Halikarnassos during the Imperial period

and Late Antiquity

by
Birte Poulsen

Abstract
Newton and many later scholars took their starting point for studying
Halikarnassos from the ancient literary sources, in which the time of
Maussollos, the period of strong Greek influence during the 4th century BC,
was of paramount interest. According to the ancient authors, Halikarnassos was
almost deserted and ruined during the Imperial period and later. This biased
representation of the history and urban development of Halikarnassos cannot
be maintained, however, when taking into account the evidence of other
sources such as the epigraphic and archaeological material.1

Based on the literary tradition, many scholars have adopted the attitude
that Halikarnassos never recovered after “its destruction by Alexander
the Great”. According to the main source of this historic event, Arrian,
Halikarnassos was even razed to the ground after Alexander’s siege,2
and the following centuries have therefore been considered inferior to the
golden 4th century BC. Much importance has been attached to Cicero as
a source of information on the poor condition of the town. Firstly,
according to Cicero, Verres “carried off statues of great beauty from
Chios, and also from Erythrae and Halicarnassus”.3 It is certainly worth
noticing that Halikarnassos was apparently being profitably plundered
by Verres during the early 1st century (80/79 BC)! Secondly, in a letter
to his brother, Cicero writes that Quintus “restored a number of ruined
and almost deserted cities, including Samos and Halicarnassus, one the
most famous city of Ionia, the other of Caria”.4 So, according to the
letter the town had lost its former glory and was almost ruined and
deserted when Quintus was appointed propraetor of the province of
Asia in 62, and he accordingly made some effort to restore the town.

1
This contribution is a much shortened and reworked version of a chapter I wrote that is
included in the The House of Charidemos, Halicarnassian Studies VI, due to appear in
2011. I am much indebted to Signe Isager for having commented on the epigraphic
material.
2
Bailey 1980, 154 ad 25.5-6 and Luttrell 1986, 129. This assumption is due to Arr.
Anab. 1.23.6 and Strab. 14.656-657.
3
Cic. Verr. II.1.19.49: Chio per vim signa pulcherrima dico abstulisse, item Erythris et
Halicarnasso. Cf. Dmitriev 2005a, 97.
4
Cic. Q Fr. 1.1.25: urbis compluris, dirutas ac paene desertas, in quibus unam Ioniae
nobilissimam, alteram Cariae, Samum et Halicarnassum, per te esse recreatas. Transl.
D.R. Shackleton Bailey, Loeb ed., London 2002.
 Birte Poulsen

Although both Vitruvius and Strabo describe Halikarnassos after the

time of Cicero, it remains uncertain to what degree Quintus was
successful at rebuilding the town. Admittedly Vitruvius gives a detailed
account of a splendid town (Fig. 1), but it remains uncertain whether he
actually ever visited Halikarnassos himself.5 It is remarkable that
Vitruvius basically only mentions the buildings belonging to the golden
age of Halikarnassos, i.e. the period of Maussollos, and the following
century.
On the other hand, if we presume that Vitruvius really did visit
Halikarnassos, then the city was certainly still splendid during the
Augustan period. Only the term “ad hoc tempus” (2.8.10) seems to
indicate that Vitruvius was abreast of the preservation and continued
existence of some of the buildings of Halikarnassos, but it is significant
that, for example, the sanctuary of Apollo, which seems to have retained
a certain importance during the age of Vitruvius, is entirely left out of
the account.6 Strabo likewise focuses on the origin and golden era of
Halikarnassos, although he mentions the capture of Halikarnassos by
Alexander the Great.7

The Imperial period

It seems that at least during the early Julio-Claudian period the town
was financially well off, since we know that Halikarnassos was among
the towns which applied for permission to dedicate a temple to Tiberius
in AD 26.8 This seems further emphasized by a decree issued
approximately at that time, but usually not considered. It concerns only
one ethnic group of Halikarnassos, the Jewish society. The wording of
the decree is related by Flavius Josephus, and it appears that the Jewish
society was allowed to build a synagogue near the sea.9 But the post-
Tacitean literary sources concentrate on the Maussolleion and remain
silent as to the history and later fate of the town.10 However, a number
of other sources reveal that the town was very much alive also through
the centuries following the Hellenistic period.
Several inscriptions mention a certain Drakon or his relatives, an
apparently wealthy and powerful family in Halikarnassos during the
later Hellenistic period and early years of the 1st century AD. An
honorary decree from 11 BC mentions a certain Philodemos, son of
Drakon, and the various benefactions made by him to the town; among
other things he stood surety for 30000 denares of its debts, which seem

5
Vitr. De Arch. 2.8.10-15; Jeppesen 1989.
6
This is evident, for instance, from an honorary inscription as well as from the
representation on one of the alliance coins, see n. 23 and 37.
7
Strab. 13.611; 14.635, 656-657. He based his description on Kallisthenes from
Olynthos. For Alexander’s siege of Halikarnassos, cf. Arr. Anab. 1.22.7; 1.23.1-6; Diod.
17.26.4; 17.27.6
8
Tac. Ann. 4.55.
9
Joseph. AJ XIV.256-258; Trebilco 1991, 7 and 13. Cf. Jewish inscription found in
Myndos mentioning a female archisynagogos, Bean & Cook 1955, 106, no. 32; SEG 16,
no. 691; McCabe 1996, section 9c.
10
Plin. HN 36.30-31; Paus. 8.16.4; Lucian, Dial. Mort. 429-431.The town still appears
on the map of the geographer Ptolemaios, Geogr. 5.2. Luttrell 1986 has treated the
sources relating to the history and fate of the Maussolleion.

