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Photography s Other Histories Christopher Pinney And
Nicolas Peterson Digital Instant Download
Author(s): Christopher Pinney and Nicolas Peterson
ISBN(s): 9780822331131, 0822331136
Edition: Illustrated
File Details: PDF, 11.58 MB
Year: 2003
Language: english
Photography’s Other Histories
objects /histories
Critical Perspectives on
and Representation
. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .
© 2003 Duke University Press
Designed by C. H. Westmoreland
this book.
Contents
Acknowledgments vii
Christopher Pinney
Introduction: ‘‘How the Other Half . . .’’ 1
1. personal archives
Jo-Anne Driessens
Relating to Photographs 17
Michael Aird
Growing Up with Aborigines 23
Hulleah J. Tsinhnahjinnie
When Is a Photograph Worth a Thousand Words? 40
2. visual economies
Roslyn Poignant
The Making of Professional ‘‘Savages’’: From P. T. Barnum
(1883) to the Sunday Times (1998) 55
James Faris
Navajo and Photography 85
Morris Low
The Japanese Colonial Eye: Science, Exploration,
and Empire 100
Nicolas Peterson
The Changing Photographic Contract: Aborigines
and Image Ethics 119
Christopher Wright
Supple Bodies: The Papua New Guinea Photographs of
Captain Francis R. Barton, 1899–1907 146
Deborah Poole
Figueroa Aznar and the Cusco Indigenistas: Photography
and Modernism in Early-Twentieth-Century Peru 173
Christopher Pinney
Notes from the Surface of the Image: Photography,
Postcolonialism, and Vernacular Modernism 202
Heike Behrend
Imagined Journeys: The Likoni Ferry Photographers of
Mombasa, Kenya 221
Stephen Sprague
Yoruba Photography: How the Yoruba See Themselves 240
Contributors 277
Index 279
Acknowledgments
This volume has its origins in a cooperative venture between the newly
established Australian Research Council’s Special Research Centre, the
Centre for Cross-Cultural Research at the Australian National Univer-
sity, and the Queensland Museum. On 8 and 9 November 1997 a confer-
ence was held at the museum, convened by Michael Aird (Queensland
Museum), Nicholas Thomas (director of the Centre for Cross-Cultural Re-
search), and Nicolas Peterson (School of Archaeology and Anthropology,
Australian National University) under the title Looking through Photographs:
Indigenous Histories, Presences, and Representations. Among the wide range of
papers presented were a number from practicing Aboriginal photogra-
phers, some of which have since been published elsewhere. This volume
includes a selection of papers presented at the conference, along with two
new papers, and reprints of three seminal essays that relate to the theme
of the volume.
We are indebted to a wide range of people for assistance in preparing this
volume. The conference would not have been possible without the gener-
ous funding and support of the Centre for Cross-Cultural Research and
its director. The Queensland Museum generously hosted it. For organizing
the conference we would particularly like to thank Jenny Newell, who did
a marvellous job of overseeing its smooth operation and then followed this
with the preliminary work on the preparation of this volume. Ian Bryson,
Tsari Anderson, and Sally Ward also ably assisted in the production of this
volume.
We would also like to thank the editor of African Arts and Marilyn Houl-
berg for permission to reprint Stephen Sprague’s essay, which appeared in
African Arts 12 (1) (1978); Deborah Poole and the editor of Representations for
permission to reprint an abridged version of her essay, which appeared in
Representations 38 (spring 1992); and Hulleah J. Tsinhnahjinnie and the edi-
tor of Native Nations: Journeys in American Photography (1998; edited by Jane
Alison; London: Barbican Art Gallery) for permission to reprint her essay.
viii Acknowledgments
Christopher Pinney
Introduction
‘‘H OW TH E OTH E R H ALF . . .’’
D uring the ten years between 1877 and 1887, through which Jacob Riis
was delivering his impassioned lectures concerning New York’s ‘‘in-
visible’’ poor, photography—which he so famously championed—reached
a new evidentiary crescendo. How the Other Half Lives: Studies among the Tene-
ments of New York (1890), Riis’s explosive conjunction of words and images,
has rightly taken a central place among works on the history of photog-
raphy, for it was a fulcrum of photography’s collision with politics and life
and an exemplary case of the image’s ability to reconfigure its referent. Riis
opened his work with the observation that ‘‘one half of the world does not
know how the other half lives’’ (1997 [1890], 5), and he used photography as a
shamanic trace exported from one demiworld to the other. The collection
of essays in this volume was precipitated by the realization that photog-
raphy itself is now in need of a similar revelation of its own other half, its
own disavowed other history.
