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TOURISM IN PERIPHERIES
Perspectives from the Far North and South
This page intentionally left blank
 TOURISM IN PERIPHERIES
Perspectives from the Far North and
South

Edited by

Dieter K. Müller
Department of Social and Economic Geography,
Umeå University, Sweden
and

Bruno Jansson
 CABI is a trading name of CAB International

CABI Head Office CABI North American Office

Nosworthy Way 875 Massachusetts Avenue
Wallingford 7th Floor
Oxfordshire OX10 8DE Cambridge, MA 02139
UK USA
Tel: +44 (0)1491 832111 Tel: +1 617 395 4056
Fax: +44 (0)1491 833508 Fax: +1 617 354 6875
E-mail: cabi@[Link] E-mail: cabi-nao@[Link]
Website: [Link]

© CAB International 2007. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be
reproduced in any form or by any means, electronically, mechanically, by
photocopying, recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of the
copyright owners.

A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library, London,
UK.

A catalogue record for this book is available from the Library of Congress,
Washington, DC.

ISBN-10: 1 84593 067 1777

ISBN-13: 978 1 84593 17773

Produced and typeset by Columns Design Ltd, Reading, UK

Printed and bound in the UK by Athenaeum Press, Gateshead
 Contents

Contributors vii

Preface ix

Part I Tourism in Peripheries: an Introduction 1

1 The Difficult Business of Making Pleasure Peripheries 3
Prosperous: Perspectives on Space, Place and Environment
Dieter K. Müller and Bruno Jansson
2 North–South Perspectives on Tourism, Regional Development 19
and Peripheral Areas
C. Michael Hall

Part II Tourism and Regional Development Issues 39

3 Tourism in Peripheries: the Role of Tourism in Regional 41
Development in Northern Finland
Jarkko Saarinen
4 Organizing Tourism Development in Peripheral Areas: the Case 53
of the Subarctic Project in Northern Sweden
Malin Zillinger
5 The Impact of Tourism on the Local Supply Structure of Goods 69
and Services in Peripheral Areas: the Example of Northern
Sweden
Günter Löffler
6 Tourism Development and the Rural Labour Market in Sweden, 85
1960–1999
Dieter K. Müller and Philip Ulrich

v
vi Contents

Part III Challenges to Peripheral Area Tourism 107

7 The Vulnerability of Peripheral Tourism: the Rapid 109
Disenchantment of Peripheral Attraction
Wilson Irvine and Alistair R. Anderson
8 ‘If That’s a Moose, I’d Hate to See a Rat!’ Visitors’ Perspectives 124
on Naturalness and their Consequences for Ecological Integrity
in Peripheral Natural Areas of New Zealand
Brent Lovelock
9 Access, Tourism and Democracy: a Conceptual Framework and 141
the Non-establishment of a Proposed National Park in Sweden
Klas Sandell
10 Visitor Management in Protected Areas of the Periphery: 154
Experiences from Both Ends of the World
Peter Mason

Part IV Tourism Opportunities 175

11 Wind Farms as Possible Tourist Attractions 177
Robert Nash, Andrew Martin, Don Carney and Kumaran Krishnan
12 Sporting Events as Tourist Attractions in Canada’s Northern 190
Periphery
Tom Hinch and Suzanne de la Barre

Part V Future Perspectives 203

13 Tourism Research in Greenland 205
Berit C. Kaae
14 Epilogue/Prologue 220
Bruno Jansson and Dieter K. Müller
Index 227
 Contributors

