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1
CRITICAL RACE THEORY IN
TEACHER EDUCATION

2
CRITICAL RACE THEORY IN
TEACHER EDUCATION
INFORMING CLASSROOM CULTURE AND
PRACTICE

EDITED BY
Keonghee Tao Han
Judson Laughter
Foreword by Tyrone C. Howard

3
Published by Teachers College Press, 1234 Amsterdam Avenue, New York, NY
10027

Copyright © 2019 by Teachers College, Columbia University

Cover art courtesy of Emilie Leger (top) and Enchantedgal-Stock / Kimberly Crick
(bottom).

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in

any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, or any
information storage and retrieval system, without permission from the publisher.
For reprint permission and other subsidiary rights requests, please contact Teachers
College Press, Rights Dept.: [email protected]

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data is available at loc.gov

ISBN 978-0-8077-6137-3 (paper)

ISBN 978-0-8077-6169-4 (hardcover)
ISBN 978-0-8077-7775-6 (ebook)

4
 Contents

Foreword Tyrone C. Howard

1. Critical Race Theory in Teacher Education: Coalitions for the

Future
Judson Laughter and Keonghee Tao Han

PART I: CRT AND TEACHER EDUCATION

2. Race, Violence, and Teacher Education: An Overview of Critical
Race Theory in Teacher Education
DaVonna L. Graham, Adam J. Alvarez, Derric I. Heck, Jawanza K.
Rand, and H. Richard Milner IV

3. Teacher Education, Diversity, and the Interest Convergence

Conundrum: How the Demographic Divide Shapes Teacher
Education
Ashlee Anderson and Brittany Aronson
4. “I See Whiteness”: The Sixth Sense of Teacher Education
Cheryl E. Matias and Jared J. Aldern

5. Racial Literacy: Ebony and Ivory Perspectives of Race in Two

Graduate Courses
Gwendolyn Thompson McMillon and Rebecca Rogers

PART II: BEYOND BLACK AND WHITE

6. Latino Critical Race Theory (LatCrit): A Historical and

Compatible Journey from Legal Scholarship to Teacher
Education
Rachel Salas

5
7. Exploring Asian American Invisibility in Teacher Education:
The AsianCrit Account
Keonghee Tao Han

8. Tribal Critical Race Theory

Angela M. Jaime and Caskey Russell

9. Queer Theory: QueerCrit

Eric D. Teman

10. The Normalization of Anti-Blackness in Teacher Education: A

Call for Critical Race Frameworks
Andrew B. Torres and Lamar L. Johnson

PART III: BEYOND CRT

11. Ghanaian Epistemology in Teacher Education

Adeline Borti

12. Working Within a Contact Zone to Explore Indigenous Fijian

Epistemology
Cynthia Brock, Pauline Harris, and Ufemia Camaitoga
13. Kenya’s Education: An Eclectic Epistemological Collage
Lydiah Nganga and John Kambutu

14. Confucian Epistemology and Its Implications for Teacher

Education
Qi Sun and Reed Scull
15. Critical Race Theory and Teacher Education: Toward
Compassionate Coalitions for the Future?
Andrew Peterson and Robert Hattam