This volume seeks to change the focus of the critical debate about photo-
graphic practice. By abandoning the notion that photographic history is
best seen as the explosion of a Western technology whose practice has
been molded by singular individuals, Photography’s Other Histories presents
a radically different account of a globally disseminated and locally ap-
propriated medium. In its details of the significance of colonial photo-
graphic practice in the formation of metropolitan self-identity, the book
also presents case studies of contemporary photographic self-fashioning.
Further, it addresses the importance of photographic records in the his-
torical and autobiographical formations that people construct for them-
selves, as well as the relationship between photography and other media.
Through various substantive studies, photography’s mimetic doubling be-
comes a prism through which to consider questions of cultural and self-
identity, historical consciousness, and the nature of photographic affirma-
tion and revelation.
Just as one might extend the history of photography far back beyond 1839
so as to incorporate entire traditions of indexical experimentation and on-
tology, so we might also extend the history of photography laterally out-
ward to domains outside the purview of conventional narratives. Within
Buddhism, for example, there is a complex blurring with ancient onto-
logical expectations, which places photography in a very different—and
much longer—chronology than that normally ascribed to it by historians
of photography: ‘‘The icons of the Buddha are sometimes compared to the
‘original’ shadow that he is said to have left in a cave at Nagarahara’’ (Faure
1998, 804). In central Indian popular use, ‘‘photography’’ is a practice that
also incorporates other media such as painting and chromolithography,
and indexicality is a property shared by these different media: photos are
not clearly marked as ‘‘modern’’ because their ‘‘functions are duplicated by
so many other forms of palpably ancient representation’’ (Pinney 1997a, 112).
This volume, which has as its genesis an international conference held
at the Museum of Queensland in Brisbane in late 1997, is notable for its
cultural and historical reach. The saliency of photography to postcolonial
debates is marked herein by the contributions of two indigenous Australi-
ans and of a practicing Seminole/Muskogee/Diné artist. The Australians,
Driessens and Aird, powerfully consider the significance of photographic
traditions in indigenous communities and the relationship between per-
sonal memories and that which is encoded in the archive. Much recent
writing that seeks to historically contextualize photography’s emergence
during a period of colonial expansion has drawn on crucial insights from
Edward Said and Michel Foucault and has tended to construct photo-
graphic imagery and practice as immovably within a ‘‘truth’’ that simplisti-
cally reflects a set of cultural and political dispositions held by the makers
of those images. Perhaps the starkest of these contributions is that offered
by the Algerian poet Malek Alloula in The Colonial Harem (1987). By con-
sciously eschewing the study of the actual political and historical con-
sumption of images (Barthes’s claim that ‘‘the reading of public photo-
graphs is always at bottom, a private reading’’ appears as an epigraph in
2 Christopher Pinney
Alloula’s book), Alloula spins an eloquent but untested hypothesis con-
cerning the role of photography as ‘‘the fertiliser of the colonial vision
[producing] stereotypes in the manner of great seabirds producing guano’’
(4). The veil that Algerian women presented to this colonial vision was re-
ceived as an affront by photographers (‘‘the whiteness of the veil becomes
the symbolic equivalent of blindness; a leukoma, a white speck on the eye
of the photographer and his viewpoint’’ [7]), and a vengeance of visibility
and nudity was wreaked on this inviolability that so deeply ‘‘haunt[ed] the
photographer-voyeur’’ (13).
Such debates tend to invoke formal readings of images that are then
made to do the work of a preexisting political hypothesis. In Carlo Ginz-
burg’s words these are ‘‘physiognomic’’ readings, in which the analyst
‘‘reads into them what he has already learned by other means, or what
he believes he knows, and wants to ‘demonstrate.’’’ Underpinning this ap-
proach, Ginzburg continues, is ‘‘the conviction that works of art, in a broad
sense, furnish a mine of first hand information that can explicate, without
intermediaries, the mentality and emotive life of a distant age’’ (1989, 35).
Ginzburg raises a profound methodological issue of pressing relevance to
all those working with imagery and artifacts, and although this is ultimately
an unresolvable problem, the manner in which many arguments about the
‘‘political effects’’ of images overlay them with conclusions arrived at by
‘‘other means’’ is especially striking and troubling.
