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The Large Group Re-Visited
The International Library of Group Analysis
Edited by Malcolm Pines, Institute of Group Analysis, London
The aim of this series is to represent innovative work in group psychotherapy, particularly but not exclu-
sively group analysis. Group analysis, taught and practised widely in Europe, derives from the work of SH
Foulkes.
other titles in the series
The Social Unconscious
Selected Papers
Earl Hopper
ISBN 1 84310 088 6
International Library of Group Analysis 22
Traumatic Experience in the Unconscious Life of Groups
The Fourth Basic Assumption: Incohesion: Aggregation/Massification or (ba) I:A/M
Earl Hopper
ISBN 1 84310 087 8
International Library of Group Analysis 23
Operative Groups
The Latin-American Approach to Group Analysis
Juan Tubert-Oklander and Reyna Hernández de Tubert
ISBN 1 84310 094 0
International Library of Group Analysis 24
Building on Bion: Roots
Origins and Context of Bion’s Contributions to Theory and Practice
Edited by Robert M. Lipgar and Malcolm Pines
ISBN 1 84310 710 4
International Library of Group Analysis 20
Building on Bion: Branches
Contemporary Developments and Applications
of Bion’s Contributions to Theory and Practice
Edited by Robert M. Lipgar and Malcolm Pines
ISBN 1 84310 711 2
International Library of Group Analysis 21
Relational Group Psychotherapy
From Basic Assumptions to Passion
Richard M. Billow
ISBN 1 84310 739 2 pb
ISBN 1 84310 738 4 hb
International Library of Group Analysis 26
Dreams in Group Psychotherapy
Theory and Technique
Claudio Neri, Malcolm Pines and Robi Friedman
ISBN 1 85302 923 8
International Library of Group Analysis 18
Rediscovering Groups
A Psychoanalyst’s Journey Beyond Individual Psychology
Marshall Edelson and David N. Berg
ISBN 1 85302 726 X pb
ISBN 1 85302 725 1 hb
Internal Library of Group analysis 9
INTERNATIONAL LIBRARY OF GROUP ANALYSIS 25

The Large Group Re-Visited

The Herd, Primal Horde,
Crowds and Masses
Edited by Stanley Schneider and Haim Weinberg

Foreword by Malcolm Pines

Jessica Kingsley Publishers

London and New York
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced in any material
form (including photocopying or storing it in any medium by electronic means
and whether or not transiently or incidentally to some other use of this
publication) without the written permission of the copyright owner except in
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or under the terms of a licence issued by the Copyright Licensing Agency Ltd, 90
Tottenham Court Road, London, England W1P 9HE. Applications for the
copyright owner’s written permission to reproduce any part of this publication
should be addressed to the publisher.
Warning: The doing of an unauthorised act in relation to a copyright work may
result in both a civil claim for damages and criminal prosecution.

The right of the contributors to be identified as authors of this work has been
asserted by them in accordance with the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act
1988.

First published in the United Kingdom in 2003

by Jessica Kingsley Publishers Ltd
116 Pentonville Road
London N1 9JB, England
and
29 West 35th Street, 10th fl.
New York, NY 10001-2299, USA

www.jkp.com

Copyright © 2003 Jessica Kingsley Publishers

Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data

A CIP catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress

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A CIP catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library

ISBN 1 84310 099 1 hb

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Printed and Bound in Great Britain by

Athenaeum Press, Gateshead, Tyne and Wear
 For
Adele, our children and grandchildren
Martha for being my soul-mate
 Contents
FOREWORD 9
Malcolm Pines, Institute of Group Analysis, London

Introduction: Background, Structure and Dynamics

of the Large Group 13
Haim Weinberg, Tel Aviv University and Stanley Schneider,
Hebrew University and Michlalah, Jerusalem

Part I The Large Group: Theory and Technique

1 A Consultant’s Journey into the Large Group Unconscious:
Principles and Techniques 29
Lamis K. Jarrar, Howard University Counseling Service,
Washington, D.C.

2 Large Groups and Culture 44

Malcolm Pines

3 Aspects of Aggression in Large Groups Characterised

by (ba) I:A/M 58
Earl Hopper, Institute of Group Analysis, London

4 The Mystical and the Spiritual in the Large Group 73

Stanley Schneider

5 Chaos and Order in the Large Group 86

Gerhard Wilke, Institute of Group Analysis, London

6 Experiences in Large Groups: Bion’s Influence 98

Robert M. Lipgar, University of Chicago
 7 The Power of Projective Processes in Large Groups 112
Joseph H. Berke, Arbours Crisis Centre, London

Part II The Large Group: Application to Society

8 Socially Sanctioned Violence: The Large Group as Society 125
Otto F. Kernberg, Personality Disorders Institute, New York

9 The Large Group and Political Process 150

Josef Shaked, Austrian Group Analytic Society, Vienna

10 The Large Group and the Organization 162

Joseph Triest, Tel Aviv University

11 The In-patient Large Group Meeting 175

Rolf Schmidts, German Academy of Psychoanalysis, Munich

12 The Large Group in a Virtual Environment 188

Haim Weinberg

13 The Large Group and Leadership Challenges

in a Group Analytic Training Community 201
Thor Kristian Island, Institute of Group Analysis, Oslo

Epilogue
The Larger Group as a Meeting of Mi nds:
A Philosophical Understanding 214
Patrick de Maré, Institute of Group Analysis, London, and Roberto
Schöllberger, Institute for Psychoanalysis, Zurich
THE CONTRIBUTORS 224

SUBJECT INDEX 228

NAME INDEX 237

 Foreword

As I write this in April 2003 the media are full of the war in Iraq, the
downfall of the cities, the breakdown of civil society, the fear of
continuing chaos and anarchy. Since the first large group book appeared in
1975, we have witnessed or participated in huge political and social
changes such as the fall of the Iron Curtain, the disintegration of former
Yugoslavia, the overthrow of tyrannical regimes in the Balkan countries.
Political scientists have used the insights of psychoanalysts and group
analysts to grasp more deeply the nature of these conflicts, to see how
some repair work can be done as the map of the world is ripped up and
new geographies are formed.
The Large Group Re-Visited: The Herd, Primal Horde, Crowds and Masses
refers back to Large Group, which Kreeger edited in 1975. That pioneering
book had a direct historical link to therapeutic community rehabilitation
pioneered during World War II: Bion, Foulkes, Main, Bridger and de Maré
were cited. The flow of ideas from war-time psychiatry led to reforms in
large psychiatric institutions: the dawning awareness of the exploratory
power of large groups was pioneered by British and American psychiatrists
and significant thoughtful exploration of this work appeared in Kreeger’s
Large Group. Since then, the median and large group movement has rippled
out across much of the world, principally Western Europe, the United
States and parts of the former Soviet Union. In my own contribution, I
report some traveller’s tales from the many parts of the world that I have
visited and where I have taken part in large group experiences.
During a lengthy career in psychiatry, psychoanalysis and group
analysis, I have met and worked with the great majority of contributors to
this new book. Having looked for some years for editors of a new large
group book, I was pleased and fortunate that two Israeli group analysts,