Alistair R. Anderson, Aberdeen Business School, Robert Gordon University,

Aberdeen, UK; e-mail: [Link]@[Link]
Don Carney, Scottish Centre of Tourism, Aberdeen Business School, Robert
Gordon University, Aberdeen, UK; e-mail: [Link]@[Link]
Suzanne de la Barre, Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation, University
of Alberta, Edmonton, Alberta, Canada; e-mail: sd@[Link]
C. Michael Hall, Department of Management, University of Canterbury,
Christchurch, New Zealand; e-mail: [Link]@[Link]
Tom Hinch, Faculty of Physical Education and Recreation, University of Alberta,
Edmonton, Alberta, Canada; e-mail: [Link]@[Link]
Wilson Irvine, Aberdeen Business School, Robert Gordon University, Aberdeen,
UK; e-mail: [Link]@[Link]
Bruno Jansson, Department of Social and Economic Geography, Umeå
University, Sweden; e-mail: [Link]@[Link]
Berit C. Kaae, Danish Centre for Forest, Landscape and Planning, KVL,
Hørsholm, Denmark; e-mail: bck@[Link]
Kumaran Krishnan, Scottish Centre of Tourism, Aberdeen Business School,
Robert Gordon University, Aberdeen, UK; e-mail: [Link]@[Link]
Günter Löffler (d. 2005), Department of Geography, University of Würzburg,
Germany
Brent Lovelock, Department of Tourism, University of Otago, Dunedin, New
Zealand; e-mail: blovelock@[Link]
Andrew Martin, Scottish Centre of Tourism, Aberdeen Business School, Robert
Gordon University, Aberdeen, UK; e-mail: [Link]@[Link]
Peter Mason, Department of Tourism, Leisure and Human Resource Manage-
ment, University of Luton, UK; e-mail: [Link]@[Link]
Dieter K. Müller, Department of Social and Economic Geography, Umeå
University, Sweden; e-mail: [Link]@[Link]

vii
viii Contributors

Robert Nash, Scottish Centre of Tourism, Aberdeen Business School, Robert

Gordon University, Aberdeen, UK; e-mail: [Link]@[Link]
Jarkko Saarinen, Department of Geography, University of Oulu, Finland; e-mail:
[Link]@oulu.fi
Klas Sandell, Department of Geography and Tourism, Karlstad University,
Sweden; e-mail: [Link]@[Link]
Philip Ulrich, Department of Social and Economic Geography, Umeå University,
Sweden
Malin Zillinger, ETOUR – European Tourism Research Institute, Mid-Sweden
University, Östersund and Department of Social and Economic Geography,
Umeå University, Sweden; e-mail: [Link]@[Link]
 Preface

Editing a book on tourism in peripheries is not really an innovative idea,

but it remains a challenge anyway. Considering the amount of existing
literature on the topic, it is obviously not possible to review it in total and,
hence, one can wonder whether there is a need for additional contributions.
Of course, we think there are many questions not even formulated and not
answered yet. Moreover, focus has been on peripheries in developing
countries rather than on peripheries in higher latitude and developed
countries.
Particularly from our Nordic perspective, tourism development forms a
major challenge. Governments expect tourism to contribute towards
achieving viable solutions for sustaining rural communities. Hence, the
question is high on the political and scientific agenda. The conference
‘Perspectives on Tourism in Nordic and other Peripheral Areas’ held in
August 2004 in Umeå, Sweden, aimed to assess tourism’s role in solving
this problem and this book appears as a consequence of this conference. We
would like to thank the people at CABI for accepting the book for
publication in their appreciated book series.
Organizing conferences and publishing books is a resource-consuming
task. We would thus like to acknowledge the support from the following:
(i) the International Geographical Union Commission on Tourism, Leisure
and Global Change; (ii) the Department of Tourism, University of Otago,
New Zealand; (iii) Umeå University, Sweden; (iv) the Västerbotten Tourist
Board; (v) the Bank of Sweden Tercentenary Foundation; and (vi) the
Skoglund Foundation.
On a more personal level a number of people have particularly
contributed to making the conference – and also this publication – possible.
Michael Hall volunteered as keynote speaker and contributed in various
ways to the conference and the book. Johan Persson and Lotta Brännlund
managed practical matters and introduced us to the fine art of taking

ix
x Preface

payment by credit card. Other people to be acknowledged are Maritta

Holmberg, Ulf Wiberg (dean of the Faculty of Social Science) and all those
at the Department of Social and Economic Geography, Umeå University.
These lines were written shortly after we learnt of the decease of Günter
Löffler, one of the contributors to our book. We therefore would like to
dedicate it to his memory.