426 Boreas 32
 Halikarnassos during the Imperial period and Late Antiquity

to have been caused by the unstable political situation during the 1st
century BC.11 This Philodemos was also honoured with three statues
made of different materials. Two almost identical dedications by a
certain Melanthios – another well-known member of the Drakon family
– to the patron deities of the palaestra, Hermes and Herakles, may have
stood in the gymnasium.12 The same Melanthios is presumably also
honoured in an inscription found near the Maussolleion.13
An important decree – again mentioning Drakon and the financial
problems of Halikarnassos – records sacrifices to Augustus and to a
“Caesar” characterized as ό ώ , princeps iuventutis,
presumably to be identified with Gaius.14 Together with an Iulio-
Claudian decree found in Kos, in which is mentioned “Kaisarea in
Halikarnassos”, this inscription could well indicate the existence of a
Kaisareion and an Imperial cult related to the Iulio-Claudian dynasty.15
A sacrifice for Gaius is also mentioned in an inscription which appears
to be a copy of a joint decree issued by the towns in Asia Minor16
honouring C. Caesar either on his birthday or his arrival day in Asia.
Besides the monuments and buildings mentioned by Vitruvius,
Halikarnassos certainly possessed a theatre standing in the northern part
of the town and a large stadion in the eastern part during the Imperial
period.17 Furthermore, the inscriptions indicate that Halikarnassos
possessed at least two gymnasia during the Hellenistic and Roman
periods,18 and this is also emphasized by numerous inscriptions referring
to the various activities connected to the ephebes and the gymnasia.19 A
city-state decree found in Aphrodisias has been taken to document a

11
Hirschfeld 1893, no. 893; McCabe 1996, no. 12. Date: 11 BC. For further two similar
decrees concerning Philodemos, Cousin & Diehl 1890, 97-99, no. 4; McCabe 1996, no.
13 (date 11 BC?) and Robert 1978, 459, n. 40; McCabe 1996, no. 14 (date 11 BC?). An
honorary inscription for a Drakon [Neo]kleous was dedicated by the parents, Cousin &
Diehl 1890, no. 11; French 1984, 82, no. 4; McCabe 1996, no. 90 (1st century BC?).
12
1: Newton 1862, 705-706, no. 63; Hirschfeld 1893, no. 905; Bean & Cook 1955, 100;
SEG 16, no. 653; McCabe 1996, no. 70 (Hellenistic). 2: Bean & Cook 1955, no 8; SEG
16, no. 652; McCabe 1996, no. 71 (1st century BC?).
13
Funerary/honorary inscription honouring a member (Melanthios?) of the family of
Drakon, Hirschfeld 1893, no. 899; French 1984, 83, no. 5; BE 1987, no 353; SEG 36,
no. 974; McCabe 1996, no. 165; Isager 2002, 158. See also n. 18.
14
Hirshfeld 1893, no. 892; Magie 1950, 238 with translation; McCabe 1996, no. 7.
Date: c. AD 4.
15
Hauvette-Besnault & Dubois 1881, 230-236, no. 20; Paton & Hicks 1891, 137-138,
no. 104. Cf. also 138-140, no. 105; Hähnlein-Schäfer 1985, 269-270, I.4; Hirschfeld
1893, no. 892, suggests that these games should be related to Iulius Caesar. Price 1984
indicates imperial altar, priest and cult in Halikarnassos (no. 61), unfortunately without
further reference.
16
Newton 1862, 695-698, no. 6; Hirschfeld 1893, no. 894; SEG 4, no. 201; Magie 1950,
238 with translation; McCabe 1996, no. 4.
17
Pedersen 2004a, 146-149. The theatre is excavated and well preserved. The stadion
has been partly excavated but is now sealed below recent constructions, Isager &
Pedersen 2008.
18
Isager 2004, 137; Pedersen 2004, 151-153.
19
Enrolment of epheboi, Newton 1862, 701-705, nos. 12-12c; McCabe 1996, nos. 44-
46; Hirschfeld 1893, no. 898 with reference to four similar inscriptions, all from the
Flavian period; McCabe 1996, no. 43 and Cousin & Diehl 1890, 103-106, 115, no. 7;
McCabe 1996, no. 47. Many inscriptions related to gymnasia are published by Bean &
Cook 1955.