About the Authors

Index

6
 Foreword

Teaching matters. Teachers matter. Preparing teachers with a racial

consciousness in mind also matters. Hence, the manner in which teachers
are prepared to work, teach, inspire, connect, and lead in today’s
educational landscape is a vital undertaking. Teaching remains one of the
most complex undertakings in the United States and the world. At a time
of increasing privatization of public education, the persistence of
standardized testing, and greater degrees of accountability, one thing that
has remained ever present has been racial and ethnic diversity in schools.
This new normal of diversity is embraced by many because it represents
a new, more diverse United States, while for others the bustling diversity
is symbolic of a change that they would prefer not to see, and long for
the day of making “America great again.” The tension between what the
United States is becoming, and what it once was serves as one of the
most important challenges for today’s educators and teacher educators.
Some of the most important stakeholders who will serve as arbiters
of how the new racial realities will be understood are classroom teachers.
Thus, it is vital that racial literacy (Stevenson, 2014) be an essential
staple in not only the training of new teachers, but is also incorporated
into the framework of teacher learning (e.g., in-service teachers) writ
large. Racial illiteracy cannot be allowed to remain as rampant as it is in
today’s schools and society. In part, racial illiteracy has played a major
factor in today’s opportunity and outcome gaps that continue to depict
students of color as “underachievers.” To the contrary, schools have
underachieved, and by and large schools of education have
underachieved in centering the racial realities in today’s schools at the
center of their work in preparing future educators. To be clear,
incorporating racial realities in teacher education will not be easy, but it
is necessary. In this work, Tao Han and Judson Laughter assemble an
amazing group of scholars who boldly inform us that race matters in
teacher education and how we must respond.
It is important to denote that race is more than just phenotype and
physical characteristics. Race delineates power, hegemony, ideology, and
a way of seeing the world politically, economically, and socially. The
authors in this work interrogate race across space, time, and place, which

7
has important implications for teachers, teacher educators, and teachers
in training. No longer can teacher education in the United States rely
solely on age-old approaches to teaching and learning. The one-size-fits-
all approach must be put to rest. Diversity and differentiation are the
order of the day in preparing teachers. It will be imperative to ask new
questions, adopt new paradigms, incorporate new theories, and discover
innovative pedagogies that inform a reality that many who do this work
are grossly unfamiliar.
Teacher education must acknowledge its complicity in some of the
very issues that it says it stands against, such as social injustice, anti-
Blackness, homophobia, transphobia, hegemony, trauma, power, and
control within its own ranks. Far too many teacher candidates of color
feel invisible, silenced, violated, and overlooked within their own teacher
education programs. Others wonder where are the more critical
approaches to teacher education that focus on anti-colonial education,
indigenous epistemologies, and education as a praxis of freedom as
Paulo Freire teaches us. The works in this book do a compelling job of
challenging teacher education as a field, and teacher educators as actors
in this field, to do better, teach better, challenge injustice better, and
prepare teachers in an authentic way that recognizes racial realities, the
persistence of racial injustice, and the demographic realities of our
current racial state.
The work of teacher education cannot remain isolated only within its
own nation-state context. Ours is a global community, and nations such
as the United States have to learn from across its borders to understand
how African, Latin, and Australian nations are preparing their teachers
within a critical, theoretical, and historical context. We need to
interrogate race and racism in education from Asian American and Fijian
perspectives. In this work, Andrew Peterson and Rob Hattam ask a
poignant question, “Are there common threads across the globe about
how we prepare teachers?” One can question if the United States is best
prepared to teach teachers in a more racially diverse nation when the
very foundation of the country was steeped in what Charles Mills (1997)
refers to as a racial contract wherein “white supremacy is the unnamed
political system that has made the modern world what it is today” (p. 1).
Dismantling White supremacy in teaching and teacher education needs
to be a central goal of educators.
Identifying pedagogies, principles, and policies that reclaim the
humanity of people of color is essential, and teacher education must be at
the forefront of this work. Given the growing diversity in schools with a

8
homogeneous, mostly White teacher and teacher education reality, the
challenge can seem daunting, but it is not impossible. Running from race
cannot be accepted, avoiding racism needs sharp critique, and any
semblance of what Robin DiAngelo (2018) refers to as “white fragility”
must be eradicated. Any actions such as fear, guilt, discomfort, or
uneasiness around discussing race and racism needs to be viewed as an
effort to maintain White supremacy, and all the power dimensions that
come along with it. We must do better. Not only are issues of race
paramount, but when they intersect with toxic masculinity and patriarchy
it has devastating effects for certain populations. Critical race scholar
Kimberlé Crenshaw (2015) reminds us that “the educational, social, and
economic factors that funnel Black girls and other girls of color onto
pathways to nowhere and render their academic and professional
vulnerabilities invisible” (p.15) must be a primary focus of schools.
This work is important because it challenges teacher education to be
more racially conscious, not because it is convenient, but because it is
the just and right approach to take. The “interest convergence
conundrum” must be exposed for what it is, and teacher education must
take a stand to show that it sees and understands the melanization of
today’s global student population or it will cease to exist. Critical Race
Theory in Teacher Education has put forth a challenge that requires all of
our attention. Not only does this work have important implications for
teaching and learning in schools, it also provides an epistemological and
moral call for us to do justice work with a global framework that
captures, reclaims, and restores our humanity.