That the formal qualities of images themselves may be in large part ir-
relevant is suggested by their historical trajectories and the radical re-
valuations that they undergo. If an image that appears to do a particular
kind of work in one episteme is able to perform radically different work
in another, it appears inappropriate to propose inflexible links between
formal qualities and effect. Instead, we need a more nuanced reading of the
affinities between particular discursive formations and the image worlds
that parallel them, as well as sophisticated analyses of their transforma-
tional potentialities.
What are the consequences, for instance, of the documented fact that
‘‘collectors of North African, Near and Middle Eastern descent dominate
the market for Orientalist art’’ (Benjamin 1997, 32)? Those paintings, which
Said (1978) and Nochlin (1983) have argued projected an image of largely
negative alterity, are now eagerly consumed by those whose reality these
images so distorted. Roger Benjamin’s researches with those who market
these paintings indicate that a nostalgic invocation of ‘‘indigenous iden-
Introduction 3
tities through images of the pre-colonial past’’ is involved, together with
‘‘a new sense of positive empowerment expressed through the acquisition
and thus redefinition of western cultural documents’’ (1997, 34–35).
The point here is not to attempt to invalidate Said’s hypothesis—which
remains of fundamental importance to all cross-cultural work—but rather
to raise a set of new questions for further investigation. A greater sense of
the fragility and instability of the relationship between images and their
contexts might allow the exploration of why certain images prove capable
of recoding while others are more resistant, and many others are com-
pletely intractable. Thus Benjamin notes that only certain types of Orien-
talist paintings are popular with Maghrebian and Arab customers: espe-
cially favored are nontopographically specific painted scenes, and there is
little enthusiasm for photographic images and those of female nudes (1997,
34, 37).
Personal Archives
4 Christopher Pinney
plicity of layers that endow photographs with an enormously greater com-
plexity than that which they are usually credited. The photograph ceases
to be a univocal, flat, and uncontestable indexical trace of what was, and
becomes instead a complexly textured artifact (concealing many differ-
ent depths) inviting the viewer to assume many possible different stand-
points—both spatial and temporal—in respect to it. But for Aird only cer-
tain types of images permit this ‘‘looking past,’’ just as only certain forms
of Orientalist images appeal in the current market: he describes how an
image of Andrew Ball ultimately proved wholly resistant to attempts to
displace it from the space of enumeration and humiliation.
Hulleah J. Tsinhnahjinnie finds a latency in many images of Native Amer-
icans that parallels the ability to ‘‘look past.’’ Thus in E. P. Niblack’s portrait
of Johnny Kit Elswa (see fig. 8 in her essay) she feels a recursive texture, at
the point now of resurfacing. The portrait pictures the Haida Gwaii man
with the Bear clan inscribed on his chest and the dog fish on his arms.
‘‘Tattoos,’’ Tsinhnahjinnie notes, ‘‘went under the skin to survive, encoded
beneath the skin, programmed to resurface when the time is right. . . . This
is also how I perceive the art of aboriginal tattoo, latent images.’’ Tsinhnah-
jinnie proposes a view of photography very different from Barthes’s stress
on the flat image’s preservation of anterior temporal states. For Tsinhnah-
jinnie, the photograph is more like a message in a bottle, or like a seed: an
object transmitted to the future, ready at any moment to burst forth.
I have noted that Michael Aird drew firm limits on the potentiality of
‘‘looking past.’’ Tsinhnahjinnie, however, performs a more difficult recod-
ing, which appeals to a more overtly political space of action. It is an ener-
getic recoding, a recuperation of an image of terrible degradation that
less-strenuous analysts might have abandoned forever to the practices of
genocide that made possible the accumulation of large parts of the archive.
George Trager’s photograph of Big Foot lying dead in the snow at Wounded
Knee records an ultimate subjection, but it provokes in Tsinhnahjinnie a
dream. In this dream she floats, seeing Big Foot as he is in the photograph.
A small girl then traverses the snow, looking into the faces of the dead: ‘‘she
walked over to Big Foot, looking into his face. She shakes his shoulders,
takes his frozen hand into her small, warm hand, and helps him to his feet.
He then brushes the snow off of his clothes. She waits patiently with her
hand extended, he then takes her hand and they walk out of the photo-
graph. This is the dream I recall when I look upon this image of supposed
hopelessness.’’