Dieter K. Müller and Bruno Jansson

Umeå, Sweden, November 2005
Part I
Tourism in Peripheries: an Introduction
This page intentionally left blank
1 The Difficult Business of Making
Pleasure Peripheries Prosperous:
Perspectives on Space, Place and
Environment
DIETER K. MÜLLER AND BRUNO JANSSON
Department of Social and Economic Geography, Umeå University, Sweden

Introduction

By the 1960s Christaller (1964) had identified peripheries as areas where

people from various European centres spend their vacations. Besides the
northern peripheries, the Mediterranean areas were mentioned among such
regions. However, 40 years later, these realms are dramatically
distinguished by development. Many southern destinations with assets
such as a favourable climate and good swimming conditions have
developed successfully and have sometimes even experienced stagnation,
consolidation and rejuvenation stages, as outlined by Butler (1980). In fact,
some areas are hardly considered to be peripheries any longer.
Meanwhile, tourism development in the northern peripheries differs
considerably from development in southern areas. Often they do not
dispose of assets, allowing them to compete with typical 3S (sun, sea and
sand)-destinations. Less favourable climatic conditions, limited population
numbers, restricted accessibility and many other factors prevent them from
becoming true mass tourism destinations. Nevertheless, tourism is
increasingly considered as being a tool for providing economic growth,
employment and welfare in peripheries (Hall and Jenkins, 1998). Moreover,
few positive accounts of tourism development are available (for an
exception, see Müller and Ulrich, this volume, Chapter 6); the rhetoric of
tourism development is preached like a mantra, with its expectations of
changing the poor development cycles characterizing many peripheral
areas, despite tourism having failed to deliver the desired development (see
Hall, this volume, Chapter 2).
Considering previous negative experiences with tourism development,

© CAB International 2007. Tourism in Peripheries: Perspectives from the Far North
and South (eds D.K. Müller and B. Jansson) 3
4 D.K. Müller and B. Jansson

one might wonder why tourism has once again been put high on the
agenda of regional policy. Focusing on tourism development partly appears
to be clutching at the last straw. The failure of other policy schemes and the
recent deindustrialization of the peripheries in developed countries owing
to an increasingly internationalized competition has forced governments to
find ‘new’ solutions for sustaining peripheral communities (Townsend,
1997). Tourism is a welcome response to this pressure, particularly because
this industry is promising service employment with relatively low entrance
barriers, superficially open to a wide range of the labour force. Moreover,
tourism employment is considered to be attractive to young people, which
also appears to be favourable, considering the often problematic demo-
graphic structures with a dominance of older people.
Finally, it could be argued that tourism appears to be a good solution
for peripheral labour markets, simply because central governments do not
have the expertise required in assessing the potential for tourism
development in the periphery. Tourism merely appears to be an easy and
cheap solution to regional problems. Tourism development schemes also
offer fast action and promise quick changes.
However, peripheral locations are also sometimes viewed as oppor-
tunities promising exclusiveness and combining high yields with a
minimum of impact. In particular, the development of ecotourism has
entailed expectations of finally developing high-yield products suitable for
peripheral locations.
It is this tension between an often recognized lack of tourism
development and a rejuvenated interest in peripheral tourism that con-
stitutes the point of departure for this book. Reviewing tourism
development in locations in Northern Europe, North America and New
Zealand, it is asked whether there are new trends in tourism development
that can turn around cycles of failing development.
The ambition of this chapter is to review some of the ideas and issues
that have been forwarded regarding peripheries and tourism development.
The focus is on peripheries within the developed world and specifically on
areas featuring a cold climate. There have been several previous attempts at
defining and understanding tourism in peripheries (e.g. Hall and Johnston,
1995; Price, 1996; Butler et al., 1998; Brown and Hall, 2000) and, hence, this
chapter does not aim at providing a comprehensive review of previous
writings (see instead Hall, this volume, Chapter 2). Instead, it addresses a
selection of issues that appear to be important restrictions in the conversion
of the periphery into a pleasure periphery. Finally, this chapter outlines the
contents of this book.