9
10 THE LARGE GROUP RE-VISITED

Haim Weinberg and Stanley Schneider, picked up the baton and ran with
it efficiently, so that this book has been completed in good time. I will
allow myself to celebrate my connection with Tom Main, with whom I
worked for more than a decade at the Cassel Hospital, Lamis Jarrar, who I
first met at the Washington School of Psychiatry and then saw at work in
the large group meeting in Jerusalem at the International Congress of
Group Psychotherapy, with Earl Hopper, whose two books appear in this
series, with the editors, whom I have met both in Israel and at international
conferences, with Gerhard Wilke, who trained with us at the Institute of
Group Analysis in London, with Robert Lipgar, with whom I have toiled
fruitfully to produce the two Bion monographs in this series, with Jo Berke
whose work at the Arbours Foundation I have known and admired for
many years.
I was privileged to be invited as a visitor and consultant to Otto
Kernberg’s hospital in White Plains, New York, where Howard Kibel was
introducing and coordinating small and large group work. I well
remember an occasion when I was chairing the final plenary session of the
International Congress of Group Psychotherapy in Copenhagen, 1980,
when a political movement broke through the container of the large group,
threatening to subvert the meeting for its own ends. I well remember
telling the plenary that I would use the authority that had been bestowed
upon me as the Chair of that meeting to bring it back to its work task, with
Otto sitting beside me and I think very much supporting my leadership.
His deeply thought-through contribution to this volume is vital to our
understanding of the phenomenon of terrorism, its ideology and the
terribly dangerous splits it causes in society. This is a theme that Earl
Hopper has also clarified for us and I empathise with and appreciate what
he writes about character-assassination and attacks on leadership. When
such situations arise, it is helpful to see them not only on the surface, but
explore them in depth.
I was glad to be able to introduce Rolf Schmidt’s work to the editors,
having accepted an invitation to a meeting in Munich extended to me by
the members of Gunther Ammon’s enterprising movement. Ammon had
brought back from his years at Menninger ideas that initiated significant
changes in German psychiatry and psychoanalytic psychotherapy. The
only contributor to this book who I have not met or sat with in a large
 FOREWORD 11

group is Joseph Triest, and I have appreciated meeting him through the
pages of this book.
Finally, I come to two people whom I feel personally enriched by
through my work with them over many years. S. H. Foulkes was my own
analyst, though he should not have to take responsibility for all that I have
done since that experience of 50 years ago. Foulkes gave us a theoretical
framework upon which our work stands, a matrix of thought and practice.
We still know too little about some aspects of Foulkes’s mentality and per-
sonality and Gerhard Wilke sheds some interesting light upon these areas.
Next, to Pat de Maré, always a man ahead of his times. Pat is a man of great
psychological, social and philosophical vision: so often what I regarded in
him as a too narrowly focused perspective has turned out to be illumi-
nating a pathway that, years later, we find ourselves following. His
thoughts and practice with median and large groups make possible this
volume. In the 1930s, de Maré was a frontrunner in thinking deeply about
social, political and psychological issues. He was enthusiastic about the
economic ideas of Major Douglas, the originator of the Social Credit
movement that had some considerable following and practical success in
Canada. Only very recently did I see in a current journal that there was a
revival of interest in the ideas of Social Credit. Group analytic theory and
some aspects of economic theory have begun to be interwoven, as exem-
plified by the European Symposium of 2002 in Bologna entitled ‘The
Economy of the Group’.
I warmly congratulate the editors for bringing together this most sig-
nificant volume.

Malcolm Pines,
Institute of Group Analysis, London
 INTRODUCTION

Background, Structure and

Dynamics of the Large Group
Haim Weinberg and Stanley Schneider

Historical background
The impetus for this book arose out of the burgeoning interest in recent
years in the large group. In the early 1970s, studying the large group
became part of the educational curriculum in some training programs in
group analysis. But it was only in 1972 that the Institute of Group Analysis
and the Group Analytic Society (London) formally included the large
group experience as an experiential part of their conferences. Many inter-
national and local group conferences (e.g. those run by the American
Group Psychotherapy Association, the International Group Psychotherapy
Association, the Eastern Group Psychotherapy Association, Israel Group
Psychotherapy Association, and others) followed suit and now include the
large group experience as part of their programs. In addition, therapeutic
communities and psychiatric facilities make use of the large group in unit
and ward meetings. A collection of papers on the large group (Kreeger
1975) and a special issue of the journal Group appeared in order to meet
the need for understanding of large group processes; however, what is still
lacking is a clear exposition and description of the theoretical, technical
and practical aspects of technique with regard to the large group. This
book attempts to fill that vacuum.
What we should be noting now is the date or period of time that large
groups have been in vogue, but we find it is very difficult to pinpoint a time

13
14 THE LARGE GROUP RE-VISITED

period when group psychotherapists began to focus on the dynamics and

theoretical underpinnings of the large group.
We could look at Le Bon’s (1952; originally published in 1896) classic
work, The Crowd, as a philosophical beginning in studying the psychology
of large numbers of people who come together – or, as Le Bon subtitled his
work: ‘A Study of the Popular Mind.’ Le Bon felt that individuals who join
a crowd subjugate their individual self, unique personality traits and moral
values in order to be part of a large amorphous whole and this releases the
‘wild’ part of one’s personality. The individual in the crowd operates on a
lower ethical and personality level, losing individuality and revealing
‘quasi-psychopathic leanings’ with weaker superego functions and with
reduced feelings of guilt and anxiety. The reason for the behavioral change
is due to the fact that the crowd gives to the individual a feeling of power
while at the same time diffusing power and responsibility – which para-
doxically transforms the individual from part of a crowd to an anonymous
individual within the crowd. The crowd has tremendous power over the
individual and has a contagious effect. We only have to look at political
and sporting events around the world in order to be able to see the effects
of a crowd.
Or possibly we should look to Bion’s (1961) book Experiences in
Groups as a starting point since this work serves as a basic guideline for
Tavistock, A. K. Rice Group Relations Conferences and the Leicester Con-
ferences; Bion led groups at Tavistock, and Rice was one of his group
members (cf. Rioch 1981). As an aside, it’s important to note that Rice
(1965) viewed the large group in leader-centered terms, and even called
his text Learning for Leadership. While this is not exactly what we have in
mind with regard to large group dynamics, we can nonetheless see how
influential large group theory can be with regard to practical applications.
The concept of the large group was applied in another direction by
Main (1946), who began to view the therapeutic institution, in this case
the psychiatric hospital, as a large therapeutic group. Main’s experience
came from the Second Northfield Experiment where a cadre of pioneering
intellectuals advanced the idea of a therapeutic community and therapeutic
milieu (Harrison 2000). However, the real pioneer in advancing the
concept of the large group to the sphere of therapeutic communities was
Maxwell Jones (1953). For the first time, psychiatry became cognizant of
 INTRODUCTION 15

the importance of social factors in treating larger numbers of patients

(Schneider 1978).
From a theoretical vantage point, Marshall Edelson (1970) was instru-
mental in applying large group theory and principles in understanding
how socio-therapy can deal with inter- and intra-group tensions. While
Edelson viewed therapeutic community meetings as task-oriented (shades
of Bion’s concepts), Foulkes (1964, 1975) utilized group analytic
principles with larger groups that were not necessarily task-oriented.
With this as a backdrop, de Maré (1972, 1985, 1989, de Maré et al.
1991) entered the fray. De Maré‚ coined the phrase ‘the larger group,’ to
refer to groups that had numbers above the usual and traditional amount.
For the first time we had a theoretical framework that distinguished
between small groups, ‘regular’ groups, median groups and large groups.
De Maré feels that ‘the capacity for change in the large group is immense’
(Whiteley and Gordon 1979, p.128). We now began to appreciate the
importance of larger groups in terms of a capacity for change, as well as for
understanding culture and society.
In 1975 Kreeger edited a volume entitled The Large Group: Dynamics
and Therapy. For the first time, a collection of papers centering around the
theme of the large group attempted to quantify and qualify the concept.
Some of the original papers (by Foulkes, Main, Turquet, de Maré, Hopper
and Weyman, and Pines) have become classics. This book appears over 25
years later, and shows how large group theory has evolved and helps
explain culture, institutions, organizations and…even individuals. We
have experts, clinicians and theoreticians from seven countries (Austria,
Germany, Israel, Italy, Norway, the United Kingdom and the United
States) who, in 14 papers, guide us through the intricate web of large
group theory and practice.

