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The Music of Tōru Takemitsu

Tōru Takemitsu (1930–96) was the best known Japanese composer of his
generation, bringing aspects of Eastern and Western traditions together, yet he
remained something of an elusive figure. The composer’s own commentaries
about his music, poetic and philosophical in tone, have tended to deepen the
mystery and much writing on Takemitsu to date has adopted a similar attitude,
leaving many questions about his compositional methods unanswered. This book
is the first complete study of the composer’s work to appear in English. It is also
the first book in this language to offer an in-depth analysis of his music.
Takemitsu’s works are increasingly popular with Western audiences and Peter
Burt attempts for the first time to shed light on the hitherto rather secretive world
of his working methods, as well as place him in context as heir to the rich tradition
of Japanese composition in the twentieth century.

p e t e r bu rt is Vice-Chairman of the Takemitsu Society in the United Kingdom

and editor of the Takemitsu Society Newsletter. He is currently editing a special
commemorative issue of Contemporary Music Review devoted to Tōru Takemitsu.
Music in the Twentieth Century
g e n e r a l e d i to r Arnold Whittall

This series offers a wide perspective on music and musical life in the
twentieth century. Books included range from historical and biographical
studies concentrating particularly on the context and circumstances in
which composers were writing, to analytical and critical studies concerned
with the nature of musical language and questions of compositional
process. The importance given to context will also be reflected in studies
dealing with, for example, the patronage, publishing, and promotion of
new music, and in accounts of the musical life of particular countries.

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The Music of
Tōru Takemitsu

Peter Burt
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore, São Paulo

Cambridge University Press

The Edinburgh Building, Cambridge CB2 2RU, UK

Published in the United States of America by Cambridge University Press, New York

www.cambridge.org
Information on this title: www.cambridge.org/9780521782203

© Peter Burt 2001

This publication is in copyright. Subject to statutory exception

and to the provisions of relevant collective licensing agreements,
no reproduction of any part may take place without
the written permission of Cambridge University Press.

First published 2001

Reprinted 2003
This digitally printed first paperback version 2006

A catalogue record for this publication is available from the British Library

Library of Congress Cataloguing in Publication data

Burt, Peter, 1955–
The music of T
ru Takemitsu / Peter Burt.
p. cm. – (Music in the twentieth century)
Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index.
ISBN 0 521 78220 1
1. Takemitsu, T
ru – Criticism and interpretation. I. Title. II. Series.
ML410.T134 B87 2001
780´.92–dc21 00-045505

ISBN-13 978-0-521-78220-3 hardback

ISBN-10 0-521-78220-1 hardback

ISBN-13 978-0-521-02695-6 paperback

ISBN-10 0-521-02695-4 paperback
for Sumine
 Contents

Acknowledgements page ix
Note on conventions xi

Introduction 1
1 Pre-history: how Western music came to Japan 4
2 Music and ‘pre-music’: Takemitsu’s early years 21
3 Experimental workshop: the years of Jikken Kōbō 39
4 The Requiem and its reception 50
5 Projections on to a Western mirror 73
6 ‘Cage shock’ and after 92
7 Projections on to an Eastern mirror 110
8 Modernist apogee: the early 1970s 132
9 Descent into the pentagonal garden 160
10 Towards the sea of tonality: the works of the 1980s 175
11 Beyond the far calls: the final years 216
12 Swimming in the ocean that has no West or East 234

Notes 254
List of Takemitsu’s Works 269
Select bibliography 281
Index 288
 Acknowledgements