Tourism in the Pleasure Periphery

Many peripheries are today populated to an extent that has not previously
been seen. This is partly as a result of political action in history aiming at
securing state territory and leading to the foundation of settlements and
Making Pleasure Peripheries Prosperous 5

military bases, and partly due to economic interests in natural resources.

Finally, indigenous people such as the Sami in the Nordic countries and the
Inuit in North America have traditionally settled in these areas, but they
have also adapted to Western lifestyles. In particular, the extraction of
natural resources such as minerals, forests and fish has historically caused a
need to relocate labour to the periphery. However, recent economic
restructuring has entailed deindustrialization or, at least, a more effective
and less labour-intensive extraction of resources. Hence, many peripheries
today are characterized by high unemployment and out-migration.
It is in this context that governments struggle with defining new visions
for peripheries. Obviously, it is difficult to rewind the clock of development
and withdraw from peripheries. Instead, the decision is usually to retain the
population in these areas. The reasons for these decisions can probably be
found both in nostalgia and in political realities such as the struggle for votes.
The resulting strategies are paradoxical with respect to government
intervention in current mobility. Governments do not choose to actively
depopulate peripheral regions, since such a governmental intervention
would be controversial in many countries. Instead, governments intervene to
sustain peripheral communities by supporting peripheral job creation, which
is obviously less controversial. However, even this remains a governmental
intervention aiming at influencing internal migration patterns and these have
seldom been successful in a long-term perspective (Boyle et al., 1998).
A viable and popular vision for peripheral areas is that, with their
supply of a pristine nature, these areas can cater for the recreational
demand of visitors from all over the world and, hence, considerable
support is put into developing an infrastructure for tourism. By increasing
accessibility, it is assumed that tourism in these areas can enter a more
mature stage and finally develop into a successful ‘pleasure periphery’.
The term pleasure periphery was coined by Turner and Ash (1975) in
their book The Golden Hordes: International Tourism and the Pleasure
Periphery. The title also reveals a perspective. The term Golden Hordes
refers to the Huns, who once threatened Europe by invading from the East.
There are thus a number of connotations shared by many regarding these
hordes: uncivilized, wild, brutal, ruthless. Hence, tourism to the periphery
is here not mirrored as a possibility but as a threat. The periphery, on the
other hand, is the playground for these hordes, allowing them to have
pleasure outside the restraining obligations of home. Turner and Ash (1975)
delimited their pleasure periphery as a zone a few hours’ flight away from
the industrial centres and usually towards the south. In Europe, the
Mediterranean fits into this zone as does Florida in the USA.
However, the idea of a pleasure periphery was already outlined by
Christaller (1964). In an attempt at locating sites for tourism in Europe,
Christaller argued that peripheries disposed of qualities, allowing people
from central places and areas to relax and recreate. The argument followed
thoughts already pinpointed in his central place theory, acknowledging the
concentration of service and labour to central places. Thus, tourism was
considered a development alternative for peripheral areas.
6 D.K. Müller and B. Jansson

