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 DISCOVERING U.S. HISTORY

Modern America

1964–Present

Dush12_Modern-FNL.indd 1 3/11/10 10:20:00 AM

 DISCOVERING U.S. HISTORY

The New World: Prehistory–1542

Colonial America: 1543–1763
Revolutionary America: 1764–1789
Early National America: 1790–1850
The Civil War Era: 1851–1865
The New South and the Old West: 1866–1890
The Gilded Age and Progressivism: 1891–1913
World War I and the Roaring Twenties: 1914–1928
The Great Depression: 1929–1938
World War II: 1939–1945
The Cold War and Postwar America: 1946–1963
Modern America: 1964–Present

Dush12_Modern.indd 2 22/2/10 12:35:32

 DISCOVERING U.S. HISTORY

Modern America
1964–Present

Tim McNeese

Consulting Editor: Richard Jensen, Ph.D.

Dush12_Modern-FNL.indd 3 3/11/10 10:20:01 AM

 MODERN AMERICA: 1964–Present

Copyright © 2010 by Infobase Publishing

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or utilized in

any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying,
recording, or by any information storage or retrieval systems, without
permission in writing from the publisher. For information contact:

Chelsea House
An imprint of Infobase Publishing
132 West 31st Street
New York NY 10001

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

McNeese, Tim.
Modern America : 1964-present / by Tim McNeese.
p. cm. -- (Discovering U.S. History)
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-60413-361-5 (hardcover : alk. paper) ISBN 978-1-4381-3441-3 (e-book)
1. UnitedStates—Politics and government—1945–1989—Juvenile literature. 2. United States—
Politics and government—1989—Juvenile literature. 3. Presidents—United States—History—
20th century—Juvenile literature.4. Presidents—United States—History—21st century--Juvenile
literature. I. Title. II. Series.

E839.5.M359 2009
973.92--dc22
2009048576

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bulk quantities for businesses, associations, institutions, or sales promotions.
Please call our Special Sales Department in New York at (212) 967-8800
or (800) 322-8755.

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The Discovering U.S. History series was produced for Chelsea House by
Bender Richardson White, Uxbridge, UK

Editors: Lionel Bender and Susan Malyan

Designer and Picture Researcher: Ben White
Production: Kim Richardson
Maps and graphics: Stefan Chabluk
Cover design: Alicia Post

Cover printed by Bang Printing, Brainerd, MN

Book printed and bound by Bang Printing, Brainerd, MN
Date printed: April 2010
Printed in the United States of America

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

All links and web addresses were checked and verified to be correct at the time of publication. Because of
the dynamic nature of the web, some addresses and links may have changed since publication and may no
longer be valid.

Dush12_Modern-FNL.indd 4 4/22/10 1:58:03 PM

 Contents
Introduction: Creating a New Society 7
Map: Population Density Today 12
1 LBJ’s America 15
2 The Nixon Years 29
3 The Fall of Richard Nixon 42
4 Ford and Carter 55
5 The Reagan Revolution 68
6 Bush: The Last Cold Warrior 80
7 The Clinton White House 95
8 Bush and Obama 107
Chronology and Timeline 122
Glossary 129
Bibliography 134
Further Resources 136
Picture Credits 139
Index 140
About the Author and Consultant 144

Dush12_Modern.indd 5 22/2/10 12:35:33

Dush12_Modern.indd 6 22/2/10 12:35:33
 Introduction
Creating a
New Society

H e would not be the first U.S. president to deliver a

speech in the shadow of Berlin’s Brandenburg Gate, but
he wanted his words to ring with intent and purpose. The
year was 1987. Ronald Reagan would be speaking within
sight of one the most politically potent symbols of the Com-
munist world—the Berlin Wall. He wanted to use the Wall to
make a case against the Soviet Union, which he had referred
to as an “evil empire.”
At 76 years of age, President Reagan was old enough to
have heard adults in 1917 discussing how revolutionaries
had overthrown the last of the Russian czars, Nicholas II.
Throughout Reagan’s entire lifetime, Communism had not
only dominated Russia and the Soviet states, but its adher-
ents had worked to spread its influence around the world,
including to Berlin at the very heart of Europe. One theme
had run consistently through Ronald Reagan’s life—his bit-
ter hatred of Communism.