So many have helped me in some way or another over the course of the
seven years that I have been working on Takemitsu’s music that there are
bound to be some omissions in the list of names that follow. In particular
in Japan, where fabulous largesse seems to be a cultural norm, I have
received such generous assistance from so many people that I am certain to
have forgotten to mention one or two here, and I apologise in advance to
anyone who feels they have been left out.
Although wholly rewritten, this book has its origins in my doctoral
thesis, and in the first place thanks are therefore due to my supervisor,
Peter Manning, and other members of the music department staff at
Durham University who assisted me in various ways – in particular my
benefactor Michael Spitzer, who offered magnanimous hospitality when-
ever I needed to seek shelter in Durham during my two years of exile in
London. Thanks are also due to Professor Manning for his assistance in
procuring me two valuable scholarships – from the Japan Foundation
Endowment Committee, and the Gen Foundation – and of course to the
staff of those institutions themselves for enabling me to make the two trips
to Japan without which my knowledge of Takemitsu would have remained
vague and incomplete indeed.
In Japan, my sincere appreciation is due to the former Principal of
Kunitachi College of Music, Dr Bin Ebisawa, as well as staff members
Cornelia Colyer and Hitoshi Matsushita, the librarian, for providing me
with such a royal welcome during the disorientating early days of my first
visit. I would also particularly like to thank the fellow researchers in my
chosen field who have been so generous in sharing with me the fruits of
their knowledge: Yōko Narazaki, Noriko Ohtake and above all Mitsuko
Ono, a sort of walking encyclopaedia on Takemitsu who has been of
invaluable help in correcting my many factual errors. Further gratitude is
due especially to the flautist Hideyo Takakawa for introducing me to his
teacher Mr Hiroshi Koizumi, and to him in turn for first introducing me to
the composer’s widow Mrs Asaka Takemitsu and daughter Maki. I would
also like to thank the composer Mr Jōji Yuasa for granting me the time to
interview him about his early years with Takemitsu in the Jikken Kōbō, and
Fr. Joaquim Benitez of Elisabeth University, Hiroshima, who kindly agreed
ix to meet me in London and look over my thesis three years ago. Takebumi
x Acknowledgements

Itagaki, Kiyonori Sokabe, Masato Hōjō and Yūji Numano have also all
been of invaluable assistance, and above all, perhaps, I must express my
deepest gratitude to Ms Sumine Hayashibara and her mother Kiku on the
one hand, and Ms Emiko Kitazawa and her mother Etsuko on the other,
without whose offers of hospitality on, respectively, my first and second
visits to Japan I would have been unable to come here at all.
I must also mention here my friend Junko Kobayashi, Chairman of the
Takemitsu Society in London, who has been so helpful in checking over
Japanese proper nouns with me; as well as Sally Groves of Schott’s and her
Tōkyō counterpart, Nanako Ikefuji, for lending me scores of Takemitsu’s
music. And finally, I must thank the music books’ Editor of Cambridge
University Press, Penny Souster, for having sufficient faith in the potential
of my thesis to undertake a book on Takemitsu. I hope what follows will in
some small measure repay the trust she has invested in me.
Tōkyō, July 2000
The author gratefully acknowledges the permission of the following pub-
lishers to quote copyright materials in the music examples:
Examples 31, 34 from Sacrifice and 43–6 from The Dorian Horizon ©1967
by Ongaku no Tomo Sha Corp.; used by permission
Examples 53–5 from Asterism (Edition Peters No. 6630064, ©1969 by C F
Peters Corporation, New York), 56, 57 from November Steps (Edition Peters
No. 66299, ©1967 by C F Peters Corporation, New York) and 57–62, 64 from
Green (Edition Peters No. 66300, ©1969 by C F Peters Corporation, New
York) reproduced by kind permission of Peters Edition Limited, London
Examples 47 (Webern), 83(v), 105(i) and 118(ii) copyright Universal
Edition AG (Wien); reproduced by permission of Alfred A. Kalmus Ltd
Examples 9–11, 13, 18, 19, 21–7, 37–9, 47 (Takemitsu), 48, 50–2, 65–7, 69,
70, 72–4, 76–80, 81(i), 83(iv), 84(i), 85(i), 86(i), 89, 90, 91(i–iii), 120(i),
129, 134 reproduced by permission of Editions Salabert, Paris/United
Music Publishers Ltd
Examples 82(i–ii), 83(ii) reproduced by permission of Editions Alphonse
Leduc, Paris/United Music Publishers Ltd
Examples 82(iii), 83(i, iii), 84(ii), 85(ii), 86(ii–iii) reproduced by permis-
sion of Editions Durand S.A. Paris/United Music Publishers Ltd
Examples 1–3, 5, 6, 16, 17, 40–2, 81(ii–iii), 87, 91(iv–xii), 92–9, 101,
105(ii), 106–12, 114–15, 117, 118(i), 119, 120(ii–v), 122–3, 125–6, 128,
130–3 reproduced by permission of Schott & Co., Ltd
 Note on conventions