The idea of tourism as a tool for regional development is rooted in and

inspired by the academic writings of, for example, Hirschman (1958),
Myrdal (1963) and Friedmann (1966), and has recently been reviewed by
Sharpley (2002) and Telfer (2002a, b). In particular, the idea of a
centre–periphery dichotomy appears to be crucial for the idea that tourism
can be used as tool for creating economic growth and employment in the
periphery, by breaking existing economic structures. However, Britton
(1982, 1991) claims that peripheral destinations lack control over tourism
and thus are dependent on external agents supplying infrastructure and
capital. Tourism is thus only just another expression of a capitalist system of
accumulation. Similarly, Mowforth and Munt (1998) challenge the idea in
the context of tourism in the Third World. Accordingly, even new
alternative forms of tourism are just another way of sustaining colonial
dependency patterns, for example by dictating how to manage destinations
and still claiming large shares of the economic revenue.
The question of how to destroy these patterns of peripheral depend-
ency largely remained unanswered. Nevertheless, ideas of developing
tourism in peripheries are mainly related to increasing problems of
marginality caused by economic restructuring comprising a decline in
agriculture, forestry and fishing, a deindustrialization owing to increasing
international competition and a decline in public sector employment in
many industrialized countries. This results in a need for new employment
opportunities (e.g. Wanhill, 1997; Jenkins et al., 1998; Saarinen, 2003, 2005;
Hall and Boyd, 2005; Lundmark, 2005).
However, peripherality implies numerous restrictions for tourism
development. Hall and Boyd (2005) have recently provided a useful review
of problems present in peripheries. Among other factors they identify lack
of access to transportation, information, political power and capital as
strong obstacles to a successful development. Particularly in high latitudes,
there are strong seasonal climatic variations delimiting the tourist season.
Winter conditions and polar nights have put natural limits to tourism
development, although they are also increasingly seen as attractions in
themselves. Still, they usually restrict the access – particularly for car-based
tourists – and largely remain an expensive tourism product.

Images of Peripheries

In contrast to these constraints, perceptual images of peripheries are often

positively loaded. Ideas and stories of frontier, pioneer life and adventures
in the great outdoors have certainly contributed to the mystique of
peripheries and their inhabitants. Writings by authors such as Jack London
have for long depicted the polar areas as a great challenge, as did the
expeditions in search of the Northwest Passage or the South Pole. By the
19th century northern destinations had become popular. For example, the
Swedish/Norwegian King Oscar II – accompanied by many members of
international royalty – visited the North Cape in 1873 during his coronal
Making Pleasure Peripheries Prosperous 7

voyage and contributed to the establishment of the North Cape as a tourist

destination (Jacobsen, 1997). Moreover, even the explorer Robert Everest
paid a visit to this spot and both thus added to a perception of the North as
the end of the world.
These perceptions of a frontier have remained until today. Travelling to
the end of the world is still a popular venture, whether to the northern or
southern hemisphere. In the northern hemisphere, the Arctic Circle poses
an imaginary border that must be stepped over. On the other side of this
border exist wilderness and its inhabitants, the Sami. As has been shown in
other contexts, wilderness has traditionally been perceived as positively
associated with aspects such as religion, solitude, escapism and challenge
(Hall and Page, 2002). This image of the periphery is often added to by
national tourist boards. Hence, the North Calotte is usually featured as
Europe’s last wilderness and similar images are even reproduced regarding
North America and New Zealand. Hence, Pedersen and Viken (1995) claim
that these areas are increasingly converted into global playgrounds for
adventure seekers living their imaginary vision of the periphery.

Issues in Peripheral Tourism

Access to peripheries

Access to peripheries is a main threshold for developing tourism.

Time–space restrictions entail additional time in reaching peripheries and,
hence, location becomes a major disadvantage (Jansson, 1994; Hall, 2005).
Lundgren (1982) illustrates this in a model depicting a spatial hierarchy of
tourist flows. Accordingly, tourist flows between metropolitan destinations
are most intensive, while peripheral rural destinations and remote wilder-
ness areas generate the least intensive flows, often requiring air transporta-
tion. This is particularly true for extreme peripheries such as Antarctica, to
which all visits require rather long flights or boat trips (Hall and Johnston,
1995). Besides time constraints, travelling to peripheral destinations tends
to be expensive, although some governments provide subsidies and
guarantee access within regional policy frameworks.
The availability of connections to the peripheries varies in different
parts of the world. Lundgren (1995) demonstrated that the penetration of
northern space by transport infrastructure took different forms in Europe
and North America, entailing the availability of more comprehensive
tourism services all over Scandinavia, while the situation in America is
characterized by a declining supply in the northernmost areas. However,
access to major service and tourism centres by car and train is possible in
many cases.
The existing airport infrastructure provides an impression of great
demand, not usually mirrored in actual passenger figures (Lundgren, 2001).
Attempts at establishing charter connections to peripheral destinations
have often failed as has, for instance, been shown for Sweden, where an
8 D.K. Müller and B. Jansson