Definition of terms
We now need to define our terms. What should be the size of a group, and
what constitutes a large group? As de Maré‚ (1972) writes: ‘The problem
for the member of the small group is how to feel spontaneously…whereas
for the large group it is primarily how to think’ (p.106). Small groups
optimally have between 7 and 12 members, with some theoreticians
allowing for up to 15. Gosling (1981) even writes about very small groups
16 THE LARGE GROUP RE-VISITED

of five members. The median group, as defined by de Maré et al. (1991),

note ‘that the figure of 18–20 members appears to be the appropriate size
for…median groups’ (p.16). Others (Storck 2002) note the more accepted
standard of 15–30. In order to obviate the need for a precise categoriza-
tion, de Maré’s terms: ‘the larger group’ (1991, p.15) and ‘the
larger-sized-group approach’ (1990, p.115), counts 20 and upwards. We
generally count large group membership as anything above 30–35.
Turquet (1975) addresses himself to large groups of 40–80 (p.87).
However, large groups can include many hundreds of participants, or even
more if we include societal groups: ethnic, cultural, political, etc. (Volkan
2001).
Not only do numbers change the physical characteristics of a group,
but the dynamics and character of the group also change with the numbers
of group members. As Turquet (1975) notes: ‘…with such numbers the
group can no longer be face to face’ (p.88). This, in effect, categorizes the
dynamic understanding of the large group: such large numbers do not
allow for intimacy but rather can engender feelings of difference and
alienation. This raises a technical issue that has psychological importance:
how to plan the seating arrangements. Having only one large circle doesn’t
allow the conductor(s) to recognize those sitting at the other end of a large
room. It creates a feeling of a large cavernous body without the ability to
contain; metaphorically a womb that is unable to be fertile. What has
proved to be more efficacious (although not without drawbacks) are ‘three
to five concentric circles’ (Turquet 1975, p.88) that enable group partici-
pants to be closer to one another. However, this gives rise to a situation
where some participants are facing the backs of others and this can foster
paranoid thoughts, as well as a dizzy, convoluted feeling. Add to this the
common practice that more seasoned veterans of large group experiences
usually sit within the ‘inner’ circle and/or close to the conductor(s), and we
de facto awaken feelings of superiority and inferiority.

Purpose
What is the purpose of the large group? This can be viewed as a ‘trick’
question because large groups, as societal, educational and political
structures, exist anyhow. But we do artificially create large group settings
in order for participants to learn experientially what large group processes
 INTRODUCTION 17

actually are. In general the consensus holds that large group experiences
are not, in or of themselves, psychotherapy. A notable exception is
Springmann (1975), who discusses the large ward meeting on a psychi-
atric ward. Today, we would refer to this type of ‘psychotherapy’ more as a
large therapeutic community, and not psychotherapy proper.
We utilize the large group experience as a laboratory in which to study
large group processes, both conscious and unconscious, as a way of under-
standing their impact and influence upon social, organizational and
systemic thinking, feelings and actions. The large group is not capable of
dealing with the specific feelings and pains of the individual and can often
intensify feelings of aloneness. It cannot function as a form or type of psy-
chotherapy, although, in some participants, it may engender feelings of
containment. The large group is, however, an important tool in under-
standing social interactive processes and interrelationships within society.
As de Maré writes: ‘The large group…offers us a context and a possible
tool for exploring the interface between the polarised and split areas of
psychotherapy and sociotherapy. This is the area of the inter-group and of
the transdisciplinary…’ (1975, p.146).
Foulkes (1964) delineated multiple dimensions that operate within the
group. He wrote that we could discern four levels ‘from surface to deeper
and hidden aspects’ (p.114). The last level, ‘the primordial level’ (p.115),
corresponds to the deepest unconscious level of Freud and the collective
unconscious level of Jung. Powell (1994, p.16) wonders (‘wishful
thinking’) how Foulkes attributed primordial images to Freud. In Foulkes’
own words: ‘it is always the transpersonal network which is sensitized and
gives utterance, or responds. In this sense we can postulate the existence of
a group “mind”…’ (1964, p.118). We can see from the spiralic trans-
vergencies that arise within the large group the parallelisms that occur
within the social interactional environment known as the societal
microcosm. The large group reflects not only what is occurring in the
here-and-now, but also relates on a transferential level what is occurring in
the organization, conference, political climate, etc.
The participant in the large group learns how to be a good ‘citizen’ in
the group and/or society. As de Maré et al. note: ‘large groups are tilted
towards socio-cultural awareness. Citizenship is only adequately
observable in a larger setting…’ (1991, p.11). As a citizen one learns how
to influence others and also how impotent we all may be. The large group
18 THE LARGE GROUP RE-VISITED

participant develops connections and feelings of belonging to society –

the large whole – and not to a specific subgroup. This enables participants
to take a more active role (emotionally if not actually physically) and to
‘take in other people’s points of view’ (James 1994, p.60). This is
‘important to the development of citizenship’ (James 1994, p.60).
The large group helps in role differentiation and integration in
developing both individual and group identity. These identities can
include gender, political, religious, ethnic, etc. As these individual identity
traits emerge, they are always in the context of the large group: for
comparison, to accentuate difference, or to imitate.
The large group is an ideal venue for investigating issues of leadership
and authority. The Tavistock Conferences explore these issues within
clearly defined boundaries, which is often perceived as engendering
feelings of alienation and loneliness. In organizational consultation, the
large group is also used in order to explore conflicts and tensions within
organizational structures. As de Maré et al. (1991) write: ‘large groups
provide a setting in which we can explore our social myths (the social
unconscious) and where we can begin to bridge the gap between ourselves
and our socio-cultural environment…’ (p.10).
The large group participant is the ‘individual’ within the ‘crowd.’ This
is, generally, an uncomfortable feeling. The individual feels like a cog in a
wheel, losing part of his individuality and being pulled by regressive large
group dynamics. One feels in limbo between conscious and unconscious
dynamics, with the collective unconscious adding its weight to the
regressive phenomena. And there is a regressive pull in the area of
separation–individuation, between self and other. On the one hand there
is the need to belong and feel part of and contained, and on the other hand,
an opposing pull towards separation and individuation. It’s very hard to
maintain one’s sense of self against the onslaught of large group/crowd
dynamics.