Boreas 32 427
 Birte Poulsen

library in Halikarnassos during the first half of the 2nd century AD,20
and a late Antonine inscription attests to the existence of a custom
house in Halikarnassos during the 2nd century.21 About this time and
later, extensive rebuilding can be observed also in the area of the
Salmakis fountain situated on the western promontory.
As to the evidence in Halikarnassos of the setting of statues
honouring members of the Imperial family, a dedication to Tiberius
Iulius Caesar and Drusus Iulius Caesar from the period AD 4–14 is one
of the earliest.22 An honorary inscription was set up by the demos of
Halikarnassos for a priest (?) of the cult of Augustus and Apollo
Archegetes, apparently reflecting the popularity of this god as a tutelary
god of Augustus.23 Two inscriptions, presumably stemming from bases
carrying statues of the emperor Tiberius, have been registered in
Halikarnassos. One was recovered during the excavations on the site of
the Maussolleion by G.M.A. Biliotti in 1865, but the exact provenance
of the other is unknown.24 A relief of white marble built into a wall in
the Castle of St. Peter has a representation of a round shield above a
sword. The shield carries an inscription dedicating it to the emperor
Claudius and Artemis Delia.25 To the Julio-Claudian period may also
belong a large unpublished dedicatory inscription reused as a door lintel
in the Castle of St. Peter, the only Latin inscription preserved from
ancient Halikarnassos besides a fragment of the edict of Diocletian. The
Flavian period is represented by a statue base of Iulia Sabina Augusta,
honoured as the new Hera by the demos of Halikarnassos.26 Only two
dedications may be attributed to the 2nd century with certainty: one to
Hadrian Olympios from c. 130 and one to Antoninus Pius.27 To this
century may, however, also belong a small altar with a dedication to an
empress, Sebaste Aphrodite Demosia.28 The Late Antique period is
represented by a single dedication to the Tetrarchs set up by Aurelius

20
Roueché 1993, 135, 223-227, 88.ii; Fedeli 1989, 52; Callmar 1944, 184; Le Bas &
Waddington 1870, 378, no. 1618. For information on its present location and reference
to the publication by C. Roueché, I am indebted to S. Isager, who considers the
reference to a library in Halikarnassos very probable.
21
M. Aurelius Mindius Matidianus Pollio had the toll station restored, ILS 8858 (=AE
1897, no. 17 = OGIS 525); Rostowzew 1902, 404-405; Broughton 1938, 762; Aubert
1994, 341; McCabe 1996, no. 42.
22
Signed by Archidamos, son of Nikomachos, CIG no. 2657; Hamilton 1842, no. 283;
Loewy 1885, no. 356; McCabe 1996, no. 55.
23
Haussoullier 1880, 397-398, no. 5; McCabe 1996, no. 112. For other honorary
inscriptions from the Roman period, but without names, see Bean & Cook 1955, no.
34a; SEG 16, no 644; McCabe 1996, no. 111 and Bean & Cook 1955, no. 14, col. 1;
SEG 16, no. 660a; McCabe 1996, no. 113.
24
A: For this reference I am indebted to J. Munk Højte, AE 1994, no. 1714; SEG 44, no.
873; Pedersen 1991, 128; Blümel 1994, 101, no. 6; Højte 2005, 282, Tib. no. 122 (date:
AD 14-37). B: CIG no. 2657; Rose 1997, 177, no. 18; Højte 2005, 282, Tib. no. 121
(date: AD 4–14).
25
Newton 1862, II, 698, no. 6a; McCabe 1996, no. 56.
26
Reused as building stone in the Castle of St. Peter, Haussoullier 1880, 396, no. 3;
Loewy 1885, no. 300 b; McCabe 1996, no. 85.
27
Bean & Cook 1955, no. 29; SEG 16, no. 655; McCabe 1996, no. 57 (Hadrian) and
CIG no. 2658; McCabe 1996, no. 58 (Antoninus Pius).
28
Haussoullier 1880, 398, no. 6 (Imperial); McCabe 1996, no. 54; Wallenstein 2003,
157, n. 1050.

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 Halikarnassos during the Imperial period and Late Antiquity