Throughout this book, Japanese personal names are rendered according

to the Western rather than Japanese convention, in which the family
name follows the given name (Tōru Takemitsu, not Takemitsu Tōru).
Transliteration of Japanese words follows the Hepburn system, and in the
interests of consistency – albeit at the risk of appearing pretentious – this
has been applied even to words generally given in English without diacriti-
cal marks (Tōkyō, Ōsaka, etc.).

xi
 Introduction

The title of this book is ‘The Music of Tōru Takemitsu’, and despite the
many other fascinating issues, biographical and artistic, that it is tempting
to explore in an examination of this many-faceted genius – composer, fes-
tival organiser, writer on aesthetics, author of detective novels, celebrity
chef on Japanese TV – it is with Takemitsu’s legacy as a composer that the
following chapters are predominantly concerned. In fact, the book’s scope
is even narrower still, for although Takemitsu, as the worklist at the end of
this volume will show, produced a vast amount of music for film, theatre,
television and radio as well as a number of other pieces of more ‘populist’
character, such works lie beyond the remit of the present study, which for
the most part deals only with the composer’s ‘classical’ scores for the
concert platform. Right from the start, however, it should be emphasised
that such an approach focuses on only a small area of Takemitsu’s versatile
creativity, and it should always be borne in mind that these other areas of
activity were an ever-present backdrop to his ‘mainstream’ work, interact-
ing fruitfully with the latter in ways which it has been possible to hint at in
the following pages, but – regretfully – not examine in more detail.
The bulk of this work, then – chapters 2 to 11 – is concerned with
descriptions of Takemitsu’s music for the concert room, examining the
principal scores in roughly chronological sequence, and including a certain
amount of biographical information to set them in context. Though this
section is continuous, the reader will probably soon realise that the
arrangement of these chapters reflects an implicit, provisional division of
the composer’s career into three ‘periods’, dealt with respectively in chap-
ters 2–4, 5–8 and 9–11 of the book. Although rather schematic and cer-
tainly no watertight compartmentalisation, this periodisation is
nevertheless one which, in its broad outlines at least, would appear to find
support amongst other writers on the subject. Certainly the suggested tran-
sition from ‘second’ to ‘third’ period represented, as we shall see, a change
of style so dramatic that it has been hard for commentators to miss it: Yōko
Narazaki, for instance, who divides the composer’s music into two periods,
speaks of a ‘change from an “avant-garde”to a “conservative”style’1 around
the end of the 1970s; Jun-ichi Konuma, more robustly, of a substitution of
‘eroticism’ for ‘stoicism’ in the composer’s Quatrain of 1975.2
1 On this basis, it is true, it might be argued that a bipartite scheme,
2 Introduction