Dynamic processes
The dynamic processes, specifically the projective processes, are different
in the large group from what we find in other, smaller group constellations.
The large group awakens feelings of anxiety much sooner than we find in
smaller groups. This is probably due to the weaker container function of
 INTRODUCTION 19

the large group, fluidity of boundaries, and the seemingly chaotic

structure which awakens regressed, primary anxiety formations of feelings
of fragmentation, disintegration and loss of reality. ‘In a Large Group the
single member feels threatened and isolated and a sense of helplessness in
the face of chaos is dominant’ (Ricciardi von Platen 1996, p.486). Group
participants try to find order and make sense of the chaos so as not to feel
lost, alone, isolated, and possibly have ‘a fear of breakdown’ (Winnicott
1974, p.87) and disappear. They feel ‘a threat of annihilation…a very real
primitive anxiety’ (Winnicott 1956, p.303) or, as Kohut described it, dis-
integration anxiety: ‘The core of disintegration anxiety is the anticipation
of the breakup of the self…’ (1977, p.104). Some large group participants
may sense the increasing anxiety and sit next to someone they know, or
within a subgroup structure which may separate according to nationality,
religion, gender, socio-economic divisions, etc. And then there is the
individual who protects the self by staying a ‘singleton’ (Turquet 1975),
the one who is alone within the crowd.
It is not easy to talk in the large group. There are some participants who
feel that if they talk even only once, they have broken the ice and achieved
something major. This risking of self may also enable them to try again.
And there are others who are silent for the entire large group experience,
because the anxiety associated with attempting to talk and then to deal
with whether what they say is accepted, or mocked, etc. is too much for
them to handle.
Another important ‘technical’ factor that has importance for the large
group experience is the ability to hear what is being said. We refer to
hearing both as sensory auditory input and auditory perception. While the
former relates more to physiology and acoustic structure, the latter
includes emotional auditory perception. We often observe in large groups
the difficulty participants have with ‘hearing’ – obviously an important
part of the large group process. Both aspects, physical and emotional, need
to be taken into account by conductors of large groups. An interesting
phenomenon that occurs in the large group experience that is spread over
several sessions, is that the group participants in the first or earlier sessions
complain that they cannot ‘hear.’ Miraculously, after this initial auditory
‘blockage,’ group members do hear and recall what they didn’t hear earlier
on. We clearly see how emotions, especially anxiety, can block even
abstract thinking processes and regress participants to a more concrete
20 THE LARGE GROUP RE-VISITED

mode of understanding (Schneider 1987). This shift from flexible feeling

and thinking to a more inflexible mode is a predictable part of the
psychodynamic process in large groups.
Feelings of alienation are most prominent in the individual who has
become part of a crowd, or large group. This is because in the large group
there is a feeling of being alone among a large mass of people, not
connected to anyone, feeling very alone and isolated. The fact that
important visual and other perceptual cues are either absent or lost in the
crowd, prevents the individual from gauging the body language of others.
The intersubjective experience is missing. For those who are used to more
fulfilling experiences in smaller group situations, the large group is an
initially jolting experience. The expectation of containment, warmth and
acceptance is experienced differently in the large group. Sometimes the
‘wandering participant’ phenomenon occurs. This is where a large-group
participant feels alone and without any grounding and moves to another
part of the large group in order to try and receive warmth and holding
from others. This wandering often brings with it a response opposite to
that expected. Often the participants who feel intruded upon react with
anger and rejection. Instead of finding acceptance, holding and empathy,
the ‘wandering participant’ feels even more isolated and alienated.
Individual identity undergoes a type of transformation. Those who are
strongly identified with their own self are able to accept the rollercoaster
effect that the large group has on their individual identity. However, there
are those who feel lost when exposed to a large group experience. These
individuals feel that their basic coping skills are deficient, and are not able
to separate their own self from the others in the large group. One feels a
regressive pull towards joining and merger and now seeks out the other in
order to form an identity. This blurring of identity and boundaries is a
distinct possibility in the large group. In order to re-assert control over
one’s own identity, there is the possibility of acting out in order to create a
strong statement of ‘here I am.’ This can be expressed verbally as the par-
ticipant blurts out something to the large group that is not in line with
what would normally be expected. However, this ‘statement’ is necessary
in order for the group participant to assert his or her identity.
At times the group participant feels the unconscious need to assert
oneself and defend ‘the flag.’ When one feels attacked and identity is
shaky, the counter-phobic reaction is to overextend and bend over
 INTRODUCTION 21

backwards in order to reinforce and strengthen one’s identity. This arises

out of a fear of losing one’s identity.
Main (1975), in a pioneering paper, discusses projective processes and
reality-testing in the large group. Main tries to explain why the participant
in the large group may often have the feeling of unreality – a type of
divorce from reality. This is not a psychotic split but rather a protective
mechanism allowing the participant to ‘float’ above what is going on so as
eventually to find a comfortable level of containment and functioning. As
Main (1975) writes: ‘In malignant projective identification…with the ego
impoverished by loss of a major part of the self, reality-testing becomes
defective’ (p.63). If one projects into another, there is something missing in
oneself – this is the feeling of unreality: ‘…many individuals because of
projective loss now become “not themselves”’ (p.69). This feeling of
unreality mixes with feelings of ‘depersonalization and personality
invasion…accompanied by bizarre object-relations…’ (Main 1975, p.64).
Due to the frustration that may arise in the large-group participant,
anger and hate may erupt in potentially uncontrollable ways. De Maré
describes this as a necessity in understanding and accepting the
importance of the ‘larger-sized-group approach’ (1990, p.115). One needs
to have ‘an appreciation of the significant relationship of hate as the
driving power of mind and mental energy’ (de Maré 2002, p.205). We see
polarization of feelings and affects in the large group: splitting, extremism,
prejudice and stereotypical thoughts, feelings and behaviors in the large
group. A knowledge and awareness of projective processes can help the
conductor(s) be better able to understand the group process and judi-
ciously know when, and when not, to intervene.

Outline of the book

We have divided the book into two main sections: ‘The Large Group:
Theory and Technique,’ which contains seven chapters and ‘The Large
Group: Application to Society,’ which contains six chapters. The book
ends with an Epilogue.
The first section of our book opens with an interesting contribution
from Lamis Jarrar (USA). Jarrar, who leads workshops in the Tavistock and
A. K. Rice traditions, writes from the perspective of a consultant, clinician
and trainer who is attempting to analyze the large group unconscious.
22 THE LARGE GROUP RE-VISITED

Equally adept at object relations and Kleinian theory, Jarrar looks at how
polarizations need to, and can, be bridged in order to reach the ‘other,’
while taking into account the consultant’s biases and prejudices. Large
group participants and the conductor’s identities interact with each other,
as the large group venue enables transforming and transformative
dialogues to take place.
Malcolm Pines (UK) gives a comprehensive description of the history
of the large group and its various appearances in different cultures, starting
with Trigant Burrow’s pioneering yet forgotten research in America in the
second decade of the twentieth century. Pines’ rich experience with groups
around the world allows him to recount the story of the large group in
countries such as France, Argentina and South Africa. Pines has been a
pioneer in the study of group process in general and large group process in
particular, especially in the context of transcultural understanding.
Earl Hopper (UK) outlines several propositions about aggression in the
large group, leaning on his fourth basic assumption of ‘Incohesion: Aggre-
gation/Massification.’ He starts with the intriguing idea that not all social
systems are groups, specifies the targets, functions and forms of aggressive
feelings in the large group, and explains assassination, character assassina-
tion and scapegoating in the light of the fourth basic assumption. A true
trailblazer in the theoretical and philosophical understanding of group
process, in developing the fourth basic assumption Hopper took great
courage and put himself on the firing line against many old-time
hardliners who were resistant to new understandings and interpretations.
This chapter also includes some of his ideas about leaders and their vulner-
abilities.
In recent years we have witnessed a proliferation of studies on the
dynamic unconscious and intersubjectivity operating in all psycho-
therapeutic encounters. In the large group the potential for strong
underlying unconscious processes is greater than in any other therapeutic
context. Stanley Schneider (Israel) looks at the mystical and spiritual
dimensions of the large group experience. His chapter also looks at
Kabbalistic and Buddhistic understandings of mystical awareness and
unconscious communication.
Chaos and order are themes that predominate in the large group
experience. In attempting to inject some order into understanding the
large group, Gerhard Wilke (UK) points out that although group analysts,
 INTRODUCTION 23

