than ‘what’. I will not simply describe Luther’s and Rich’s economic ethics,
and situate them in the context of their times, nor the theological concep-
tuality which gives rise to them. Rather, I will study the interplay of these two
things, to demonstrate the way in which their theological insights inform their
moral vision and shape their methodology.
THE S TRUCTURE
The ordering of the material is reasonably self-explanatory, first setting out the
analysis of the method of the pre-modern Luther, then of the modern Rich,
followed by a further exposition of Rich in which questions and insights from
Luther are brought to bear on Rich’s thought in order to discover ways in
which Luther’s theology can expand the self-critical resources of Rich’s ap-
proach to economic ethics, and by implication others which resemble his. Let
us pause briefly to map out the terrain that we will be exploring.
Chapter 1 briefly introduces Luther’s sermon on usury, and situates it in the
context of his day. It then gives a commentary on Luther’s method in the
sermon, discussing inter alia such matters as its genre, Luther’s moral under-
standing of ‘the gospel’ and its relation to financial and commercial matters,
and the way in which Luther reads and deploys Scripture in social ethics.
Also analysed are the ways in which Luther exploits particular doctrines (such
as creation and justification by faith alone) with respect to a moral question,
and his core theopolitical concept of the twofold government of God, and how
he brings these theological motifs to bear on a pressing economic question
which confronted him: the rise of the Zinskauf, a method of lending money at
interest which circumvented canonical prohibitions on usury. I then summar-
ize my findings from my close engagement with this particular text of Luther’s,
in readiness for the subsequent discussion of Rich in the light of Luther.
Introduction 5
This chapter will situate Luther’s Sermon von dem Wucher in its theological,
political, and social context, and give a commentary on Luther’s theological
method in the sermon, touching on matters such as the genre of the sermon,
Luther’s approach to Scripture and tradition, his method in engaging with
particular Christian doctrines, and the way he brings all this to bear on the
particular economic questions which prompted him to write. It will primarily
follow the flow of the sermon itself, although we will also pause to analyse and
take stock of our findings at relevant junctures.
Luther had already tackled the matter of usury late in 1519, in a shorter
Sermon von dem Wucher (WA v. 6, pp. 3–8), of which this work is an
expansion. The sermon apparently did not have the desired effect, and Luther
became increasingly frustrated with the growth in what he regarded as usuri-
ous practices. The socio-economic backdrop to this growth was as follows.1
1
The various interconnected contexts of the treatise have been analysed in recent scholarship
and therefore rather than attempt an exhaustive enquiry, what follows is a condensed summary
of relevant aspects of such treatments. Clearly the reality was far more variegated than this
synopsis indicates. For further information on the socio-economic context, see Friedrich Lütge,
‘Agriculture’, in The New Cambridge Modern History: II. The Reformation, 1520–59, ed.
G. R. Elton (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1962), pp. 23–36 and Prien, Luthers
Wirtschaftsethik, pp. 31–68. On the ecclesiastical-theological context, see Carter Lindberg,
Beyond Charity: Reformation Initiatives for the Poor (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1993), pp. 18–67,
which draws on the seminal but dated work by Gerhard Uhlhorn, Christian Charity in the
Ancient Church. No translator given. (New York: Scribners, 1883). On the ‘left wing’ of the
Reformation, see Martin Brecht, Martin Luther: Shaping and Defining the Reformation,
1521–1532, trans. James F. Schaaf (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1985), pp. 142–3. For the more
immediate causes for Luther’s writing, see Brecht, Martin Luther: Shaping and Defining the
Reformation, pp. 142–50, and Prien, Luthers Wirtschaftsethik, pp. 73–80.