hinging on the incontrovertible fact of this obvious stylistic conversion,

constitutes an adequate working description of the composer’s develop-
ment, and that further sub-division would be hair-splitting and
superfluous. Nevertheless, I feel that there is a second, if less spectacular,
distinction to be made between the juvenilia from the first decade of
Takemitsu’s composing career (from 1950 onwards), and the works which
succeeded them from around the turn of the 1960s. The ‘journeyman’
works from the period prior to this point are of interest insomuch as they
reflect, in their purest form, the stylistic imprints of those American and
European composers by whom Takemitsu was initially most profoundly
influenced in his rather isolated situation in post-war Japan. By contrast,
the works from around 1960 onwards reveal a very rapid assimilation of all
the preoccupations Takemitsu became aware of as his knowledge of the
domestic and international music scene enlarged dramatically – not only
those of the modernist avant-garde, but also, and most importantly, of
John Cage and, through his influence, of traditional Japanese music. The
change wrought upon the musical language of the ‘first period’ by these
powerful outside influences has not escaped the attention of other writers
on the subject: Yukiko Sawabe, for instance, certainly agrees on the
appearance of at least two new elements in Takemitsu’s music around
1960, ‘traditional Japanese instruments and the discovery of “nature” in
music, a discovery in which the composer was encouraged by his encoun-
ter with John Cage’.3 Broadly speaking, too, the rather simplistic-sounding
picture of the composer’s career as a ‘beginning–middle–end’ triptych that
emerges from the addition of this second transitional point is not without
support from other commentators. Although he locates the two turning
points in 1957 and 1973/4, for instance, Kenjiro Miyamoto’s tripartite
scheme is in other respects more or less identical with my own;4 while both
Takashi Funayama5 and Miyuki Shiraishi,6 speak, less specifically, of ‘early,
middle and late periods’ in the composer’s work.
The approach adopted towards Takemitsu’s music in the course of these
central chapters is, the reader will soon realise, primarily an analytical one.
This to a certain extent reflects the perceptual biases and academic training
of the author, and in particular the origins of this book in my own doctoral
thesis, rather than any intrinsic advantages such a method might have
when applied to Takemitsu’s music. In fact, the latter is emphatically not
carefully put together for the benefit of future academics to take apart
again, and analytic approaches towards it therefore have a tendency to take
the researcher up what eventually proves to be a blind alley. Takemitsu’s
own writing about music, significantly, rarely gives away any technical
information about his musical construction or contains music-type exam-
3 Introduction

ples, concerning itself instead with abstract philosophical problems

expressed in a flowery and poetic language, and many commentators –
particularly in Japan – have followed his example in dealing with the music
on this level, rather than venturing into the murkier waters of his actual
compositional method. One has the feeling, therefore, that one is going
against the grain of the composer’s own preferred concept of appropriate
descriptive language by attempting to submit his music to dissection with
the precision tools of Western analysis, and is perhaps justly rewarded with
a certain ultimate impenetrability.
Nevertheless, as I have explained elsewhere,7 I do not believe that one
should for this reason be deterred from making the effort to understand
Takemitsu’s music on a more technical level. Such an enterprise, I would
suggest, is well worth undertaking, for two reasons in particular. First,
despite its shortcomings, it is able to uncover a good deal of the still rather
secretive goings-on behind the surface of Takemitsu’s music, as the follow-
ing pages will reveal. And secondly, by its very impotence to explain the
whole of Takemitsu’s creative thinking, it illustrates the extent to which the
construction of his music is governed by decisions of a more ‘irrational’
nature, which even the most inventive of scholars is powerless to account
for. Mapping out the area which is tractable to analysis, in other words, at
the same time gives the measure of that vaster territory which is not.
Why this should be so, why Takemitsu’s music should ultimately resist
analytical explanation, is a question to which I attempt to give some
answers in my twelfth and final chapter, which steps outside the bounds of
the remit I claimed for this book at the beginning of this introduction to
examine some of the more abstract and philosophical issues surrounding
his work: offering an assessment of his status as a composer, an examina-
tion of some of his aesthetic views (to the extent that I understand them),
and an evaluation of some of the more frequent criticisms to which he has
been subject. The other place where my subject matter transgresses
beyond the bounds of my own self-imposed limitations is at the very
beginning of the book. To understand fully the nature of Takemitsu’s
achievement, it is necessary to see him not only in relation to the interna-
tional Western music scene, but also in relation to the aesthetic preoccupa-
tions of the composers who preceded him in the decades since Western
music was first introduced to Japan. As, however, this is a history for the
most part almost entirely unfamiliar to Westerners, it has been considered
imperative to give a brief overview of the subject in the opening chapter. It
is with this pre-history, then – the story of the arrival of Western music in
Japan and the development of Japanese composition that succeeded it –
that The Music of Tōru Takemitsu begins.
 1 Pre-history: how Western music came to Japan