Marcellus, praes. prov. Cariae, at Halikarnassos, presumably between

AD 301 and 305.29 To this period also belongs a fragment of the edict of
Diocletian.30
Gladiatorial games (munera) in Halikarnassos are attested by both
inscriptions and reliefs.31 One relief dated to the 2nd century AD has a
most extraordinary depiction of two named and released female
gladiators, ’Α α ώ and ’Αχ íα, while another relief – likewise dated
to the 2nd century – represents a single gladiator named ’Ί α .32 A
dedication to Nemesis by a retiarius named Stephanos is important in
indicating that Halikarnassos also possessed a shrine to this goddess
during the Imperial period.33
During the Imperial period, coins were minted in Halikarnassos from
the time of Nero, apparently ending with issues under Gordian III (238–
244). Several of these have depictions of deities on their reverse such as
Athena, Zeus Akraios/Askraios, Apollo, Homonoia, and Nike.34 The
representations on the reverses of the Imperial coinage are of interest
since they might tell us something about the existing deities and cults of
Halikarnassos during that period.35 Two different alliance coins were
issued during the reign of the Severans, and they both relate
Halikarnassos to the two important islands of Kos and Samos. On the
reverse of one issue36 is Hera, the principal deity of Samos, standing in a
biga drawn by peacocks, and there is also a standing radiated and
bearded god, presumed to be Zeus Akraios and here representing
Halikarnassos, for which reason this god seems to have been considered
one of the principal deities of the town. On the reverse of the other
issue, the towns of Halikarnassos and Kos are represented by their
principal gods, Apollo Kitharoedos standing facing Asklepios.37

29
CIL III, no. 449; ILS no. 635; McCabe 1996, no. 59; Rouechè 2004, II.19, set up
before the abdication of Diocletian and Maximian, on 1st May 305.
30
AD 301, Cousin & Diehl 1890, 108, no. 10; Lauffer 1971, 25, 184-186; Giacchero
1974, I, 202-207, no. 27; McCabe 1996, no. 30. To be published by J. Isager.
31
Robert 1940, 182-189; Rumscheid 2001, 136, n. 79.
32
1. Presented to the British Museum by Viscount Stratford de Redcliffe in 1846, white
marble, CIG no. 6855f; Hirschfeld 1893, no. 911; Smith 1900, II, no. 1117; Robert
1940, 188-189, no. 184, pl. XII; McCabe 1996, no. 117; Köhne & Ewigleben 2000, fig.
117 (2nd century AD). 2. Presented to the British Museum by Viscount Stratford de
Redcliffe in 1846, bluish marble, CIG no. 8655e; Hirschfeld 1893, no. 912; Smith 1900,
II, no. 1116; Robert 1940, 188, no. 183, pl. VII; McCabe 1996, no. 158.
33
Robert 1940, 182-183, no. 179. For references to Nemesis and sporting competitions,
cf. Dmitriev 2005b, 260, n. 82.
34
K. Konuk has treated the Hellenistic coinage in Konuk 2004. The later coinage of
Halikarnassos has never been investigated properly but a publication is in preparation
by K. Konuk and S. Yakar, Konuk 2004, 165. For the various Imperial types, cf. Head
1897, nos. 81-91; SNG Copenhagen 1947, nos. 380-386; v. Aulock 1960, nos. 2533-
2536, 2538; v. Aulock 1968, no. 8092; Kraft 1972, 45, pls. 53.28, 59.3, 59.9, 60.16,
61.25, 61.29; Burnett et al. 1992, nos. 2720-2722.
35
Zeus Akraios seems to have been an important god in Halikarnassos, Laumonier
1958, 617-618, 628-632; Jeppesen 1964; McCabe 1996, no. 37. A sanctuary (?) of Zeus
Akraios is also mentioned in the Salmakis inscription, col. I, line 6, Isager 2004, 219
and 221.
36
Head 1897, 112, no. 90, pl. XLIV.3; Kraft 1972, pl. 61.29, the latter with facing busts
of Caracalla and Geta on the obverse.
37
Head 1897, 112, no. 91, pl. XLIV.4; Kraft 1972, pl. 60.16; SNG Copenhagen 1947,
no. 386, pl. 9.

Boreas 32 429
 Birte Poulsen

The evidence for the Late Antique town

Contrary to the silence of the Imperial period, at least two later literary
sources seem to indicate that the town may have maintained a certain
position during Late Antiquity. During the reign of Justinian,
Halikarnassos was mentioned as the third town in Karia after Miletos
and Heraklea,38 and we are informed that the town had a bishop and that
it ranked as no. 21 below Stauropolis (Aphrodisias) still during the
middle of the 7th century AD.39 The position of Halikarnassos as an
important Christian bastion is further emphasized by the fact that for
many years the town housed the monophysite theologian, Julian (of
Halikarnassos), who was bishop there until 518.40

Fig. 2. Plan of the House of Charidemos (drawing by Inger Bjerg Poulsen).

Buildings with mosaic floors

The architectural remains of the Late Antique town are scattered in
various parts of the modern town of Bodrum. During the Danish-
Turkish excavations in the 1990s, part of a Late Antique building was
discovered (Fig. 1, no. 1, and Fig. 2).41 It includes nine rooms grouped