Dush12_Modern.indd 7 22/2/10 12:35:35

  Modern America

A DIVIDING WALL
Reagan could easily remember when the Berlin Wall had
become reality. The Soviets had erected it in August 1961,
when their Premier, Nikita Khrushchev, had finally tired
of the drain of German citizens from East Berlin, which
had been under Soviet control since the years immediately
following the end of World War II (1945). Leaving Commu-
nist-controlled East Berlin had been as simple as boarding
a subway or surface train and taking a ride to the freedoms
found in West Berlin. As one East Berliner remembered,
notes historian John Gaddis, “You could go from socialism…
to capitalism in two minutes.”
By 1961, 2.7 million Germans had left the misery and
oppression of the East, opting for greater opportunities in
the West. But Khrushchev had finally had enough. His answer
was to order the construction of a wall, patrolled by border
guards with orders to shoot-to-kill anyone who tried to leave
East Berlin. That would keep them in, the determined Soviet
leader had thought. In 1963 President John F. Kennedy made
a trip to Europe that included a symbolic visit to the Berlin
Wall. When the president stood at the Wall, within earshot
of those on the other side, the speech he intended to provide
hope was spoken in anger:

There are many people in the world who really don’t under-
stand, or say they don’t, what is the great issue between the
free world and the Communist world. Let them come to Ber-
lin. There are some who say that Communism is the wave of
the future. Let them come to Berlin. And there are some who
say, in Europe and elsewhere, we can work with the Commu-
nists. Let them come to Berlin. And there are even a few who
say that it is true that Communism is an evil system, but it
permits us to make economic progress. Lass’ sie nach Berlin
kommen. Let them come to Berlin.

Dush12_Modern.indd 8 22/2/10 12:35:35

 Creating a New Society 

This speech brought cheers from the great throng of West

Berliners, even as East German border guards pushed East
Berliners away from their side of the Wall so they could not
hear the president’s words.

A NEW BERLIN SPEECH

Despite Kennedy’s speech, the Berlin Wall remained. Twenty-
four years passed and a half-dozen U.S. presidents took
office. Each had met the challenges of Soviet Communism
in his own way. From the end of World War II the lead-
ers of the United States had engaged in a prolonged conflict
known as the Cold War, which pitted the political will of
the Communist East against the freedom-loving West. They
had gone to war in Korea and in Vietnam to push back the
advance of Communism. They had encouraged Congress
to send support to those nations threatened by Communist
takeover. Presidents had negotiated nuclear arms agree-
ments and engaged in cordial dialogue. They supported free-
dom fighters bent on turning back the challenge of Marxism.
But Communism had continued, the Soviets had remained a
powerful force against the United States, and the Berlin Wall
still stood. Now another U.S. president was preparing to give
another speech against the backdrop of the Berlin Wall.

Words Meant to Challenge

When the day came for Reagan to deliver his speech, he, like
Kennedy, was moved to anger. He too watched as police on
the East Berlin side tried to herd people away from the Wall.
But before him were thousands of West Berliners, ready to
hear the president speak, just as an earlier generation had
gathered to listen to Kennedy. As he opened his speech,
Reagan too included a little German, as JFK had done: “I
join your fellow countrymen in the West, in this firm, this
unalterable belief: Es gibt nur ein Berlin.” (“There is only one

Dush12_Modern.indd 9 22/2/10 12:35:35

 10 Modern America

On June 12, 1987, President Ronald Reagan stood

before the Berlin Wall and challenged Soviet leader
Mikhail Gorbachev to tear down the wall.

Dush12_Modern.indd 10 22/2/10 12:35:37

 Creating a New Society 11

Berlin.”) Reagan then launched into his full address, recount-

ing the days of 1945 when the war in Europe had finally
ended. He remembered how the Soviets had taken over in
the East and had divided the city so many decades ago. He
recalled the recovery of West Germany and the prosperity
and stability the people of West Berlin had experienced since
the war. Then, he came to a line that would resonate more
than he could have imagined. Sternly, he spoke:

There is one sign the Soviets can make that would be unmis-
takable, that would advance dramatically the cause of free-
dom and peace. General Secretary Gorbachev, if you seek
peace, if you seek prosperity for the Soviet Union and East-
ern Europe, if you seek liberalization, come here to this gate!
Mr. Gorbachev, open this gate. Mr. Gorbachev, tear down this
wall!

The crowd applauded and cheered enthusiastically. Per-

haps as Reagan spoke that day in 1987, he said more than
he knew. He could not have known that his words would
soon seem prophetic, that Gorbachev would respond, or
that events in the Soviet Union would force him to respond.
Within just a few years the wall that Kennedy had railed
against as a tyrannical symbol, that Reagan had newly point-
ed to as an obvious sign of the failure of Communism, would
indeed fall, along with the Soviet Union itself.

Dush12_Modern.indd 11 22/2/10 12:35:37

 Population
Density
Today CA NA DA

Washington

The current population North

Montana Dakota
of the United States of
America is estimated to Oregon
be 308 million. More than Idaho
80 percent of its people South
Dakota
live within urban areas— Wyoming
there are 51 cities with a
population of more than
Nevada Nebraska
1 million. The west and
south—especially California Utah
and Texas—are the main Colorado
Kansas
areas of population growth.