following Foulkes, understood how the group matrix could have a

healing power, widening and deepening the communication among its
members, they failed to transfer this optimistic attitude from the small into
the large group setting. He analyzes three generations of group therapists,
starting from Bion and Foulkes, and concludes that we now have the
chance to integrate the work of the ‘grandparents’ and the ‘parents’ into
preventative and curative models in large group work.
No study on large group processes could be complete without a theo-
retical understanding of Bion’s contributions, and Robert Lipgar (USA),
who has recently produced two books on Bion and group process, does
justice to the task. Lipgar, building on Bion, describes his own experience
with starting a large group in the Manteno Mental Health Hospital in
Illinois, USA, in the early 1960s. It is interesting to follow the difficulties
he encountered in starting a large group experience on the psychiatric
ward. His persistence and consistency, in true Bionic tradition, were the
main reasons why this adventure had positive outcomes. Lipgar
summarizes aspects of Bion’s thinking that influenced his work and
concludes that ‘large group meetings work best when leadership is able to
bring to the meeting a clear understanding of the distinctive purpose of the
gathering.’
Projective processes are the ‘bread-and-butter’ of large groups. Joseph
Berke (UK) has worked with Maxwell Jones and R. D. Laing and has
learned through these associations how malignant projective processes
can be crucial in developing therapeutic community programs. Berke, one
of the founders of the Arbours programs in London, a pioneer program in
the containment and treatment of persons in emotional distress, describes
the power of projective processes in the large group. Berke’s mixture of
clinical, theoretical and anecdotal material makes for an interesting read
from a gifted theoretician and clinician.
Otto Kernberg (USA) opens our second section of the book with a
comprehensive paper on socially sanctioned violence from a
psychodynamic viewpoint. Today we note a major increase in violence and
terror, and Kernberg feels that society sanctions the use of violence. His
paper reviews psychodynamic group psychology, ideological beliefs in
violence and terror, and the effects of the mass media, and ends with an
investigation into fundamentalism with its narcissistic and paranoid parts.
Ending on an optimistic note, Kernberg writes: ‘In so far as psychological
24 THE LARGE GROUP RE-VISITED

factors, however, influence conflicts and violence both at individual,

group, and national levels, and provide understanding for the structural
analyses of ideological systems as well as leadership, hopefully, they will
become part of our social armamentarium to reduce, if not eliminate, the
terrible problem of violence in our human reality.’
The jump from society-as-a-whole to political process is a short one.
Josef Shaked (Austria) muses about the way the large group reflects
political processes. He brings examples from large groups in Austria, the
Ukraine and Israel, describing how political events and processes such as
the end of the Cold War, German – Jewish memories of the Holocaust, and
the Israeli–Arab conflict impact upon what is going on in the large group
and are reflected in it. The large group becomes a remarkable transcultural
meeting, where confrontation with the stranger offers an understanding of
the stranger within us.
Joseph Triest’s (Israel) chapter returns us to the old debate between Le
Bon and McDougall about the differentiation between the mob and the
organization. His original conclusion is that ‘an organization traps the
“group spirit,” like a genie in a bottle, and by so doing in fact preserves an
eternal tension.’ The meaning here is that the dialogue between order and
chaos continues even when the large group is apparently tamed into being
part of the organizational setting. Nonetheless, ‘the large group will
always threaten the setting imposed upon it by the organization.’ Triest’s
training as both psychoanalyst and organizational consultant pairs the the-
oretical and clinical in an interesting and unique way.
Many of the original early experiences with large groups took place in
institutional settings. Rolf Schmidts (Germany) describes in detail
in-patient large group meetings at the Clinic Menterschwaige in Munich,
Germany. He addresses technical questions such as the large group’s venue
and seating arrangements, the director’s tasks, subgrouping and absences
of staff members. His chapter clarifies how an in-patient large group
develops a therapeutic culture. A fascinating treatment of a complex
subject.
Haim Weinberg (Israel) introduces us to the new, innovative world of
the large group in cyberspace. He compares the large group attributes in
face-to-face settings to those in the virtual environment. It is surprising to
find many similar features in both environments. Expressions of alienation,
aggression, being lost in the crowd and losing one’s voice appear also on
 INTRODUCTION 25

the Internet. What is quite different is the strong tendency for idealization
of the group leader on the Internet. Weinberg coins a new term, ‘the
Internet unconscious’ which is related to the social unconscious.
Thor Kristian Island (Norway) focuses on a different setting in
describing the large group experience in a group analytic training program
in Norway. This context of the large group is seldom written about. One of
its important aspects is the integrating function as the training community
‘city square.’ This unique setting implies that the large group is led by a
team of conductors, and raises questions about collective leadership. It
seems that group-analytic candidates attribute much of their personal and
professional development to the large group, and this paper offers us some
insight as to why it is so important in the training program.
Our book ends with an epilogue written by Pat de Maré (UK) and
Roberto Schöllberger (Italy). In this final chapter de Maré and
Schöllberger muse philosophically about the Larger Group as a meeting of
minds – a fitting conclusion by one of the more original thinkers in group
analysis and the median group, Pat de Maré.

References
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Dynamics and Therapy. London: Constable.
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de Maré, P. (1989) The History of Large Group Phenomena. New York: Brunner/Mazel.
de Maré, P. (1990) ‘The development of the median group.’ Group Analysis 23, 113–127.
de Maré, P. (2002) ‘The millennium and the median group.’ Group Analysis 35, 195–208.
de Maré, P., Piper, R. and Thompson, S. (1991) Koinonia: From Hate, through Dialogue, to
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the Universe? London: Karnac Books, 1983.
Harrison, T. (2000) Bion, Rickman, Foulkes and the Northfield Experiments. London: Jessica
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James, D.C. (1994) ‘“Holding” and “containing” in the group and society.’ In D. Brown
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Whiteley, J. S. and Gordon, J. (1979) Group Approaches in Psychiatry. London: Routledge
and Kegan Paul.
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Psycho-Analysis. London: Hogarth Press, 1982.
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 Part I

The Large Group

Theory and Technique
 CHAPTER 1

A Consultant’s Journey
into the Large Group Unconscious
Principles and Techniques
Lamis K. Jarrar

The other within

‘The unconscious is the discourse of the other,’ Lacan tells us (1977,
p.439). His voice is one of many within the relational and intersubjective
perspectives, in which the other is accorded a prominent and central
position. Unlike traditional psychoanalytic thinking and its emphasis on
individual wholeness, separateness and integrity, in these postmodern per-
spectives the boundaries between the self and other are quite fluid and
permeable, if not messy, and there is ‘no neat line between the two –
because otherness inhabit and constitute the individual’ (Sampson 1993a,
p.52). Similarly, Verhaeghe explains the meaning of Lacan’s position as
‘Identity is always outside with the Other or, more precisely, in the
particular relation to this Other’ (1997, p.99).
I would like to demonstrate my subjective understanding of this theo-
retical position by sharing my reactions and fantasies about writing this
piece; after all, writing can be construed as participation in a large group
experience with members in the mind. I recall very vividly my passionate
internal response to the two male Israeli editors, Professor Schneider and
Dr Weinberg, who dared to ask me to contribute a chapter to this book. I
was furious with both of them because I was convinced that they were