Popular culture has ensured that at least one or two key elements in the
story of Japan’s unique and often turbulent relationship with the Western
world have become familiar to a wider audience. Stephen Sondheim’s 1975
musical Pacific Overtures, for instance, charts the course of events subse-
quent to that momentous day in the nineteenth century when Japan was
finally rudely awakened from its quarter-millennium of feudal stability by
a dramatic intervention of modernity. The day in question was 8 July 1853,
when Commodore Matthew Calbraith Perry of the United States Navy
sailed into Uraga harbour with his powerfully armed ironclad steamboats,
the kurofune (‘black ships’); and to understand the boldness and historical
significance of Perry’s adventure, one has to travel back in time a quarter of
a millennium further still, to 1603. For it was in that year that Ieyasu
Tokugawa finally acceded to an office familiar to Westerners, once again,
from populist sources, in this case James Clavell’s 1975 novel and its subse-
quent film and television versions: the title of military dictator of all Japan,
or Shōgun.
Having attained this sovereign position at great cost by finally subjugat-
ing the powerful regional warlords (daimyō), the Tokugawa family was
understandably anxious to preserve the fragile centralised power it had
established. In particular, wary of the colonial ambitions of the foreign
nationals then resident in Japan – and of any alliance between these and
their daimyō subordinates – they embarked on a campaign of draconian
measures to protect their country from the perceived alien menace.
Japanese Christians were martyred, foreign nationals repatriated, and the
Japanese themselves forbidden to travel abroad, until by 1641 no contact
with the outside world remained except for a small community of Dutch
traders confined to their island ghetto of Deshima in Nagasaki harbour.
Japan, allowing its subjects no egress and outsiders no ingress, had suc-
ceeded within a few decades in turning itself into a self-contained ‘hermit
kingdom’, and henceforth would enforce the most stringent measures to
ensure that – right up to the arrival of Perry’s ships over two hundred years
later – this exclusion policy would remain virtually inviolate.
‘Virtually’ inviolate, but not entirely so; despite the dire penalties risked
4 by those who sought to transgress against the exclusion order, from the
5 Pre-history: how Western music came to Japan

eighteenth century onwards various seafarers – Russian, American,

British, French and Dutch – all made efforts to persuade the Japanese to
reopen their country to foreign commerce. Furthermore, while the
Japanese could not travel to the outside world, or make contact with its
inhabitants, the educated classes, at least, could read about what was hap-
pening there – at first secretly, as various items of information were smug-
gled in through approved Dutch and Chinese traders, and then more
openly, after the Shōgun Yoshimune (1716–45) rescinded the ban on the
importation of foreign books (provided they contained no reference to
Christian teaching) in 1720. As a result of this new development, there
eventually came into existence the group known as the rangakusha or
‘Dutch Scholars’, whose painstaking efforts to translate works written in
that language, starting from scratch, finally bore fruit when the first
European work to be published in Japan, an anatomy textbook, appeared
in 1774. Significantly, besides medicine, the other area of Western exper-
tise about which the Japanese were especially curious was military science
– and with good reason. In the following century Takashima Shūhan
(1798–1866), who had learned about Western ordnance from textbooks,
was to warn the governor of Nagasaki after the British success in the
Anglo-Chinese war that Japan was no more capable of resistance than
China, and that the latter’s defensive measures had been ‘like child’s play’.1
In the eyes of modernisers such as Shūhan, Japan’s need to acquire mastery
of this particular branch of Western learning was no longer simply a
matter of scholarly curiosity, but of his country’s very survival as an inde-
pendent nation in the face of the predatory desires of an industrialised
West.
This gradual dissemination of Western ideas was one of a number of
factors by means of which the formerly impregnable edifice of the exclu-
sionist administration was brought increasingly under attack over the
course of the years. Other weapons in the armoury of the reforming
Zeitgeist included the revitalisation of traditional shintō beliefs and the
beginnings of research into national history – both of which developments
tended to call into question the legitimacy of the Shōgun’s primacy over
the Emperor, who had been reduced to the role of a mere puppet since the
Tokugawa ascendancy. But the force which was to act as perhaps the most
eloquent advocate for the abandonment of isolationism was operating on
a rather more mundane level than any of the above: that of everyday eco-
nomic transactions. The period of the Tokugawa Shōgunate saw the emer-
gence of a mercantile class in the cities, and of coin rather than rice as the
favoured medium of exchange through which they conducted their busi-
ness. The ruling military élite (samurai) of Japan’s traditional feudal hier-
6 The music of Tōru Takemitsu