38
Stiernon 1990, col. 141; Honigmann 1939, 32, no. 687.10 (Hierokles).
39
Luttrell 1986, 130; Stiernon 1990, col. 143. Furthermore, the town was never
forgotten as the birthplace of the famous historian Herodotos and as the site of one of
the Seven Wonders of the World. Still in the 10th century Constantinos VII
Porphyrgenitos records it as the native town of Herodotos and Artemisia, as well as the
place of Maussollos's tomb, De thematibus XIV.6 (Pertusi 1952, 78). For the Mirabilia,
cf. Luttrell 1986, 130-131.
40
Theophanes Chron. 154. 9, cf. Honigmann 1951, 125-127. An inscription mentioning
a bishop of Halikarnassos on a small marble capital dating to the 10th or 11th century is
the latest evidence for existence of the town before the arrival of the knights and the
building of the castle in 1407, Grégoire 1922, 80, no. 234; Luttrell 1986, 133-134.
41
The excavations in Halikarnassos are directed by P. Pedersen, University of Southern
Denmark, in co-operation with the Bodrum Museum of Underwater Archaeology. The part
of the Late Antique building was revealed through four campaigns, 1990-1993. For prelimi-

430 Boreas 32
 Halikarnassos during the Imperial period and Late Antiquity

around two small yards, L and N; a large apsidal room (F) with
representations of hunting scenes, seasons and a dedicatory inscription;
a long corridor mainly decorated with geometric mosaics; an almost
square room (H) with geometric patterns; and part of a large room
containing a representation of a Nereid riding on an ichthyocentaur
playing the cithara (Fig. 3).

Fig. 3. Ichthyocentaur with Nereid in Room O (photograph by B. Poulsen).

It soon became clear that these rooms belonged together with part of “a
Roman Villa”, which C.T. Newton had excavated towards the end of
1856 (Fig. 2).42 The part excavated by Newton included five rooms
connected by two long corridors: an almost square room (A) with hunting
animals; an oblong room (B) with mythological hunting scenes (Atalante
and Meleager, Dido and Aeneas); an apsidal room (C) with a representa-
tion of Aphrodite carried by Tritons; and a partly excavated room with
personifications of Halikarnassos, Alexandria, and Berytos (Fig. 4). In
addition, the rooms contain mosaic floors with geometric motifs, Europa
and the bull, and several Dionysiac scenes. During the excavation, Newton
lifted some of the best-preserved mosaic floors, which were brought to the
British Museum. Newton’s far-sightedness is evident in the fact that he
had almost all the mosaics photographed in situ – including the ones he
left. This part of the building is now covered by houses.

nary reports, see Poulsen 1994a; Poulsen 1994b; Poulsen 1995; Poulsen 1997; Poulsen
1997a.
42
Exemplarily published in 1862; Newton 1862, 280-310; Hinks 1933, 125-143. For
arguments that the two sets of rooms are indeed part of the same building, see n. 41 and
43. The entire building and its mosaic floors with inscriptions will be published by the
author and S. Isager under the title “The House of Charidemos – a luxurious dwelling in
Late Antique Halikarnassos”.

Boreas 32 431
 Birte Poulsen

Fig. 4. Room E. The city personifications of Halikarnassos, Alexandria, and Berytos

(drawing by Inger Bjerg Poulsen).

The dedicatory inscription has been preliminarily published by S. Isager

and is important for several reasons.43 First and foremost, it includes the
word domos, which seems to exclude it as an official building.
Secondly, the inscription reveals that a certain Charidemos paid for the
building and its embellishment, so we may assume that he was the owner
of the building. Thirdly, the inscription mentions the group of artisans
who made the mosaics – the technitai.44 According to both the analysis
of the motifs of the mosaics and the inscription, the date of the
construction of the domos should be around the mid-5th century AD.

Fig. 5. Mosaic depicting opposed panthers (photograph by B. Poulsen).

Besides the House of Charidemos, at least six mosaic floors document

building activity in Late Antique Halikarnassos. A couple of rooms of
an ancient building were revealed during the construction of a house in

43
Isager 1995 and 1997.
44
A designation used also in the inscription in the synagogue of Beth Alpha, Balmelle
& Darmon 1986, 240 and n. 59; Donderer 1989, 69, A25; Ovadiah 2004, 693.

432 Boreas 32
 Halikarnassos during the Imperial period and Late Antiquity

the centre of the town in 1990, immediately to the north of the modern
Turgut Reis (Fig. 1, no. 2). At least one of the rooms contained mosaic
floors, and it was lifted in sections and transferred to the Bodrum
Museum.45 The mosaic (Fig. 5) had an almost square panel depicting
two heraldic opposed panthers on either side of an amphora, and it
seems to date to the 5th century AD. When this mosaic floor was lifted,
it turned out that it was founded on an earlier mosaic floor presumably
from the Imperial period.
In the Castle of St. Peter is a mosaic floor preserved in situ (Fig. 1,
no. 3, and Fig. 6). It is decorated with a geometric design, and the
execution of this mosaic seems more careful than the mosaic floors of the
House of Charidemos. Unparalleled in Halikarnassos are the small crosses
which, however, are present in several floor mosaics in Kos, and it seems
probable that this mosaic was made by a workshop from Kos sometime
during the 5th century AD. This seems further indicated by the fact that an
almost exact parallel has been preserved in Kos. 46

Fig. 6. Mosaic in situ in the Castle of St. Peter on the Zephyrion peninsula
(photograph by B. Poulsen).