EU-sponsored project – Short Breaks in the North – aimed at developing a

charter tourism concept by channelling central European tourists to
Northern Sweden (Johansson and Bergdahl, 1999), was unsuccessful.
Although popular during the project period, the project failed to survive
after public economic support had been withdrawn. Problems with service
quality, organization and leadership spelled the end for this attempt at
turning the north into a charter destination.
However, there are exceptions; in 2004, Santa Claus’ official airport in
Rovaniemi (in northern Finland and close to the Santa Center at the Arctic
Circle) received 105,000 international passengers in total, 103,000 of whom
were charter tourists (Civil Aviation Administration, 2004). Similarly, Kittilä
airport – close to several winter sports centres in Finnish Lapland –
attracted 66,000 international charter passengers. Hence, these peripheral
airports nationally rank number two and three, respectively, in terms of
arriving charter passengers. In Kiruna, Northern Sweden, the popularity of
the Icehotel entailed the entrance of a competing airline on the market and
dramatically increased the number of available seats on scheduled flights.
Obviously, uniqueness helps overcome distance (Prideaux, 2002).

Moving in peripheries

The penetration of the periphery by transport infrastructure does not only

depend on access to the periphery, but also on the opportunities to travel
within the periphery (Lundgren, 1995). In Europe’s peripheral areas, road
networks are usually well maintained and allow for access to all permanent
settlements and, thus, to most of the touristic supplies. In contrast,
peripheries in North America or Asia are more remote in terms of access.
The existing transport infrastructure is geared towards connections to the
centres, but not within the periphery.
In Europe, this problem is targeted by various INTERREG projects in
trying to overcome the focus on south–north transport corridors by
developing alternative corridors between the west and the east. These
projects are an EU initiative which aims to stimulate interregional cross-
border cooperation within the EU. For example, within the Trans-Barents
Highway project, community art work was used to foster a shared identity
by creating pieces of Art along the Barents Highway, which leads from
Bodø in northern Norway, via Luleå on the Swedish coast of the Baltic Sea,
to Murmansk on the Kola Peninsula (The Trans Barents Highway
Symposium of Art, 2004). Similarly, the maintenance of ferry connections
between the cities on both sides of the Bothnian Sea is always contested
because of small passenger volumes, and hence they are heavily financially
supported by EU development schemes.
Road standards are also an issue. As reported by Lundgren (1995), the
penetration of the north by road infrastructure is far more advanced in
Europe, while access to northern Canada is less developed. In Europe,
major road projects were finished during the 1980s, making even rather
Making Pleasure Peripheries Prosperous 9

remote nature areas accessible to tourists (Bäck and Bäck, 1986). In Norway,
tunnel constructions have made even islands comfortably accessible by car.
Hence the North Cape, located on the island of Mageröy, can nowadays be
reached without using a ferry. Thus, all major traffic arteries are paved and
gravel roads are often private but also made accessible for the public.
Nevertheless, winter conditions make car use less attractive to drivers not
used to snow- and ice-covered roads. Moreover, frost damage on the road
surface makes roads bumpy, even during the summer season.
New road development also creates new tourists flows. The opening of
the road between Narvik and Kiruna opened up the Northern Scandinavian
Mountain Range for motorized tourists. Similarly, paving the road into
Lagmannalaugir, a national park in southern Iceland, also created increased
tourism traffic to the area, causing negative impacts on the environment
and degrading the experience of pristine nature (Sæþórsdóttir, 2004).
Hence, upgrading of existing and creation of new road infrastructure is not
undisputed with regard to tourism development. The famous Icelandic K1
gravel road crossing the interior of the country is still unpaved and thus
allows its use only during a short summer season and with four-wheel
drive vehicles. An upgrading of the road quality would certainly open up
the area to a larger number of tourists. However, a potentially negative
impact on the environment and a lack of touristic infrastructure can be
listed as arguments against such a development.
Besides car-based tourism, buses are a viable means of transport which
allow for travel within in the periphery. In the northern hemisphere,
scheduled public bus connections are widely available, while tourists in
New Zealand, for example, can choose bus tours more specifically catering
for tourist demands. In the northern hemisphere, railway connections are
mainly available between major settlements, but other transportation is
often required to reach tourist facilities.