8 Theology and Economic Ethics
Economic ferment in central Europe, and the advent of what we now call early
capitalism, had led to an increase in the number and impact of rich entrepre-
neurs. This was undermining the older feudal and guild systems, which,
although they obviously had their share of injustices and abuses, had acted
as sharp brakes on large land and profit accumulation,2 and had promoted
local self-sufficiency and mutual responsibility.3 Many locales, particularly
Wittenberg, now depended on trade with other areas for basic foodstuffs,
frequently leading to scarcity and price rises, which local governments were
powerless to regulate.
Economic and agricultural stagnation had resulted from the Black Death in
the fourteenth century and was followed by enormous population growth,
creating demand which the agricultural system (fragile from the effects of the
plague) struggled to meet.4 Swift and large price rises inevitably took place.
Wages could not keep pace with the surges in price, with those on fixed
incomes especially impoverished. These changes were especially pronounced
in Luther’s region, Saxony-Thuringia. For example, the price of grain doubled
between 1519 and 1540.5 This exacerbated a situation in which many peasants
had been compelled to borrow in the cumulative wake of a series of severe
crop failures from 1490 to 1519. They could not pay back what they had
borrowed, and thus forfeited their property.
The discovery of the Americas and commerce with the Near East stimulated
trade, but this seems to have done little to ease the acute need for everyday
goods. Luther, with a typically medieval attitude to the sterility of money,
perceived the international commerce in luxuries as a financial drain, increas-
ing debt and wasting money which should have been spent on basic neces-
sities. The great banking houses, such as the Fuggers from Augsburg, about
whom Luther had complained in An den christlichen Adel deutscher Nation
(1520), had attained massive sway, holding both secular and ecclesiastical
authorities in thrall. Of course, the fact that they were ‘zealous Romanists
who supported Eck against Luther’ can hardly have failed to further inflame
Luther’s ire.6 Their clout with these authorities enabled them to quell attempts
to regulate their business more strictly.
2
Prien, Luthers Wirtschaftsethik, p. 215.
3
A. G. Dickens, Reformation and Society in Sixteenth-Century Europe (London: Thames and
Hudson, 1966), pp. 45–7; Robert Wuthnow, Communities of Discourse: Ideology and Social
Structure in the Reformation, the Enlightenment, and European Socialism (Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University Press, 1989), p. 29.
4
Prien, Luthers Wirtschaftsethik, p. 32.
5
Prien, Luthers Wirtschaftsethik, p. 32 and Steven E. Ozment, The Age of Reform, 1250–1550:
An Intellectual and Religious History of Late Medieval and Reformation Europe (New Haven:
Yale University Press, 1980), p. 198.
6
LW v. 44, p. 155, n. 100. But Luther’s opprobrium towards the Fuggers was by no means
only a matter of opposing supporters of Rome—as the most wealthy and monopolistic banking
house they merely typified their profession par excellence. Cf. his notorious comment that
Luther’s Moral Theological Method 9
‘we must put a bit in the mouth of the Fuggers and similar companies’ LW v. 44, p. 213 (emphasis
mine); WA v. 6, p. 466, ll. 31–2.
7
This is documented in David W. Jones, Reforming the Morality of Usury: A Study of
Differences that Separated the Protestant Reformers (Lanham, MD: University Press of America,
2004), pp. 30–4. See also Benjamin Nelson, The Idea of Usury: From Tribal Brotherhood to
Universal Otherhood (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1949), pp. 3–5.
8
See Jones, Reforming the Morality of Usury, pp. 25ff.
9
Martin Brecht, Martin Luther: His Road to Reformation, 1483–1521, trans. James F. Schaaf
(Philadelphia: Fortress, 1985), p. 96; Prien, Luthers Wirtschaftsethik, p. 42.
10
R. H. Tawney, Religion and the Rise of Capitalism: A Historical Study (Harmondsworth:
Penguin, 1938), p. 57.
11
Jacques Le Goff, Your Money or Your Life: Economy and Religion in the Middle Ages
(New York: Zone Books, 1988), pp. 65ff. and 92f.
12
John T. Noonan, The Scholastic Analysis of Usury (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press, 1957), pp. 299–300.
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