29
30 THE LARGE GROUP RE-VISITED

going through the motions, and could not possibly be genuine and sincere
about their request. Furthermore, since the whole world knows about my
writing inhibitions, they expected me to say no, and then would feel
morally superior for having considered a Palestinian woman for such a
task. I was almost certain that Malcolm Pines was the mastermind behind
this request and that they were unable to refuse him. After the dust settled,
I realized that I had had a similar set of reactions to writing an article for
the Washington School of Psychiatry newsletter about co-leading the
large group in Jerusalem 2000. In that article, I wrote: ‘My initial response
was a mixture of excitement and trepidation, hopeful irony and suspicion,
caution and courage. Many questions, however, came to mind, among
them: what was the underlying motivation behind pairing a Palestinian
Israeli American woman with a Jewish American man? Was this choice
indicative of a superficial and politically correct showcasing of triumphant
diversity or was it a genuine and authentic attempt for collaborative and
equal partnership? What are the inter-/intra-organizational political
dynamics surrounding such a decision? Am I going to be truly authorized,
or am I going to be used as a token so the school will look good? And most
important, would it be at all possible for me to follow Bion’s golden rule of
entering every group without memory or desire while working in
Jerusalem at this particular time with its intense symbolic representations
in the minds of many?’ (Jarrar 2001, p.1)

Voice and visibility

How are these thoughts relevant to our subject matter? Is there wisdom in
disclosing such intimate details? What are the possible dangers of doing
so? Apparently there is a parallel between my experience and that of group
members and consultants as they consider self-revelation or hiding in
silence in the group. Members and consultants alike do indeed struggle
with what and how much to say to whom, and when. If they reveal too
much, they may risk exposure, humiliation and shame. If they remain
withdrawn and silent, they may risk becoming isolated, marginalized,
paralyzed and uninvolved. Ultimately, to what extent is one capable of
intimate engagement and connection with others in a rather public setting
and why is that so troublesome to us in our times? The Greek conscious-
ness of self, Bakhtin (1981) informs us, was not bound with artificial
 A CONSULTANT’S JOURNEY INTO THE LARGE GROUP UNCONSCIOUS 31

dichotomies of private and public, internal and external; that is, ‘There is
no mute or invisible core to the individual himself; he is entirely visible
and audible…a mute internal life, a mute grief, mute thought, were
completely foreign to the Greek’ (p.134). Bakhtin concludes that essen-
tially a ‘conversation with one’s own self turns directly into a conversation
with someone else, without a hint of any necessary boundaries between
the two’ (p.134). To some extent, the proliferations of TV and radio talk
shows in America and other parts of the world may be indicative of our
wish to bridge the gap between our private and public worlds.
How these conflicts between self-revelation and silence are resolved by
the membership has direct bearing on the pace and rhythms of the group.
Undoubtedly, the attitude and comfort level of the consultants with
self-disclosure affects the depth and breadth of members’ experience. If
the consultant does not model being an ‘Individual Member,’ using
Turquet’s (1975) term, it is unlikely that members will self-actualize and
realize their own specific subjectivity as they also acknowledge their
intersubjective experience. Therefore, my self-revealing is used to illustrate
not only the prominence of the Kleinian schizoid-paranoid position when
genuine dialogue is absent, but also the centrality of identity politics and
the importance of its exploration in the large group. My desire as a large
group consultant is to help members to become aware of their internal
dialogues with the imagined other and transform them into an external
and authentic dialogue with the real other. I strongly believe that it is
through rigorous and painstaking engagement that the possibility of
knowing, understanding and recognizing the specificity, particularity and
uniqueness of both the self and the other emerges. This is, in my view, the
essence of large group work. The large group provides members with
opportunities to explore and learn about the difficulties we all have, as
subjects, in recognizing other subjects as ‘equivalent centers of experience’
and enabling a move towards enhancing capacities for mutual recognition
in the group. The daunting task of the consultant is to create a culture such
that ‘Where objects were, subjects must be’ (Benjamin 1999, p.184).
32 THE LARGE GROUP RE-VISITED

Identity and diversity

Examination of one’s group identities in relation to others’ group identities
is anxiety-provoking and threatening, particularly in a large group setting
which is a close approximation to the world we live in. I believe that the
consultant’s willingness and capacity to enter the large group experience
aware of different aspects of the self, making them available for use in
service of the task, furthers the development of dialogue. Understanding
the psychological impact of nationality, gender, race, culture, religion,
history, biases, allegiances, ideology, political positions, on the way she
assumes her role is essential. Flexibility, elasticity and transparency
influence our reading of the group and our capacity to work with the
tension, uncertainty, dialectic and contradictions. It is also important to
register the theories she uses to inform her work, as well as our idiosyn-
cratic ways of internalizing, modifying and transforming such influences.
Our suspicion, ambivalence and reluctance to show our vulnerable,
unstable and shifting identities is quite understandable, knowing that
primitive group defenses are used to manage anxieties and inadequacies.
Such mechanisms of denial, avoidance, splitting, projective and
introjective identifications abound. The evil, ugly, oppressive, weak,
powerless characterize the Not Me Group or the other, while the good,
healthy, beautiful, powerful, sane describe the Me Group. Clearly, locating
and purging the repugnant and unacceptable parts of the group self into
and onto the other has been very costly; the license we have used to justify
and legitimize the many dreadful atrocities we commit. It is not surprising
that de Maré (1975, 1991) views the function of the large group as an
effort at humanizing society.
Morrison (1992) captures the very essence of how one group, in this
case white Americans, has used another, African Americans, as a container
for all the disavowed parts of the group self. She refers to this process as
‘Africanism.’ She writes, ‘Africanism is the vehicle by which the American
self knows itself as not enslaved, but free; not repulsive, but desirable; not
helpless, but licensed and powerful; not history-less, but historical; not
damned, but innocent; not a blind accident of evolution, but a progressive
fulfillment of destiny’ (p.52). Similar dynamics are present between men
and women; Palestinians and Israelis; colonized and colonizers; heterosex-
uals and homosexuals – and the list goes on.
 A CONSULTANT’S JOURNEY INTO THE LARGE GROUP UNCONSCIOUS 33

Another problem that we may encounter in naming and working

diversity and identity dynamics is the question of voice and visibility of
oppressed minority subgroups and their individual members, and their
relation to the mainstream dominant group. What voices are permitted/
excluded, and on behalf of which group? Can minority members express
their subjective life experiences without the dominant group silencing
their presence? O’Leary argues that ‘The highest moral value of
postmodernism lies in its quest to give expression to the disempowered’
(2001, p.479). However, Sampson cautions us about the limitation of
accommodating such voices since they do not bring fundamental and
transformative changes in the existing arrangements of power. He states:
‘…Merely to have a speaking part is still not to have one’s own group’s
interests, point of view, or specificity represented in a genuine dialogue. If,
in order to be heard, I must speak in ways that you have proposed, then I
can be heard only if I speak like you, not like me. Rather than being an
equal contributor, I remain enclosed in a discursive game that ensures your
continuing advantage…this condition does not reflect mere chance but
rather reflects the operation of the power of those in charge to dictate the
terms by which psychological and social reality will be encountered’
(1993b, p.1220).
These are precisely the challenges we have to deal with in the large
group. Holding and containing all voices, central and marginal alike, is an
art. However, sustainable development of an authentic dialogue may be
impeded by subtle and insidious attempts at denigrating and negating the
‘different inferior other.’ As has been indicated by Skolnick, ‘While group
membership is essential to a viable self, group processes continually
present threats to the experience of a stable positive identity’ (2000,
p.135). I take Turquet’s (1975) views one step further by suggesting that
threats to group identity as well as individual identity are at stake in the
large group. I enter the group with multiple group identities, in which I am
simultaneously female, American, Israeli, Palestinian, Arab, Muslim, psy-
chologist, consultant, victim, victimizer, etc., with some aspects of my
identity in the foreground and others in the background. I must be aware
and reflective of my internal space in which the different parts co-exist side
by side or on top of each other, available to be pulled or pushed by group
pressures. This is also true for the members, who bring in their multiple
selves with all their inherent complexity. The different parts of the group
34 THE LARGE GROUP RE-VISITED