Newton made some investigations into the Hagia Marina platform in

modern Türkkuyusu (Fig. 1, no. 4, and Fig. 7).47 He observed a

45
The mosaic is now being restored by a Danish team of conservators headed by B.
Berg and will in due time be published by the present author. Together with the mosaic
in situ in the Castle of St. Peter and the mosaic floors of the necropolis, this mosaic will
be published in the Mosaic Corpus of Turkey.
46
For instance, the Basilika B in Kos, De Matteis 2004, 83-85, 95, no. 20, pl. XXVII-
XXVIII (early 6th century). A parallel to the ‘striped’ corners of the looped circles is
likewise present in a mosaic floor in Kos, De Matteis 2004, 116-117, no. 45, pl. LI (mid-
5th century). Lorella de Matteis has kindly informed me that an almost exact parallel is
found in Karama in Kos, and that she is presently preparing the publication of it.
47
Newton 1862, 319-323, pls. 18-48.

Boreas 32 433
 Birte Poulsen

“fortified Byzantine monastery” which apparently contained a mosaic

pavement from the Roman period. According to Newton, the Late
Antique building occupied a rather large area measuring approximately
50 m east-west and 38 m north-south. Built into the northern wall of the
monastery were several columns of the Imperial period with inscribed
names in their flutes.48 One of these has been brought to the site of the
Maussolleion; others are still left in the area. Considerable remains of
this ‘Byzantine monastery’ could still be observed a few years ago.49

Fig. 7. Remains of ‘Byzantine monastery’ in

Türkkuyusu (photograph by Poul Pedersen).

Late Antique necropoleis

During the excavations and restoration of the Myndos Gate in 1998-
2000, an extensive ancient necropolis with at least 18 monumental
tombs and a large edifice built from large ashlar blocks was revealed
(Fig. 1, no. 5, and Fig. 8). The monumental tombs are now close to a
large swimming pool belonging to a hotel, but it is clear that the tombs
are arranged so as to face grave streets. Although the sizes vary, the
tombs are more or less of the same type with an ante-room, sometimes
furnished with a mosaic floor, in front of two parallel oblong rooms,
each with a barrel vault. Usually a rather small square door gives access
to each of the rooms, which presumably were family tombs as some
may have contained more than one burial. On top of the two burial
chambers several of the tombs seem to have had a single room likewise
48
Newton 1862, 320; Pedersen 2004a, fig. 18.
49
Pedersen 2004a, figs. 12 and 22.

434 Boreas 32
 Halikarnassos during the Imperial period and Late Antiquity

spanned by a barrel vault. The remains of the original plaster show that
these tombs originally had finely stuccoed walls.

Fig. 8. Ancient necropolis with monumental tombs at the Myndos Gate

(photograph by B. Poulsen).

Three of the tombs have mosaic floors preserved in their ante-

chambers.50 Tomb no. 13 is located in the north-eastern corner of the
necropolis, and a mosaic panel in the ante-room depicts a hunting scene:
a dog chasing a stag (Fig. 9). The style is very similar to the mosaic
floors of the House of Charidemos, dated to the 5th century. This date is
also in accordance with the date of the inscription, presumably the name
of the deceased, placed above the entrance to the left chamber. Very
similar in composition and subject is a mosaic floor of an anteroom of a
tomb in Anemurium.51 Tomb 16 is one of the largest in the necropolis
and is facing towards the north. The large anteroom contains a mosaic
floor with three panels surrounded by an ivy-leaf scroll (Fig. 10). Both
the central panel with wine tendrils emerging from a krater and birds
eating from bunches of grapes and the two flanking panels with thyrsoi
refer to the Dionysian world presumably hinting at a happy afterlife.52

50
I first had the opportunity to study this necropolis briefly during the summer of 2005.
I thank the former director of the Bodrum Museum, Bahadir Berkaya, for permission to
study, and the present director, Mr.Yaşar Yıldız, for permission to study and publish the
necropolis. Some of the tombs have been provided with numbers by the Turkish
excavators, others by me. The necropolis is briefly described by Carstens 1999, 100-
101, figs. 137-139.
51
Tomb BI 16, part A, Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1971, 177-182, pls. XXVII-XXXII;
Campbell 1998, 55-56, fig. 60, pl. 235. This tomb in Anemurium still has its wall
paintings preserved, with depictions of a reclining couple, servants, Hermes, and
seasons (dated to the 3rd – early 4th century AD).
52
Birds (and peacocks), often doves like the ones in the mosaic of this tomb, placed in wine
carpets with grapes are originally a Dionysiac motif, cf. the wine carpet in the triclinium