archy contracted huge debts to this newly emergent bourgeoisie, which

they then attempted to displace on to their already overstretched peasant
subjects. As a result, the agricultural economy started to crumble, to be
‘replaced by a mercantile economy which Japan was unable to support
without calling on the outside world’.2 Even without the additional per-
suasive capacities of Commodore Perry’s superior firepower, therefore,
capitulation to the American demand for trading opportunities, when at
last it came, was by then a matter of stark economic necessity.
After the gunboats, the diplomacy: as follow-up to his first audacious
violation of the exclusion order in 1853, Perry returned with an aug-
mented force in February of the following year, and on this occasion made
the long-awaited breakthrough. An agreement concluded on 31 March
allowed him the use of the twin ports of Shimoda and Hakodate for
limited trade, and provided for consular representation for his country.
This success of Perry’s soon prompted others to follow his example:
similar treaties were signed with the British in October of the same year,
and with the Russians and Dutch in February and November of the follow-
ing year respectively. Thereafter events moved inexorably to bring about
the eventual downfall of the ancien régime, although the force that was
finally responsible for toppling the ruling military dictatorship, or bakufu,
perhaps came from a somewhat unexpected quarter. For ultimately it was
forces loyal to the Emperor which brought about the resignation of the last
Shōgun in 1867 and, after a brief civil war, the formation of a provisional
government and restoration of the Emperor to what was considered his
rightful place at the head of the political structure (the so-called ‘Meiji
Restoration’). There thus arose the somewhat paradoxical situation that
the foundations of what eventually proved to be the first Western-style
government in Japan were prepared by precisely those forces in society
which had initially viewed the bakufu’s accommodation with foreigners as
a betrayal, and whose battle-cry had once been ‘Sonno jōi!’ – ‘Revere the
Emperor and expel the barbarians!’
The conflicting ideologies which rendered this situation so paradoxical –
the ‘modernising’spirit of the new administration, in opposition to a some-
times aggressive nostalgia for traditional Japanese certainties on the part of
those who had helped bring it to power – afford one of the first glimpses of a
clash of values that has had a central role in determining Japan’s subsequent
cultural development right up to the present day. The historian Arnold
Toynbee (1889–1975), who took an especial interest in this aspect of Japan’s
cultural history, once coined a handy pair of expressions to describe these
kinds of opposing responses that may be ‘evoked in a society which has been
thrown on the defensive by the impact of an alien force in superior
7 Pre-history: how Western music came to Japan