California

Arizona
Oklaho
ALASKA New Mexico

Texas

0
500 Miles

500 Kilometers
MEXICO

HAWAIIAN
ISLANDS

0 500 Miles
0 150 Miles
0 500 Kilometers
0 150 Kilometers

12

Dush12_Modern.indd 12 22/2/10 12:35:40

DA

Maine

North Vermont
a Dakota New
Minnesota Hampshire

New Massachusetts
Wisconsin
York Rhode Island
South Michigan Connecticut
Dakota
oming
Pennsylvania New Jersey
Iowa Washington D.C.
Ohio
Nebraska Delaware
Indiana
Illinois West
Virginia
Colorado Virginia Maryland
Kansas Missouri Kentucky

North
Carolina
Tennessee
South
Arkansas Carolina
Oklahoma
w Mexico
pi
sip

Georgia
ssis

Alabama
Mi

Louisiana
Texas

Florida
O

Modern border of the U.S.A.

Population per square mile (per 2.59 sq.km)

0–1
1–25
25–100 CUBA
100–250
250–5,000

13

Dush12_Modern.indd 13 22/2/10 12:35:43

Dush12_Modern.indd 14 22/2/10 12:35:43
 1
LBJ’s
America

T he year 1963 had delivered great changes to the United

States. In August the civil rights movement enjoyed its
most inspirational moment as Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.—a
Baptist minister from Montgomery, Alabama—delivered a
landmark speech from the steps of the Lincoln Memorial in
Washington, D.C., to a crowd numbering in the hundreds of
thousands. Meanwhile, halfway across the world, America’s
fight to rescue South Vietnam from the threat of Communism
was making little headway, as President Kennedy commit-
ted thousands of military advisers to train South Vietnamese
troops. The leader of South Vietnam, Ngo Diem, had proven
unpopular with his own people, so much so that Kennedy
did not try to stop South Vietnamese army rebels from plot-
ting to remove Diem from office. In the midst of that coup,
the South Vietnamese president was assassinated.
A few weeks later, on November 22, Kennedy himself
was killed by an assassin’s bullet while visiting Dallas, leav-

15

Dush12_Modern.indd 15 22/2/10 12:35:44

 16 Modern America

ing Americans stunned and in mourning. Just hours follow-

ing the shooting of the president, Vice President Lyndon B.
Johnson (LBJ), a former longtime congressman from West
Texas, was sworn in onboard the presidential plane Air
Force One with Kennedy’s widow, Jackie, looking on. The
Kennedy administration, with its youthful hopefulness, had
represented a new opportunity to many of America’s citi-
zens. Now, with a new president at the helm, few people
knew what direction the country would take.

JOHNSON AND VIETNAM

Almost from the beginning of his presidency Lyndon John-
son’s foreign policy revolved around the increasingly uncon-
trollable conflict in Vietnam. The United States had been
instrumental in the division of Vietnam during the early
1950s, when the country was a colony generally known as
French Indochina. Communists took control of North Viet-
nam, and incursions into South Vietnam had begun when
the North realized that the South would not agree to elec-
tions to determine the future of the whole of Vietnam. As
1963 turned into 1964, America’s hand in Vietnam was a
decade old. And the new president appeared committed to
keeping his country’s stake in Southeast Asia at all costs.
To a point, Johnson inherited that commitment, which
had begun under President Eisenhower and expanded dur-
ing the JFK years. In fact, America’s support of South Vietnam
had increased over the years so slowly, almost impercepti-
bly, that many Americans could not remember how exact-
ly the U.S. obligations in the region had originally begun.
However, Johnson was ready to take the U.S. involvement
in Vietnam to any level necessary to contain Communism.
When he became president in November 1963, the number
of U.S. advisers in Vietnam was 16,000. These were non-
combat personnel, there to train, not to participate directly