Introduction 5
How are we to understand this volatility of the image? Peirce’s conceptu-
alization of the photograph as indexical has recently been much invoked
(‘‘I define an Index as a sign determined by its Dynamic object by virtue
of being in a real relation to it’’ [1958, 391]). This relationship of physical
contiguity between image and referent certainly played a central role in
the truth claims of the colonial archive: photography was seen to surpass
and eradicate the subjectivity and unreliability of earlier technologies of
representation. Indexicality was thus mobilized as a guarantee of fixity.
Photography, so Valéry observed, came to underwrite experience and his-
tory: ‘‘The mere notion of photography . . . suggests the simple question:
could such and such a fact, as it is narrated, have been photographed? ’’ (cited in
Trachtenberg 1989, xiii–xiv; see also my essay in this volume).
But the index need not only imply fixity and stability: it can as easily
be used to undermine this very notion. Photography’s exemplification of
Peirce’s index might be recast in terms of an inevitable randomness within
the image. What in Peirce’s terms are purely iconic images (e.g., paintings,
drawings) are capable of excluding randomness because they reflect only
the imagination and skill of their creators, and when those qualities are
present in excess they are capable of driving out the incidental. Photo-
graphic technology, however, is founded on a paradox: the very capture of
light on film implies an ineradicable surfeit. If we think of the painter’s
imagination and brush as a filter capable of complete exclusion, then the
lens of the camera can never be closed because something extraneous will
always enter into it. No matter how precautionary and punctilious the pho-
tographer is in arranging everything that is placed before the camera, the
inability of the lens to discriminate will ensure a substrate or margin of ex-
cess, a subversive code present in every photographic image that makes it
open and available to other readings and uses. Thus we might understand
photography’s indexicality to be the guarantee not of closure and fixity,
but rather of multiple surfaces and of the possibility of ‘‘looking past.’’ It
is precisely photography’s inability to discriminate, its inability to exclude,
that makes it so textured and so fertile. Encoded ‘‘beneath photography’s
skin’’ (Tsinhnahjinnie) this excess lies waiting to resurface.
This volatility can also be seen to reflect the ‘‘misrecognition’’ that lies
at the heart of photography. Once again, Carlo Ginzburg provides a vital
route to understanding this notion. He has described what may appear
to be a paradox of the completeness of those Inquisitorial records that
deal with behaviors to which the makers of those records would have
been especially hostile. Ginzburg agrees with other commentators that
6 Christopher Pinney
most Inquisitorial records are extremely suspect and reveal that the in-
terogees’ answers merely echo the questions posed by their interrogators
(1989, 160). However, the Friulian trials of the benandanti (Inquisitorial in-
vestigations of suspected witches) stand out: Ginzburg notes that their
‘‘ethnographic value’’ is ‘‘astonishing’’: ‘‘Not only words, but gestures, sud-
den reactions like blushing, even silences, were recorded with punctilious
accuracy by the notaries of the Holy Office’’ (160). Ginzburg uses these
Friulian documents to argue against the suggestion that (following Jakob-
sen) all reported speech is ‘‘appropriated and remoulded,’’ suggesting in-
stead that ‘‘a conflicting cultural reality’’ can ‘‘leak out’’ from these en-
counters. This ‘‘leaking’’ was much more likely where the quoter of that
reported speech—in this case Inquisitors—misrecognize what is uttered
to them. As Ginzburg says, the historians’ ‘‘task is much easier when the in-
quisitors did not understand’’ (162–63). He suggests that where there is ‘‘rec-
ognition’’ cultural filters came into play that mediated and modulated evi-
dence to suit the agendas of the Inquisitors: where there was recognition,
templates and other preexisting schemata were mobilized that appropri-
ated the new experience to old expectations. Misrecognition thus emerges
as productive: ‘‘We can take advantage . . . of those invaluable cases in which
the lack of communication on a cultural level between judges and defendants
permitted, rather paradoxically, the emergence of a real dialogue—in the
Bakhtinian sense of an unresolved clash of conflicting voices’’ (164; my
emphasis).
The value of the Friulian transcripts reflects the absence of ‘‘cultural
filters’’ that permitted the Inquisitors to mediate the evidence in terms
of well-worn formulas. A ‘‘misrecognition’’ of benandanti knowledge pre-
cluded the Inquisitors from excluding anything: they didn’t ‘‘know’’ what
to exclude and as a result ended up recording everything.
This is a useful metaphor for photography: however hard the photog-
rapher tries to exclude, the camera lens always includes. The photographer
can never fully control the resulting photograph, and it is that lack of con-
trol and the resulting excess that permits recoding, ‘‘resurfacing,’’ and ‘‘look-
ing past.’’
