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This book is a documentary record of the
statements and debates that defined the
formative period of a movement that has
affected modern politics and history more than
any other.
It is generally acknowledged that not only
were the theoretical problems faced by Russian
Marxists during this period more complex than
those encountered elsewhere but that they also
brought to the resolution of these problems an
originality and intellectual rigour second to
none in the Marxist tradition. They were the
first to explore the difficulties of applying
Marxism to a backward agrarian society with
an autocratic political superstructure. They
self-consciously applied themselves to
theorising the stages of the class development
of the proletariat and the practical difficulties
of organisation in conditions of illegality. They
debated the merits of orthodoxy in contest
with 'Economism' and 'revisionism' in a more
thorough-going manner than was the case
elsewhere. Finally, they were absorbed with the
question of the political role of the working
class in the revolution against autocracy. As
predominantly a movement of intellectuals
during these years they achieved a level of
articulation and sophistication unsurpassed in
the literature of Marxism, and that makes
them such a rewarding subject of study.
Plekhanov, Akselrod, Lenin, Struve, Martov,
Trotsky, Luxemburg and Kautsky all feature in
both celebrated and little-known texts along-
side anonymous pamphleteers and writers of
resolutions, editorials, flysheets and programmes.
In this volume are collected for the first
time in any language, a comprehensive
selection of the texts which chronicle the
debates of the Russian Marxists over basic
issues of the theory and practice of Marxism.
Many of the documents translated here are
difficult to locate, most have never before been
translated into English. They are important
not only for their own merits but for the light
they shed upon the momentous split between
Bolshevism and Menshevism and upon the
intellectual milieu in which Lenin developed
and to which he himself contributed.
MA,RXISM IN
RUSSIA
Key Documents 1879-1906

Edited, with an introduction by

NEIL HARDING
Senior Lecturer in Politics and Russian Studies,
University College of Swansea

With translations by
RICHARDT AYLOR
Lecturer in Politics and Russian Studies,
University College of Swansea

CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS

Cambridge
London New York New Rochelle
Melbourne Sydney
Published by the Press Syndicate of the University of Cambridge
The Pitt Building, Trumpington Street, Cambridge CB2 1RP
32 East 57th Street, New York, NY 10022, USA
296 Beaconsfield Parade, Middle Park, Melbourne 3206, Australia

©Cambridge University Press 1983

First published 1983

Printed in Great Britain at the University Press, Cambridge

Library of Congress catalogue card number: 82-19754

British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data 1-iX

Marxism in Russia.
)Id
1. Communism - Soviet Union - Sources .M:,·::,
I. Harding, Neil
320.5'315 HX724
ISBN 0 521 25123 0

WD
To the memory of J .C.R.
 Contents

Acknowledgements page xi
Preface xiii
Introduction

DOCUMENTS
Section 1. 1879-1893: theoretical foundations and worker projects 39
Programme, NORTHERN UNION OF RUSSIAN WORKERS (1879) 41
2 Socialism and the Political Struggle, G.V. PLEKHANOV (1883):
extracts 44
3 Programme of the Social Democratic Emancipation of labour Group,
G.V. PLEKHANOV (1884) 55
4 'Propaganda Among the Workers', from Our Differences,
G.V. PLEKHANOV (1884) 59
5 From the Publishers of the 'Workers' Library', G.v. PLEKHANOV
AND P. AKSELROD (1884) 68
6 The Demands of the Morozov Workers (1885) 72
7 A Draft Programme for Russian Social Democrats, and Statutes of
the Fund, BLAGOEV GROUP (1885) 74
8 Second Draft Programme of the Russian Social Democrats,
G.V. PLEKHANOV (1885) 81
9 Four Speeches by Petersburg Workers ( 1891) 84
10 Report [to the International] by the Editorial Board of the Journal
Sotsial-Demokrat, G.V. PLEKHANOV AND v. ZASULICH (1891) 92
11 The Tasks of the Social Democrats in the Struggle against the
Famine in Russia, G.v. PLEKHANOV {1891): extracts 100
12 Manuscript Programme for Studies with the Workers, M.I. BRUSNEV
(1892) 108

vii
viii Contents
13 A Programme of Action for the Workers, N.E. FEDOSEEV
(1892) page 109
14 The Tasks of the Worker Intelligentsia in Russia, P. AKSELROD
( 1893): extracts 113