—Tyrone C. Howard, UCLA

REFERENCES

Crenshaw, K. (2015). Black girls matter: Pushed out, overpoliced, and under
protected. New York, NY: African American Policy Forum.
DiAngelo, R. (2018). White fragility. Why it’s so hard for white people to talk
about racism. Boston, MA: Beacon Press.
Mills, C. (1997). The racial contract. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press.
Stevenson, H. (2014). Promoting racial literacy in schools. Differences that make
a difference. New York, NY: Teachers College Press.

9
 CHAPTER 1

Critical Race Theory in Teacher Education

Coalitions for the Future

Judson Laughter and Keonghee Tao Han

This chapter provides a baseline understanding and history of Critical

Race Theory (CRT). General tenets of CRT are presented and made
available to all succeeding chapters. The authors included in this
collection were provided this introduction during the writing of their own
chapters and so do not repeat what is included here. We then give an
overview of the three sections of this collection, laying out the chapter
design in each, and providing a brief abstract of each chapter and how
they connect within each section and across the entire book.

INTRODUCTION: CRITICAL RACE THEORY

People have always noticed differences in one another; differing skin

tones, facial features, and hair textures appear in the earliest artwork.
However, the concept of race is something deeper than phenotype; race
represents a product of Enlightenment mythologies:
The myth of race refers not to the fact that physically distinguishable
populations of humans exist, but rather to the belief that races are
populations or peoples whose physical differences are innately linked with
significant differences in mental capacities, and that these innate
hierarchical differences are measurable by the cultural achievements of
such populations. (Montagu, 1997, p. 44)

Race delineates a power relationship, not a collection of phenotypic

features. During the period of the Enlightenment, promotion of universal
human rights created a contradiction between utopian desires and
economic realities. The concept of race represents the rationalization, not

10
the transcendence, of that dialectic. Talk of universal human rights could
continue because the economic foundations of slave labor (the enslaved
persons themselves) were dehumanized, and therefore seen as
undeserving of these rights; the naturalization of this distinction followed
(Montagu, 1997).
The presence of race in our current society remains the focus of
dialectical contradictions from multiple interpretive lenses:
There is a continuous temptation to think of race as an essence, as
something fixed, concrete, and objective. And there is also an opposite
temptation: to imagine race as a mere illusion, a purely ideological
construct which some ideal non-racist social order would eliminate. It is
necessary to challenge both these positions, to disrupt and reframe the
rigid and bipolar manner in which they are posed and debated, and to
transcend the presumably irreconcilable relationship between them. (Omi
& Winant, 1994, p. 54)

Critical Race Theory descends from several schools of thought

attempting to engage this dialectic between essence and illusion, and has
given rise to several more specific critical theories both within and
beyond the fields of education.

History

Traditional legal discourse viewed the law as a finite set of rules from
which judges made decisions (White, 1972). If the law did not directly
address or provide precedent for a particular situation, then that situation
did not fall under the purview of the law; until laws were passed to
address the situation, the court would remain silent. Social forces and
historical distance made no difference to the application of the law. In the
1920s and 1930s, realism came to place a strong philosophical influence
on the law as its proponents contended that “the application of
behavioral sciences and statistical method to legal analysis would lead to
better and more creative forms of legal thought and, ultimately, social
policy” (Tate, 1997, p. 207).
From this critique, scholars within a movement that came to be
known as Critical Legal Studies (CLS) maintained that the ideology
inherent in traditional legal discourse only served the hegemony, with a
caveat via Gramsci that even the dominated classes offered their support.
CLS theorists believed legal doctrine must be situated in its own
historical and material moment and gives birth to internal contradictions