Boreas 32 435
 Birte Poulsen

Wine with grapes emerging from vessels is also well known from the floor
mosaics of churches.53 Tomb 17 is the last tomb preserved at the western
edge of the necropolis and is facing towards the south (Fig. 11).
Although the mosaic floor of the anteroom is partly ruined, partly
covered by a later construction, it is possible to get an impression of the
overall design: three panels with geometric motifs surrounded by an
ivy-leaf scroll with fruits. Whereas the central panel shows radiating
scales in a circle, the flanking panels are embellished with tangent
circles. Both the ivy-leaf scroll with fruits and the tangent circles are
included in the repertoire of the mosaic floors of the House of
Charidemos, and parallels for the motif of radiating scales in a circle –
also called shields – are at hand in the mosaic floors of Kos and other
parts of the Mediterranean world.54
The building technique and the style of the mosaics seem to indicate
that this necropolis was contemporaneous with the House of
Charidemos.55 This date also seems to be confirmed by five blocks with
inscriptions found in the vicinity of the tombs and presumably
belonging to these since they mention the tombs and the tomb
builders.56
Most interesting in connection with this necropolis is, however,
Newton’s description of the eastern necropolis outside the Mylasa Gate,
in the location called Kislalik (Fig. 1, no. 6). Newton’s description is
very precise and he also observes some Greek inscriptions which he
considers to be of a late period.57 For these reasons it seems probable
that some of the tombs of the eastern necropolis could be
contemporaneous with the tombs recently found outside the Myndos
Gate. In any case, these buildings are evidence of wealthy families
during Late Antiquity.58

of the House of Dionysos at Paphos in Cyprus, Kondoleon 1995, 231-269, figs. 144-
147, with iconography. See also the vault mosaic from Hanghaus II in Ephesos, Jobst
1977, 64-74, figs. 112-121; Bingöl 1977, 136, pl. 31.2-3.
53
E.g. annex to ‘Basilica B’, De Matteis 2004, 81-82, no. 18, pl. XXVI.2 (one of the
medallions) and the entrance to the baptisterion, De Matteis 2004, 87-91, no. 23, pl.
XXVIII.3 and XXIX (both centre and one of the corners), late 5th –early 6th century.
54
For references and iconography, De Matteis 2004, 119-120, no. 47, pl. LIV (with a
Medusa head in the centre, end 3rd – beginning 4th century) and ibid., 141-142, no. 67,
pl. LXXXI.2 and LXXXII.1-2.
55
No direct parallel has so far been found for the tombs. Several tombs have been
published from Iasos, Levi 1961-1962 and Tomasello 1991, 133-227, but the majority
of the tombs in Iasos are of earlier origin, spanning from the late Hellenistic period to
the 4th century AD, and only a few stem from the 5th–6th century AD, Tomassello
1991, 212-216. Although the tombs in Halikarnassos do not seem to have had arcosolia,
the tombs in Anemurium seem to offer a better parallel, since they also have anterooms
with mosaic floors, Rosenbaum 1965; Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1971; Campbell 1998, 51-59.
Alföldi-Rosenbaum 1971, 177-182, pl. XXVII-XXXII; Russell 1977.
56
This was communicated by S. Isager, who is preparing the publication of the
inscriptions.
57
Newton 1862, 333-334: “These basements are either built of blocks of grey marble or
faced with such blocks. There are generally two small doorways in the front, which lead
into a small vaulted chamber.” To the architectural evidence may be added a number of
funerary inscriptions headed by a , all belonging to the late Imperial period and Late
Antiquity.
58
A large number of funerary inscriptions are also recorded from the Imperial period,
along with a large marble sarcophagus with garlands supported by ram and Medusa

436 Boreas 32
 Halikarnassos during the Imperial period and Late Antiquity

Fig. 9. Necropolis at the Myndos Gate, Tomb no. 13 (photograph by B.

Poulsen).

Fig. 10. Necropolis at the Myndos Gate, Tomb no. 16 (photograph by B.

Poulsen).

Other finds
So far only a few groups of pottery, lamps and other small finds have
been published from ancient Halikarnassos, and the pottery from the
excavations of the House of Charidemos is being prepared for

heads, now in the Bodrum Museum, Maiuri 1921-1922, 470-471, no. 13; SEG 4, no.
196; Koch & Sichtermann 1982, 526; McCabe 1996, no. 182 (Guirlandensarkophag). It
carries an inscription with penalty for unauthorized burial similar to other tomb
inscriptions in Halikarnassos. For the type in Karia, see Asgari 1977, 343-349.

Boreas 32 437
 Birte Poulsen

publication.59 I am familiar with this material and believe it will further

change our perception of the life and history of Halikarnassos during
the Imperial period and Late Antiquity. It will presumably establish a
chronological sequence still lacking for the architectural remains, and it
even seems to indicate that Halikarnassos had its own pottery
production.60

Fig. 11. Necropolis at the Myndos Gate, Tomb no. 17 (photograph by B.

Poulsen).