self are not necessarily in a harmonious relationship with each other and at
times conflicts and tensions may be present. One dimension or another
may take center stage in our relatedness to others and will ‘hijack’ all other
aspects of the self. Maalouf, an eminent Lebanese-French novelist, posits
that there is always some sort of hierarchy among the elements that consti-
tutes individual identities, yet that hierarchy is not immutable, and it
changes with time. He also stresses that identity is made up of a number of
allegiances and affiliations. He argues that the allegiance under attack
invades the person’s whole identity and eclipses all other aspects of the
self. He says: ‘but whether he accepts or conceals it, proclaims it discretely
or flaunts it, it is with that allegiance that the person concerned
identifies…other people who share the same allegiance sympathise; they
all gather together, join forces, encourage one another, challenge the
other side. For them, asserting their identity inevitably becomes an act of
courage, of liberation’ (2000, p.26). These are the struggles of individuals
and identity subgroups as they face the desirable and undesirable elements
of themselves and each other. How do they order these elements? What
aspects of identity and which subgroups assume prominent positions, and
why, become fertile ground for generating hypotheses about what is
happening in the group and in society.
It is noteworthy that privileging identity politics in large group
discourse might be surprising, unfamiliar and, to some, simply irrelevant,
particularly to members representing dominant and mainstream
subgroups, i.e. white American heterosexual males. Yet, those who have
suffered from marginalization, oppression, disenfranchisement, and
exploitation, the voiceless ones, tend to be hyper-aware and at one with
those very dimensions of their identity as primary constituents of the self
and their impact on every aspect of their being. Consequently and
ironically, different members of the latter group can emerge as visible
leaders and exert noticeable influence as their voices become distinct, loud
and clear. However, a significant difficulty is that members of oppressed
groups may feel the pressure and burden of representation. Therefore, it is
important to investigate group differences and sanction and affirm differ-
entiation from one’s own subgroup. While this experience might be
enriching and a cause for celebration to some, for many others it can be
disorienting at best and terrifying at worst. In fact, the large group
becomes the arena for each subgroup to highlight, work through and
 A CONSULTANT’S JOURNEY INTO THE LARGE GROUP UNCONSCIOUS 35

repair transgenerational traumas suffered by its members, such as slavery,

holocaust, colonization, immigration, etc. Competition for who has been
most oppressed is a central part of the dialogue. In fact, it tends to be
delivered in the form of monologues, particularly in the beginning stages
of the group. The main challenge then is to transform monologues into
dialogical encounters.

Developing dialogue
The use of the concept ‘dialogue’ in contrast to ‘study’ in describing the
task of the large group demonstrates a significant shift in conceptualizing
the primary purpose of the large group. While the focus is still on experien-
tial learning, there is an explicit message suggesting the importance of
engaging across various boundaries as a desirable way to learn and
understand the self and its relation to the other. Clearly, in order to have a
conversation that can possibly lead to mutual understanding, we assume
the presence of ‘at least “different other”’ who is equally interested in
talking and listening and possibly learning about differences. Sampson
affirms that what is most essential about human nature is its ‘dialogic
quality.’ He states that ‘people’s lives are characterized by the ongoing con-
versations and dialogues they carry out in the course of their everyday
activities, and therefore the most important thing about people is not what
is contained within them, but what transpires between them’ (1993a,
p.20). It is safe to assume that he favors the interpersonal, intersubjective
and relational perspective with its emphasis on conversation, and rejects
what he terms the ‘self-celebratory monologic’ (p.4) view that dominates
Western theories about human nature. The prevalence of inter-group
conflict, both nationally and internationally, has contributed to the
emergence of dialogue as the buzzword of the 90s. The message suggests
the importance of active engagement across various boundaries as a
desirable vehicle for learning and understanding more about the self in
relation to the other. Without doubt, learning through dialogue is most
difficult. It entails making ourselves available to genuine and authentic
dialogue with each other in the here and now, rather than the there and
then. To do so, members are asked to look at themselves and their relation-
ships to other fellow members, up close and personal. It is the primary
responsibility of the consulting team, therefore, to provide a safe and good
36 THE LARGE GROUP RE-VISITED

enough container within which members are free to explore, play, and
learn about the world within, the world outside and the world between
the self and the other as it emerges in the group.
Through our dialogical encounters, we may discover our own subjec-
tivity and the subjectivities of those whom we objectify and denigrate by
our biases, prejudices and projections. The value and universal usefulness
of this method of learning is endorsed by modern philosophers of
education, such as Paulo Freire. In his seminal book, Pedagogy of the
Oppressed, he asserts ‘every human being…is capable of looking critically
at the world in dialogical encounters with others’ (1970, p.14). He also
states, ‘man’s ontological vocation…is to be a Subject who acts upon and
transforms the world, and in so doing moves towards ever new possibilities
of fuller and richer life individually and collectively’ (pp.12–13). Freire
understood the value and power of speech. As we engage in a conversation,
‘the word takes on new power. It is no longer an abstraction or magic but a
means by which man discovers himself and his potential as he gives names
to things around him…each man wins back his right to say his own word, to
name the world’ (p.13).
The task of the consulting team is to create and foster an atmosphere
that facilitates and encourages sustainable and active development of
dialogue between and among individuals and subgroups. Widening the
circle of particpation and inclusion of diverse voices is a desirable and
worthy goal. The emphasis is on dialogical encounters, in which partici-
pants discover their own unique subjectivities and in turn discover that of
the ‘others’.

Large groups in context

In the Group Relations tradition, a brochure describes the task of each
event offered, including the large group. The large group task is generally
defined as the study of its own behavior in the here and now in a setting
where group size reduces the opportunities for face-to-face interaction.
Rioch (1970) explained that the large group provides members with pos-
sibilities to experience and deal with ‘situations in which sides are taken
spontaneously, existing subgroups adhere and split, other factions are
formed for apparently rational reasons, and the individual can suddenly
feel bereft of support’ (p.348).
 A CONSULTANT’S JOURNEY INTO THE LARGE GROUP UNCONSCIOUS 37

More recently, trainees receive a brief description of the task of the

large group, which reads as follows: ‘The large group is composed of all
conference members. Its stated task is to develop a dialogue that illumi-
nates group process as it happens and to identify covert barriers to commu-
nication. Its aim is to increase understanding of the impact of societal and
subgroup dynamics, such as race, gender, age, sexual orientation, class,
professional discipline and status on the process of the small and large
study groups and the conference as a whole. The large group provides an
opportunity to give voice to the kind of contextual forces that most often
exert a strong but silent influence on our psychotherapy groups’.
In conferences that feature the large group as part of the program, it is
important to adapt the task of the large group to the theme of the
conference as a whole. By so doing, the contextual framework and the
theme of the conference are highlighted as an immediate experience,
which influences the shared narrative the membership and consulting
team co-create. I believe that this method gives participants a chance to
relate more closely to the theoretical material presented so they may
become more vital and connected with themselves and each other.
For example, I began the first large group session at a conference
entitled ‘Women’s Power – Women’s Passion: from Accommodation to
Agency’ by reading the primary task of the large group, followed by a few
suggestive remarks about the nature of participation in large groups. I
explained that this experience might be unfamiliar to many, and in general
it is quite a challenge for each individual member to find their own unique
voice and still be in contact with another member and the group as a
whole. I asked that the members be available and in tune with what they
were experiencing from moment to moment, both internally and in
relation to others, and find a way to speak to it, regardless of the imperfec-
tion of the formulation. Participants were also invited to incorporate the
theme of the conference and notice where they positioned themselves in
relation to it. I believe that this gentle introduction of the task to the
members had a significant impact on group development and set the stage
for broader and deeper levels of relatedness and interaction among partici-
pants. The task was stated as follows: ‘Under-representation of women in
positions of power and authority is quite evident throughout our local,
national and international organizations. This experiential workshop will
engage participants in an authentic dialogue with each other in a large
38 THE LARGE GROUP RE-VISITED