11
and external inconsistencies, the transcendence of which drive the
development of legal theory (Unger, 1983).
Just as critical theory must always critique itself, the dialectical
contradiction harbored within CLS attacked formal structures in the law
while avoiding the material lives of the oppressed (Delgado, 1987). A
particular critic of CLS brought the presence of race full into the
discourse of the law. Derrick Bell took the Brown v. Board of Education
decision of 1954, the “crown jewel of U.S. Supreme Court
jurisprudence” (Delgado & Stefancic, 2001), as the preeminent site of
legal critique in America. Brown seemed to overturn centuries of racial
oppression, but Bell’s investigation revealed how the American legal
system remained firmly in the hands of the ruling class. A new
understanding of the law was necessary before racial oppression would
end and Bell’s work served as the source of the critical theory now
known as Critical Race Theory. CRT was “rooted in the social missions
and struggles of the 1960s that sought justice, liberation, and economic
empowerment; thus, from its inception, it has had both academic and
social activist goals”(Tate, 1997, p. 197).
In successive years, two of Bell’s students, Richard Delgado (1987)
and Kimberlé Crenshaw (1988), laid out what they felt were the
shortcomings of CLS: Race seemed to play at best a supporting role to
class in the examination of society. “A movement that has no theory of
race and class is apt to seem increasingly irrelevant” (Delgado &
Stefancic, 2001, p. 95). Delgado (1987) felt CLS equated racism and
classism unfairly, rejected the possibilities of incremental change, and
relied on logic and reason too heavily as human directors. Crenshaw
(1988) thought that CLS did not analyze society through the reality of
those being oppressed, failed to understand the hegemonic power of
racism, and minimized the transformative power of an active social
theory. The work of Bell and his students addressed inherent
contradictions within the law, laying out three primary dialectical
contradictions: constitutional contradiction, interest convergence, and
threat to social status.
In the U.S. Constitution, the rationalization of race creates a
foundational legacy out of the contradiction between human rights and
property rights: “When confronted with the decision between White
racism and justice, the framers of the Constitution chose racism and the
rewards of property” (Tate, 1997, p. 214). The Constitution not only
allowed private property, but laid out specific measures to protect it,
primarily in granting the franchise only to White landowners.

12
 Interest convergence (Bell, 1980, 2005) represents the contradiction
between the interests of humanization and the interests of hegemony. In
short, the rights of the racially oppressed will only be supported when
they are consistent with the needs of those in power. The contradiction
maintains the distinction between the needs of the oppressed and the
needs of the oppressor, thereby maintaining the existence of the
oppressor and their defining power over the oppressed. In practical
terms, the existence in the law of the Fourteenth Amendment or the Civil
Rights Act will come to nothing if they diverge from the interests of the
oppressor.
A corollary defining the limits of interest convergence is the threat to
social status, which represents the contradiction between the
proclamation of liberation and the rejection of the necessary means. That
is, the oppressor will provide immediate retribution should the requests
of the oppressed reach too far. The transcendence of any of these
contradictions requires a critical theory imbued with the theoretical,
active, and reflective critique of race. The transcendence of these
contradictions in the United States is the transcendence of race as a
dehumanizing category. CRT continues the work of uncovering
dialectical contradictions in the United States through the praxis of
theory, activity, and reflection focused on race and its social
contradiction between essence and illusion.
As a systemic and endemic reality, racism in the United States
represents a structure of privilege and oppression correlated to socially
created differences that appear normal and natural to many, a universal
set of truths to remain unquestioned (Ladson-Billings, 1998; Ladson-
Billings & Tate, 1995; Solórzano & Yosso, 2001). This system is
reproduced everywhere, but we often fail to see it. It is present in the
unspoken benefits offered to people with light skin (McIntosh, 1989). It
creates the systems we use to practice science (Scheurich & Young,
1997). It defines us all, even those who fight against it.