Late Antique Halikarnassos and Karia

A survey of the various kinds of sources seems to indicate that
Halikarnassos was a fully functioning city during the Imperial period,
and that it became a flourishing centre during Late Antiquity.
Furthermore, the distribution of the buildings shows that Late Antique
Halikarnassos had an extension very much like the town of Maussollos.
Important is the Late Antique mosaic floor preserved in situ in the
Castle of St. Peter, which proves that also the Zephyrion peninsula was
included in the general development of the town during this period. The
re-habitation of the Zephyrion promontory is in line with the urban

59
In his search for the Maussolleion, Newton made some trials in various parts of
Bodrum. A small number of Roman lamps were brought to the British Museum of
which the larger part stems from the excavation at the site of the Maussolleion in 1857–
1858. They include perhaps a small number of lamps excavated by Biliotti in 1865,
dated to the 4th–5th century AD, Bailey 1988, nos. Q2993-2997 and no. Q3306. Two
brass lamps have an even later date, one of which was found by Newton when he
excavated the well in Room D of the “Roman Villa” in Hadji Captan’s Field, Bailey
1996, no. Q3787, dated to the 5th–6th century AD; Newton 1862, 306. The other lamp
was found in Suliman’s Field, Bailey 1996, no. Q3814, 6th–7th century AD. For the
material from the Maussolleion, see Maussolleion at Halikarnassos 7. For
investigations of the more recently excavated pottery, see Berg Briese 2004; Berg
Briese 2005. The publication of the pottery from the House of Charidemos is being
prepared by Maria Berg Briese, Sanne Lind Hansen and Connie Ramskov.
60
Berg Briese 2005, 184-185; cf. Magie 1950, 51, n. 101.

438 Boreas 32
 Halikarnassos during the Imperial period and Late Antiquity

development in several other coastal cities in Asia Minor such as

Xanthos and Perge, in which large and rich houses were constructed on
the acropolis during Late Antiquity.61 The House of Charidemos and not
least the monumental tombs seem to indicate that Halikarnassos still
had wealthy patrons to commission luxurious buildings and
monumental tombs during the 5th century AD.62 The impression of a
prosperous town is also emphasized by the building remains in the
Hagia Marina platform which included a large monastery with a church
and mosaic pavements. However, the monumental tombs, the House of
Charidemos and the monastery all indicate that new constructions were
generally made at the expense of earlier buildings which had apparently
ceased to function at this time.63 In spite of the ‘gaps’ of evidence, the
combined sources seem to indicate a general picture of a prosperous
community in Halikarnassos, not least in Late Antiquity.
This development is consistent with activities on the Halikarnassian
peninsula as well as with the development of town and countryside in
Karia and other coastal regions in Asia Minor during this period.64 In
connection with Justinian’s (527–565) administrative reforms, it
appears that Karia was already considered a prosperous maritime
province with easy access to harbours like the ones in Halikarnassos
and Miletos, and therefore chosen to ensure the supply of the
hinterland.65 The necessity of being able to supply the frontiers may also
be reflected in the renovation of the road system connecting
Halikarnassos with its hinterland, exemplified by milestones during the
reign of the Severans and later during the reign of the Tetrarchs and of
Anastasius I.66 A road connecting Halikarnassos and Mylasa, passing
the site of Torba, was presumably constructed at this time, and it was
noticed by travellers during the 19th century.67 It seems that the
construction of this road may coincide with extensive building activities
at the site of Torba where a large basilica with mosaic floors was
constructed together with a bath, a large cistern and dwelling houses. In
this context it is particularly interesting to note that Labraunda also
seems to have flourished during the Late Antique period, as indicated,
for instance, by the construction of a large new church.68 It is clear that
the conditions for this prosperity suffered a set-back with the Persian

61
Des Courtils & Cavalieri 2001, 164-169; Abbasoğlu 2001, 183.
62
The inscription of the tabula ansata seems to indicate that the building was raised
from the ground, Isager 1995 and 1997.
63
This development is similar to e.g. the situation in Ephesos, Foss 1979, 96-115.
64
Foss 1976, 39-52; Foss 1977; Foss 1979, 3-99.
65
Lydos, De Mag. 2.29; Roueché 2004, VI.2. According to Roueché, there was a shift
in importance from the cities of the interior to those of the coast at this time.
66
Severan: Bean & Cook 1955, no. 33b; SEG 16, no. 665b; McCabe 1996, no. 115.
Tetrarchs: French 1981, 173, no. 16; SEG 31, no. 932; McCabe 1996, no. 116.
Anastasius I: Bean & Cook 1955, no. 33 a; SEG 16, no. 665a; French 1980, 726, n. 33.
67
Zäh et al. 1997; Ruggieri 2005, 122-136. The site has since been excavated by the
Bodrum Museum of Underwater Archaeology and published by Özet 2008.
68
Ruggieri 2005, 105-107; Blid 2006-2007; Hellström 2007, 77-79. The Late Antique
remains are now being published by Jesper Blid.

Boreas 32 439
 Birte Poulsen

invasion in the 620s when also the large city-states of Ephesos, Miletos
and Rhodes were conquered.69

Birte Poulsen
Department of Classical Archaeology
University of Aarhus
DK-8000 AARHUS C
[email protected]

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