strength’.3 The attitude of the progressives and ‘modernisers’, on the one

hand, he characterised as the ‘Herodian’4 position; that of ‘the man who
acts on the principle that the most effective way to guard against the danger
of the unknown is to master its secret, and, when he finds himself in the pre-
dicament of being confronted by a more highly skilled and better armed
opponent . . . responds by discarding his traditional art of war and learning
to fight his enemy with the enemy’s own tactics and own weapons’.5 On the
other hand, in opposition to this receptive, mimetic attitude, Toynbee
posited the idea of ‘Zealotism’: the stance taken by ‘the man who takes
refuge from the unknown in the familiar, and when he joins battle with a
stranger who practises superior tactics and enjoys formidable new-fangled
weapons . . . responds by practising his own traditional art of war with
abnormally scrupulous exactitude’.6
For Toynbee, the course of action ultimately chosen by the nineteenth-
century Japanese in response to their dramatic exposure to Western tech-
nological prowess constituted the ‘Herodian’ reaction par excellence : for
him, the Japanese were ‘of all the non-Western peoples that the modern
West has challenged . . . perhaps the least unsuccessful exponents of
“Herodianism” in the world so far’.7 Though at first sight this might
appear to be a sweepingly imperious, ‘etic’ pronouncement on the situa-
tion, it is nevertheless one that would appear to be given a certain ‘emic’
validation when one considers certain reactions on the part of the Japanese
themselves – such as the remarks of Takashima Shūhan quoted a few para-
graphs previously, or the craze for wholesale Europeanisation that fol-
lowed in the wake of the Meiji restoration, when the desire of the Japanese
ruling classes to remodel themselves on the lines of their newly found
trading partners went far beyond the minimum necessary to acquire an
adequate military competence. But side by side with such sycophantic imi-
tation by a small élite there co-existed amongst the population at large
other, drastically less welcoming responses to the Western intrusion – of
such a nature to suggest that, as one leading authority on Japanese culture
expressed it, Western culture was ‘accepted as a necessity but its donors
were disliked’.8 And at this point one becomes aware that the image con-
jured by Toynbee, of a wholehearted subjugation to the ‘Herodian’ ideal,
might require a certain qualification, to say the least. In fact, the truth of
the matter would appear to be rather that the atavistic reaction described
by Toynbee as ‘Zealotism’ on no account perished with Perry, and has
indeed never really gone away since. To an extent it can be highly
profitable, indeed, to regard much of the subsequent cultural history of
Japan as ideologically motivated by the dialectical opposition between the
twin forces of progressive cosmopolitanism and regressive nationalism: an
8 The music of Tōru Takemitsu

oscillation, as the Takemitsu scholar Alain Poirier expresses it, ‘between

expressions of a nationalism, betraying itself sometimes in the form of
violent protectionism, and of a willingness to be open towards the
Occident’.9
This ‘oscillation’ described by Poirier, however, constitutes only one
mode of expression – what might be called the ‘diachronic’ – of the under-
lying opposition, betraying itself above all in the form of horizontal, his-
torical fluctuations of power between two polar positions, of which the
most dramatic in recent times have probably been the disastrous resur-
gence of political nationalism before and during the Second World War,
and the extreme receptivity towards Americanisation in the Occupation
years that succeeded it. But at the same time this fundamental tension also
expresses itself vertically, as it were ‘synchronically’, as a kind of basic and
ongoing schism in the Japanese psyche, what has been described as ‘a kind
of double structure or perhaps parallelism of lifestyle and intellectual atti-
tude of the modern Japanese’.10 In this compromise between ‘modern’
imperatives and ‘traditional’ instincts, experience tends to be compart-
mentalised, with Western behavioural codes operating in certain areas –
for example, in most areas of ‘public’, corporate life – but with other, pre-
dominantly private domains reserved as sites wherein citizens tend ‘con-
sciously or unconsciously to maintain the traditions passed on from
generation to generation’.11 In both of the above manifestations, this inter-
play of forces – not necessarily a destructive one – has played a crucial role
in shaping both the historical development and everyday orientation of
Japanese culture during the modern period. And – as we shall very shortly
discover – this has been as much the case with the composition of Western-
style music in Japan, as with any other form of cultural activity.
Horizontally, throughout the historical period that has elapsed since this
European art form was first transplanted to Japanese soil, we shall observe
fluctuations between imitation of the West and declarations of nationalis-
tic independence; vertically, taking a ‘slice of time’ through any particular
moment in that history, we shall observe time and again in the work of
individual composers the same preoccupation with establishing their own
equilibrium between these recurrent, inimical forces – the centrifugal
force of adopting a Western idiom, the centripetal one of defining, by con-
trast, a uniquely ‘Japanese’ identity. Indeed – as Miyamoto has correctly
observed – this opposition between an imported foreign culture and their
own, and the manner of dealing with both, was long conceived as the
‘central problem’ facing Western-style Japanese composers.12
The channels of transmission through which this Western music first
came to be re-established in Japan are essentially three in number. First,
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