Dush12_Modern.indd 16 22/2/10 12:35:44

 LBJ’s America 17

in the fighting. During the first few months of LBJ’s tenure

in office, he decided to up the number of U.S. advisers by an
additional 5,000 personnel and was already making plans
for a further 5,000, as well.
At the end of the summer of 1964, with America’s mili-
tary commitment expanding at a decided rate, the playing
field suddenly changed. In August the president announced
on television that U.S. destroyers patrolling international
waters in the Gulf of Tonkin, off the eastern shores of North
Vietnam, had come under attack by North Vietnamese tor-
pedo boats. Seemingly, several attacks had taken place at
night but the details were sketchy— the North’s boats were
said to have run alongside the destroyers and strafed them
with 50-caliber machine gunfire. Later investigations would
raise questions about these incidents, including the extent
of the damage and even where the “attacks” had taken place.
It would appear afterward that the Johnson administration
may not have accurately reported what had happened in the
dark waters of the Gulf of Tonkin. Johnson, in addressing
the U.S. people, had described the attacks as “unprovoked,”
but the destroyers in question had been supporting South
Vietnamese raids against a pair of North Vietnamese islands,
attacks which had been planned by U.S. military advisers.
Yet, President Johnson seized this opportunity to up the
stakes in Vietnam. Claiming North Vietnamese aggression
on the high seas, Johnson encouraged Congress to respond.
Both Houses cooperated, passing a bill called the Gulf of
Tonkin Resolution. The vote was extremely supportive, with
a House tally of 416 to 0 and a Senate vote of 88 to 2. The
resolution represented carte blanche for LBJ. It authorized
the president to “take all necessary measures” to protect
the lives of Americans in the region and to “prevent further
aggression” in Southeast Asia. Armed with this piece of legis-
lation, Johnson was now free, perhaps legally and morally, to

Dush12_Modern.indd 17 22/2/10 12:35:45

 18 Modern America

escalate America’s commitment in Vietnam without needing

to ask Congress for a declaration of war. Over time many in
Congress would come to regret the open-ended opportunity
they had handed LBJ during those heated days in August.

CiViL rigHts in tHe JoHnson YeArs

Although John F. Kennedy had was gaining further traction
been slow to take up support of the nationally. Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.
expanding civil rights movement was continuing to lead the march
during the early 1960s, Lyndon B. for equality, which gained him the
Johnson proved an effective supporter Nobel Peace Prize in 1964. In 1965
indeed. Following Kennedy’s death, the movement was in the midst of a
LBJ pushed for the passage of another campaign across the South to register
bill that had remained stuck in 3 million new black voters. The drive
Congress, which was finally passed soon focused on a march that spring
during his first full year in office—the from Selma, Alabama, to the state
Civil Rights Act of 1964. capital at Montgomery. With federal
Although earlier civil rights acts protection provided by President
had been passed in U.S. history, some Johnson, the marchers could be
dating back to the 1860s and 70s, counted in the tens of thousands,
this act was the most far-reaching. culminating in a total of 35,000 who
It barred racial discrimination in stood outside the Alabama statehouse
such public places as hotels and late in March to hear King deliver
restaurants, while calling for the another of his stirring speeches.
Justice Department to file suits The result of this hard-fought
against schools that had not yet civil rights campaign was the Voting
desegregated. This was even though Rights Act of 1965, which Johnson
the U.S. Supreme Court had ordered supported. The act gave authority to
the schools to do so a decade earlier. the attorney general to provide federal
Beyond the work of Johnson and the officials to register voters, rather than
Congress, the civil rights movement relying exclusively on state officials.

Dush12_Modern.indd 18 22/2/10 12:35:47

 LBJ’s America 1

AMERICA TAkES A COMBAT ROLE

President Johnson soon used the Gulf of Tonkin Resolution
to commit U.S. ground troops to the Vietnam conflict. Fol-
lowing the election of 1964, which Johnson won in a land-

It also brought an end to literacy tests sense of outrage among blacks,

and other long-standing tricks created who were tired of second-class
to deny blacks their right to vote. citizenship and lack of opportunity.
Before the end of 1965 a quarter Paralleling this, a more militant
million blacks were registered to element among the black community
vote, the vast majority of them for became highly critical of Dr. King’s
the first time. For all these advances nonviolent approach to race issues.
in the name of equality for blacks in This movement’s cry became “Black
America, the civil rights movement Power.” It found a voice in such
began to fragment in the mid-1960s. groups as the Black Muslims and the
In August 1965, just days after the Black Panthers, who protested black
passage of the Voting Rights Act, athletes at the 1968 Olympic Games,
the largely black district of Watts and leaders such as Malcolm X and
in Los Angeles exploded in race Stokely Carmichael, who called for
riots that killed 34 people and segregation of blacks and whites. As
caused $35 million in property historian George Tindall notes, one
damage. The rampage erupted after “Black Power” leader, H. Rap Brown,
a black motorist was arrested by a said: “We reject an American dream
white highway patrolman, and it defined by white people and must
did not end until 14,000 National work to construct an American reality
Guardsmen were called in. defined by Afro-Americans.”
Racial violence marked four Much of this radicalizing of black
“long hot summers” from 1965 to sentiment, which was always a fringe
1968, with rioting in many major element, proved difficult for Dr. King
U.S. cities. At the heart of these and many of his followers to accept
civil disturbances was a growing or understand.

Dush12_Modern.indd 19 22/2/10 12:35:49

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