Peripheral places

Many peripheral settlements are characterized by the small size of the

community. These communities were often originally established due to
forestry, mining, hunting or as trading posts. Economic restructuring has,
however, caused unemployment and a selective out-migration, not least of
younger households. This development often entails negative feedback and
deters both in-migration and new investment. In this context, governments
try to break these cycles of failing development by creating employment
within new industries such as tourism. However, it has previously been
shown that tourism development does not always entail a positive situation
for the destination communities (Singh et al., 2003). Instead, appropriate
planning, including participation of the local community, is assumed to be
central for achieving successful development (Timothy and Tosun, 2003).
Although many share the vision that tourism is a tool for sustaining
rural and peripheral communities, there is considerable controversy
10 D.K. Müller and B. Jansson

regarding the means of achieving this. Particularly in cases where outsiders

and other marginal community members are involved, visions can collide
and cause setbacks. Sandell (1995) reports, for example, on a failed national
park establishment in northern Sweden. Here, the local community
perceived the park plans as a threat to the upholding of traditional outdoor
activities. Strong local opinion finally stopped all plans forwarded, without
any comprehensive community involvement by the Swedish Environmental
Protection Agency.
This is only one example, however. In many cases, local communities
do not utilize their resources of power to make their own decisions. Instead,
they are dependent on central decision making and funding (Hall and
Boyd, 2005). Hence, tourism becomes a field of complex negotiations
between different levels of governance and agencies (Hall, 2000).
Besides these issues related to negotiating tourism development
between local community and regional and national institutions, there are
many other factors preventing a successful tourism development. A crucial
factor is often the lack of skilled labour. The existing labour force is seldom
educated in services and the adaptation from often physically demanding
jobs in industrial production, agriculture, forestry or mining is difficult
(Jussila and Järviluoma, 1998). Moreover, employment in tourism is not
even attractive, since it does not provide significant incomes. Instead,
tourism offers part-time or seasonal employment. Additionally, old-
fashioned perceptions of gender roles imply that many men are reluctant to
accept employment in the service industries, despite low entrance barriers
(Jussila and Järviluoma, 1998).
Hence, despite a positive tourism development, high unemployment
may remain since labour demand is satisfied by a seasonal workforce
(Lundmark, 2005). Exceptions can be found in areas that are also attractive
to amenity migrants (Müller, 2006). Here, tourism offers jobs and
opportunities for making a living. After some years, many amenity
migrants move on to other occupations outside tourism.
One way of getting involved in tourism is by entrepreneurship, which
is not always possible, particularly in communities that were previously
dominated by industrial production. Smith (1989) claimed that many
tourism entrepreneurs are marginal in relation to their host community;
they are recruited from in-migrants or set aside in various other ways
within the local community, which can imply difficulties in starting a
business, particularly in cases where the local community forms an
important ingredient of the tourism product (Keen, 2004). For example,
Pettersson (2004) argued that many entrepreneurs among the indigenous
Sami were young men who could not make a living in reindeer herding, or
women who had lost their traditional roles in the industry due to
modernization and automatization. Thus, these groups had increasingly
become marginalized within their traditional livelihood.
Another field of tension arises because of diverging visions regarding
tourism development. Governmental institutions usually consider tourism
as a tool for creating new employment and thus axiomatically assume that
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