group. It will focus on the unique challenges and dilemmas women

encounter in claiming their power and authority, the fantasies, myths and
unconscious fears about women’s power and influence, and the internal
and external barriers to assuming visible leadership roles in our organiza-
tions and communities. We will also highlight the hidden and contextual
forces underlying women’s inhibitions in exercising authority, including
real and imagined threats.’
The question arises as to why I am dwelling on the detailed description
of the task and setting in which the large group takes place. The short
answer is, because the task might be viewed as a condensation of the theo-
retical and practical principles involved in conducting large groups. It also
reflects my biases, assumptions, and desires as I take up this particular role.
Furthermore, I am attempting to highlight the shifts that occur in
conducting such groups. I will say a few words about these developments.
First, context is a key element in understanding what goes on in the group.
I acknowledge the importance of socio-political and cultural forces in
shaping my subjective experience and its interaction with the subjectivities
of other members, and how it guides and informs my understanding and
interpretation of group dynamics (see de Maré 1975; Foulkes 1975). I
have embraced the intersubjective theory outlined by Stolorow,
Brandshaft and Atwood (1987) and more recently by Orange, Atwood
and Stolorow (1997). This perspective and its emphasis on working con-
textually is particularly relevant to the large group, where the contextual
forces are inherently under microscopic examination. Interpretations are
geared towards linking the material emerging in the group with what
might be going on in society, at both micro and macro levels. Focusing on
socio-political and cultural context can be jarring to those who tend to
look solely at intra- and inter-psychic processes. However, this approach is
in keeping with the statement by Orange et al.: ‘Thinking contextually
means ongoing sensitivity and relentless attention to a multiplicity of
contexts – developmental, relational, gender-related, cultural and so on’
(1997, p.476). This contextual field is composed of our multiplicity of
selves, history, personality, and the imprints of the various theories we have
internalized over the years. Now more than ever before we recognize the
importance of deliberate and intentional exploration of the different
dimensions of our group identities. Those aspects of the social self that
stem from our belonging to various groupings take a prominent position in
 A CONSULTANT’S JOURNEY INTO THE LARGE GROUP UNCONSCIOUS 39

the analysis of the unconscious group processes (Skolnick and Green

1993; Reed and Noumair 2000). The consultant must help participants
explore and understand:
1. unconscious and irrational forces underlying their fears of
difference
2. assumptions, myths and prejudices about difference that invoke
divisiveness, marginality and alienation
3. conscious and unconscious uses and misuses of difference that
may lead to destruction and annihilation of the other
4. how, when and why they are internally or externally pressed to
claim only a single aspect of their multiple identities while
relegating the remaining parts of the self to the background?
5. what are some of the processes involved in defining and
redefining who we are, our perception of ourselves and others’
perception of us?
The location and /or dislocation of the self in the group and the group in
the self becomes the fabric and texture of large group experience. Ettin’s
succinct assertion regarding the ‘inherent relationship between “persons in
group” and “groups in persons,” that is, the intersect of personal and
collective identity’ becomes the thematic focus of large group sessions
(2000, p.239). Similarly, Pines points to the organic linkage between the
self and the group and what may appear as an illusory boundary between
the two. He affirms group analysis views regarding the ‘essential element
of “group” in the constitution of the individual…the individual is
conceived of as being born into and constituted out of a network of other
persons, who gain a sense of personal identity from the possibilities
offered by the nature of their network: the horizontal or lateral dimension
of social organizations, therefore – notions of culture, politics, religion,
economical and historical circumstances – have to be considered as con-
stituents of the individual self ’ (1998, p.24).
40 THE LARGE GROUP RE-VISITED

The role of the consultant

Interventions and interpretations of large group process are informed and
colored not only by the multiple group identities, but also the multiple
conscious and unconscious roles held by consultants. Discourse is shaped
and determined largely by the consultant as a combination of consultant,
facilitator, manager, therapist, comedian, sociopolitical commentator,
alternating between participant-observer and participant-leader. I would
like to emphasize that the boundaries between these roles are artificial at
best. Moreover, because of the complex nature of the large group we must
draw upon every conceivable resource at our disposal to formulate
hypotheses, hoping that they will resonate with members’ experiences and
will advance the work of the group. Making rigid distinctions between
person and role and acting on it destroys the endeavor. Holding on to a tra-
ditional analytic stance characterized by anonymity, neutrality and
objective distance is not useful or relevant to our purposes, depriving
ourselves and the members of the richness of our internal dialogue.
However, it is crucial to maintain a delicate balance between making
oneself available as an object to be used as a repository for members’ pro-
jections, and emerging as a potentially known and knowable subject. This
implies seeing the consultant as more than just essentially holding and
containing the group (Blackwell 2000), but as an active participant in
guiding, shaping and influencing its developing dialogue.
Wright discusses the use and misuse of the self in the group from a
relational perspective. He explains Hoffman’s dialectic relation in therapy
between a ‘personal-egalitarian aspect which allows for spontaneity,
creativity, freedom and self expression and a role-defined hierarchical
aspect which requires ritual, constraint, role determined behavior and
adherence to institutionalized givens’ (2000, p.192). I believe that our
capacity to hold the tension between these two dimensions and intervene
from the ‘in-between-space’ is what is most challenging.
I would like to clarify my position on participatory leadership in this
context. As a leader of such an enterprise, I wish to influence the flow of
communication and the direction and movement of the group. My vision
is, that at a minimal level we move from hatred to impersonal fellowship
(de Maré 1991) and at a maximal and more ambitious level there be
moments of grace and transcendence (Lawrence 1993). In order to
accomplish these goals, the consultant must assist in taming and managing
 A CONSULTANT’S JOURNEY INTO THE LARGE GROUP UNCONSCIOUS 41

the passionate and regressive pulls of the group. Movement from the
paranoid-schizoid position to the depressive position requires noting,
naming, working through and deconstructing pronounced dichotomies.
The consultant must be hyper-vigilant yet empathic to group members’
tendencies to avoid and resist dealing with taboo subjects. However,
naming the unspeakable is an act of courage that is necessary for the group
to develop. Deconstruction of polarizations by dialogue may lead to
members becoming both known and knowable entities, rather than
alienated and isolated, caricature representatives of their subgroups. The
consultant’s interpretation of projective and introjective identification is
central in helping members understand their functioning in the group. She
must first tolerate and track what group members do with their destructive
impulses such as aggression, hatred, greed and envy, then help them to
restore and recover the split-off pieces by reconstructing an integrative
and meaningful narrative. To get to these points members and consultants
must move from the paranoid-schizoid position to the depressive position;
from envy and hatred to gratitude; from monologic to dialogic
engagement; and from negation to mutual recognition of both self and
other as subjects. As this is established, members may move from dealing
with visible and not so visible dynamics of power, control and dominance,
to revealing their vulnerabilities and their life stories. By so doing, the pos-
sibilities for intimate connections increase and the large group starts to
look more like the small group with its hallmark of familiarity, cohesion
and intimacy (Agazarian and Carter 1993; Segalla 1996).
Transforming and transformative dialogues in the large group may
become the most promising avenue for changing the geography of group
relations.

Acknowledgement
I wish to express my deep gratitude and appreciation to Dr Rosemary
Segalla for her thoughtful editorial remarks.
42 THE LARGE GROUP RE-VISITED

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