The Move to Education

In the years following Brown and the dissolution of the Public School
Way Back When (Ladson-Billings, 1999), teachers and teacher education
programs had to face a diversity they were not prepared for and did not
accept. The 1960s saw a rash of sociologists and educators defining this
new diversity in terms of “culturally deprived” and “culturally
disadvantaged”: “The school’s role was to compensate for the children’s

13
presumed lack of socialization and cultural resources” (Ladson-Billings,
1999, p. 216, emphasis in original). Schools became sites for continued
dehumanization, all under the guise of wanting to benefit those less
fortunate. Subtly, the desegregation of the 1950s and 1960s shifted the
oppression of the subaltern from one of force to one of coercion using
the school system as a means of social reproduction. New theories and
new applications became necessary to undo this damage, to fight the new
forms that racism was taking on.
The work of CRT in the courts caught the attention of theorists who
saw connections between the law and education. In 1995, Gloria Ladson-
Billings and William Tate proposed the adoption of CRT as an analytical
tool for critiquing education theory and notions of multiculturalism.
Ladson-Billings and Tate number three primary propositions whose
development argues for “a critical race theoretical perspective in
education analogous to that of critical race theory in legal scholarship”
(p. 47).

Race continues to be a significant factor in determining inequity in

the United States. The 2008, 2012, and 2016 presidential contests and
recent activism surrounding the policing of Black bodies has brought the
issue of race to the forefront of American consciousness like few things
have in the past several decades. The presence of race as a significant
factor in measuring and understanding inequity is undeniable in the face
of condemnatory statistical data concerning “high school dropout rates,
suspension rates, and incarceration rates” (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995,
p. 48). However, the utility of studying and theorizing race has come
under question by some postmodern scholars. Ladson-Billings and Tate
saw the binary between race as illusion and race as essence as indicative
of the questions theorists pose. Primarily, we must address why we
continue to use the concept of race if it fails to make sense, if we cannot
provide clear definitions of useful and definable distinctions. As
compared to class and gender, race remains undertheorized in a society
where explanations based on class and gender are insufficient.

U.S. society is based on property rights. On the legal basis of the

constitutional contradiction, Ladson-Billings and Tate (1995) stake a
claim and also base later work laying out America’s confusion between
capitalism and democracy. Through concepts like interest convergence,

14
the American hegemony bends even supposed advances in human rights
to its own benefit.

The intersection of race and property creates an analytical tool

through which we can understand social inequity. If race is still
significant for defining inequity in the United States and if we define
ourselves through a fundamental confusion of human rights and property
rights, then the intersection of these promotes “the construction of
Whiteness as the ultimate property” (Ladson-Billings & Tate, 1995, p.
58). Our American mythology of possessing human rights is tied to the
possession of property, of which being White is the most important.
Even our constitution maintains a difference between free and slave
based on racial characteristics, a precedent followed throughout our
judicial and legislative history. The confluence of race and property
produces the ultimate objectification, the ultimate dehumanization.

Tenets of Critical Race Theory

As a school of critical thought, CRT represents an evolving collection of

ideas useful both as a theoretical framework for designing inquiry and as
an analytical framework for working with data. In any application, race
remains centered but often intersects and overlaps with other systems of
oppression. It is important to remember that CRT is a theory and thus
does not on its own work to drive method. It is through application of
theory to practice that method becomes defined, through work like
Critical Race Pedagogy (Lynn, Jennings, & Hughes, 2013) or Critical
Race Methodology (Solórzano & Yosso, 2002).
Depending on the specific question or context, a critical race theorist
might highlight, uncover, or problematize certain tenets over others. In
Table 1.1, we collate several seminal works and align tenets across
authors and contexts to establish a collection of tenets commonly
appearing in the engagement of CRT. As CRT continues to evolve with
the ongoing development of race and racism, we assume these tenets will
also respond to these shifts.

OVERVIEW OF THE BOOK

For 30 years, CRT has been a primary driver and advocate for social
justice in education. CRT has continued to evolve, ever changing to

15
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communication

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1861 of of

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with

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alumni

desire day

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McCutchen

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way

fundamental and be

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little Church and

moment 115 with

of

live

the

qualifications the who

child how by

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28 Russian could