This dimension of ‘‘photography’s other history’’ reflects the specific
nature of photography as a technology: prephotographic technologies do
not exhibit this inescapably random element. Photographs are necessarily
contrived and reflect the culture that produces them, but no photograph
is so successful that it filters out the random entirely. This is another
ground on which we might wish to complicate Foucauldian and Saidian
Introduction 7
approaches that presuppose an absolute fit between the image and the
ideological forces that appear to motivate the image, as well as those ap-
proaches that treat photographs merely as art-historical texts betraying
only a grander sweeping aesthetic intentionality.
Visual Economies
A set of essays grouped together under the title ‘‘Visual Economies’’ forms
the second section of this volume. The title is taken from Deborah Poole’s
exploration, in her book on Andean photography, of the inequalities that
characterize representational domains. Eschewing the term ‘‘visual cul-
ture’’ for its supposition of consensus and homogeneity, Poole advocates a
stress on unequal flows and exchanges: hence ‘‘economy’’ rather than ‘‘cul-
ture.’’ She states that economy ‘‘suggests that this organization has as much
to do with social relationships, inequality, and power as with shared mean-
ings and community’’ (1997, 8). Clearly this is necessary as a corrective to
the potentially utopian conclusions suggested by a stress on photography’s
volatility and infinite recodability. We must not lose sight of the extraordi-
nary circumstances of inequality (encompassing the range from cultural,
political, and economic hierarchy to systematic genocide) that gave rise
to the vast majority of the images inhabiting the colonial archive. Poole
has another intent: to stress the globality of image flows that exceeded the
locality that the term ‘‘culture’’ might imply: ‘‘It is relatively easy to imag-
ine the people of Paris and Peru, for example, participating in the same
‘economy.’ To imagine or speak of them as part of a shared ‘culture’ is con-
siderably more difficult. I use the word ‘economy’ . . . with the intention
of capturing this sense of how visual images move across national and cul-
tural boundaries’’ (8).
Roslyn Poignant inserts photographic representations of abducted in-
digenous Australians in the context of a history of earlier depictions and
questions the ‘‘difference’’ that most writings on photography attribute to
its technology. Susan Sontag (1979) famously expounded the metaphori-
cal affinity between photographic practice and ‘‘capture.’’ Here, Poignant
explores photography as an accompaniment to the literal abduction of a
group of Queenslanders who were paraded as the living incarnation of a
set of Western fantasies of savagery through nineteenth-century America
and Europe. A fragment of an important forthcoming work, Poignant’s
essay is concerned with the persistence—across diverse technologies—
8 Christopher Pinney
of discriminatory representation. Tracing enduring tropes of ‘‘savagery’’
from 1600 onward, Poignant observes the intimate entwining of discourses
of conceptual and visual fixity exemplified in the terms ‘‘stereotype’’ and
‘‘cliché’’—both originally used to describe repetitive printing processes.
Poignant also develops a strategy to destabilize this apparent fixity, which
resonates with the ‘‘excess’’ of photography discussed above. She detects a
disturbance in photographic images akin to Barthes’s notion of the ‘‘punc-
tum,’’ characterized by what Berger and Mohr (1982, 96) describe as a
‘‘quotation’’ from experience. However, across the centuries a continuity
emerges that links the woodblock, through photography, to the digitized
injustices perpetrated by global media.
James Faris traces the ways in which Navajo have been photographically
depicted, and like Poignant he detects enduring structural features that
regulate the manner in which certain people are represented to the ar-
chive. What may appear faulty or objectionable are not ‘‘flaws in an un-
educated, unevolved, unenlightened West [rather] they are the necessary
conditions of existence of the Navajo to the West.’’ Faris’s model of knowl-
edge production is much less optimistic than Ginzburg’s, seeing in the
‘‘optical unconscious’’ of Navajo photographic representation a limited set
of ossified permutations rather than a fecund field of volatile possibili-
ties: ‘‘There are but a finite series of means by which the West has viewed
Navajo.’’ A particularly interesting feature of Faris’s analysis is his attempt
to specify the limits of the representational paradigm through a contrast
between published and unpublished images (a theme pursued in more de-
tail in Faris 1997). This is one of the ways through which one can identify
‘‘effectivity’’ under specific discursive regimes: the choice to publish or not
publish reveals contemporary understandings about which photographs
do a particular kind of work (effect) and which do another kind of work.
Through this sort of comparison we can transcend the inevitable limita-
tions of the sort of formal analysis (e.g., by Alloula) discussed earlier.
Morris Low’s significant contribution to this volume can help destabi-
lize the sense of a unitary ‘‘colonial archive’’ through the documentation of
a different colonialism—that of the Japanese in Manchuria. The reattribu-
tion of agency to those formerly denied it also entails the acknowledgment
that imperialism, racism, and genocide were not the exclusive preserve
of Europe and America but also have been enthusiastically performed by
many other nations and cultural traditions. Low’s essay can be seen as an
actualization of Nicholas Thomas’s (1994) invitation to explode the sin-
gular fiction of ‘‘colonialism’’ into diverse local practices that need to be
Introduction 9
investigated through their singularity (attending to its ‘‘dispersed and con-
flicted character’’ [3]), rather than through an appeal to an archetypal mon-
strous practice. However, Low reveals—in this singularity—a doubling or
a mimicry of longer-standing models of colonialism (e.g., European nar-
rative forms, colonial sartorial conventions, and stresses on ‘‘manliness’’).
Other studies of local colonialisms are urgently needed to explore the
questions raised by Low’s work.
In a subtle and sophisticated essay Christopher Wright suggests that the
New Guinea photographs of F. R. Barton (which might at first appear to
be exemplary instances of a voyeuristic colonial gaze) are trapped in a
wider cultural history—an economy of desire that is cross-cut by Hula
constructs of personhood. Barton’s dubious images appear on first viewing
to be utterly reducible to a set of expectations created by ‘‘ready-made in-
terpretive frame[s]’’ and to be exemplary of the carceral and pornographic
network of colonial photography. But Wright argues that this notion sim-
plifies and overscripts the image with our own preoccupations: Barton’s
photographs are entangled in many different scopic regimes, not just that
of colonial surveillance. Echoing Tsinhnahjinnie, Wright suggests that Bar-
ton’s images might be thought of as a form of tattoo, impregnated with
diverse latent cultural codings. Wright raises the problem inherent in Fou-
cauldian and Saidian approaches, namely the assumption that, in Homi
Bhabha’s words, ‘‘colonial power is possessed entirely by the coloniser’’
(cited in Young 1990, 142). The analysis presented here stresses Hula agency
and the photographic image as a record of a space of complex negotia-
tion—and of a ‘‘leaking out’’ rather than simple dominance.
Various contributors to this volume address the impact of different
photographic technologies on what might be termed the ‘‘photographic
event’’; that is, the dialogic period during which the subject and the pho-
tographer come together. These meetings encompass a diverse realm that
includes lengthy negotiations under conditions of elaborate technological
preparation and a fleeting invisible surveillance in which the photographer
may be invisible to the subject of the image. Different essays examine the
theatrical idioms of studio portraiture, the spaces of complex voyeuris-
tic desire that early technologies encouraged, and the wall of silence and
mutual mistrust that can also characterize certain photographic events.
Nicolas Peterson’s essay sets ‘‘colonial’’ photographic practice centrally
within the fluid political reality of Australia. He records the increasing re-
cuperation of images from the archive by Aboriginal individuals and com-
munities. This recuperation takes the form of a recovery from the public
10 Christopher Pinney
domain into more enclosed arenas in which they are controlled by the
images’ subjects and their descendants. Contrasting the free photographic
access that the 1891 Elder Expedition had to Australia’s native people with
a 1997 legal dispute over the right to photograph on Gumaitj clan land
in the Northern Territory, Peterson reveals a profound transformation in
the ethical and political space within which photography operates. In con-
trast with Faris’s stress on the relative immutability of the matrix through
which Navajo are represented by the ‘‘West,’’ Peterson demonstrates con-
testation and change. Photography as a technology of capture and appro-
priation (in the terms popularized by Sontag) is no longer free to explore
the full extent of its metaphorical violence. Since the mid-1970s it has come
to operate in a field of dialogue and refusal, subject to the injunctions
and restraints of Aboriginal communities and national law. Peterson also
observes that Aboriginal people are increasingly using the camera them-
selves. The use of video by remote Aboriginal communities has been fa-
mously described by Eric Michaels (1994), but regrettably no work has yet
emerged that provides any substantive insight into the use of still photog-
raphy in these localities.
Introduction 11
Exploring the Variety of Random
Documents with Different Content
Astronomy - Book Review
Fall 2023 - School
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