Section 2. 1894-1897: bridges to the workers - economic agitation 121

15 TheWorkingDay,ANON. (1894) 123
16 Questionnaire on the Situation of Workers in Enterprises, v .I. LEN IN
(1894/5) 138
17 To the Workers of the Semyannikov Factory, v .I. LENIN (1895) 140
18 What Should the Port Workers Strive for?, AN o N. (I 89 5) 143
19 Appeal to the Workers to Unite into a Workers' Union, Moscow
'WORKERS' UNION' (1895) 145
20 Appeal to the Workers to Unite and Demand the Shortening of the
Working Day, MOSCOW 'WORKERS' UNION' (1895) 146
21 To the Working Men and Women of the Thornton Mill, v .I. LEN IN
(1895) 146
22 What Are the Demands of the Women Workers at the Laferme
Factory?, ST PETERSBURG UNION OF STRUGGLE (1895) 149
23 From the Union of Struggle for the Emancipation of the Working
Class, ST PETERSBURG UNION OF STRUGGLE (1895) 150
24 What Is a Socialist and a Political Offender?, 1.v. BABUSHKIN
(1895) 151
25 To the Weavers of the Lebedev Mill, ST PETERSBURG UNION
OF STRUGGLE (1896) 152
26 The Demands of the Weavers at the Lebedev Mill, ST PETERSBURG
UNION OF STRUGGLE (1896) 153
27 Draft and Explanation of a Programme for the Social Democratic
Party, V.I. LENIN (1895/6) 153
28 The Workers' Holiday of 1 May (19 April by our Calendar),
ST PETERSBURG UNION OF STRUGGLE (1896) 171
29 To the Workers in All the Petersburg Cotton Mills, ST PETERSBURG
UNION OF STRUGGLE (1896) 174
30 ToAIIPetersburgWorkers,ST PETERSBURG UNION OF
STRUGGLE (1896) 175
31 Report Presented by the Russian Social Democrats to the (London)
International Congress of Socialist Workers and Trade Unions,
G.V. PLEKHANOV (1896) 176
ix Contents
32 To All St Petersburg Workers, ST PETERSBURG UNION OF
STRUGGLE (1896) page 187
33 To the Tsarist Government, v .I. LENIN (1896) 188
34 On Agitation, A. KREMER AND YU. MAR TOV (1896) 192
35 To the Workers in the Petersburg Cotton Spinning and Weaving
Mills, ST PETERSBURG UNION OF STRUGGLE (1897) 206
36 ToAllPetersburgWorkers,ST PETERSBURG UNION OF
STRUGGLE (1897) 209
37 The World-Wide Workers' Holiday of 1 May, ST PETERSBURG
UNION OF STRUGGLE (1897) 210
38 The First of May, ST PETERSBURG UNION OF STRUGGLE
(1897): extracts 212
39 To All Moscow Workers, MOSCOW WORKERS' UNION (1897) 215
40 Letter to All Kiev Workers, KIEV UNION OF STRUGGLE
(1897): extracts 216

Section 3. 1898-1902: political agitation and the critics of orthodoxy 221

41 Manifesto of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party,
P. STRUVE (1898) 223
42 Decisions of the First Congress of the RSDLP, RUSSIAN SOCIAL
DEMOCRATIC LABOUR PAR TY (1898) 225
43 On the Question of the Present Tasks and Tactics of the Russian
Social Democrats (Draft Programme), P.B. AKSEL ROD (1898) 227
44 Our Reality, K.M. TAKHTAREV (1899): extracts 242
45 Credo, E.D. KUSKOVA (1899) 250
46 A Protest by Russian Social Democrats, v.1. LENIN (1899) 253
47 The Urgent Tasks of Our Movement, v .I. LENIN (1900) 259
48 Where to Begin?, V.I. LENIN (1901) 263
49 Our New Programme, RABOCHEE DELO (1902) 268

Section 4. The Bolshevik/Menshevik dispute - organisational questions

and appraisals of the 1905 revolution 277
50 Second Party Congress: The Debate on Clause I of the Party Rules,
RUSSIAN SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC LABOUR PARTY (1903) 279
51 The Programme of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party,
RUSSIAN SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC LABOUR PARTY (1903) 288
x Contents
52 The Organisational Statutes of the RSDLP, R usstAN SOCIAL
DEMOCRATIC LABOUR PARTY (1903) page 293
53 Organisational Questions of Russian Social Democracy,
R. LUXEMBURG (1904) 295
54 Petition of the Workers and Inhabitants of St Petersburg to
Nicholas II, G. GAPON AND I. VASIMOV (1905) 309
55 On an Armed Uprising, MENSHEVIK CONFERENCE
RESOLUTION (1905) 313
56 On the Seizure of Power and Participation in a Provisional
Government, MENSHEVIK CONFERENCE RESOLUTION (1905) 314
57 Two Tactics of Social Democracy in the Democratic Revolution,
V.I. LENIN (1905): extracts 315
58 The People's Duma and the Workers' Congress, P.B. AKSELROD
(1905): extracts 331
59 Our Revolution, L. TROTSKY (1906): extracts 337
60 The Driving Forces of the Russian Revolution and Its Prospects,
with Preface by V.l. Lenin, K. KAUTSKY (1906) 352

Notes 373
List of sources 404
Guide to further reading 406
Glossary 408
Index 410
 Acknowledgements

Thanks to: Caryl Johnston and Pat Rees for their fortitude in preparing so lengthy
and unmanageable a manuscript; Mary Ghullam for help in the initial collecting of
documents; Alan Bodger and Bruce Waller for their expert counsel on knotty prob-
lems of Russian and German respectively; the staff of the International Institute of
Social History in Amsterdam for their legendary courtesy and expertise; finally, to
the Centre for Russian and East European Studies, University College of Swansea,
for financial support.

xi
 Preface

There has long been a lack of balance in the literature on the development of
Marxism in Russia. On the one hand there has been an abundance of scholarly com-
mentary and biography, and on the other a virtual absence (Lenin and Plekhanov
excepted) of translated texts and source materials. It is obvious that, in seeking to
redress the balance, no single volume could be comprehensive - the Russian
Marxists were too numerous and too prolix for that. And yet there are certain texts
whose centrality is undoubted. No one would, for instance, dispute that
Plekhanov's The Tasks of the Russian Social Democrats in the Struggle against the
Famine, Kremer's and Martov's On Agitation, the anonymous brochure The Work-
ing Day, Akselrod 's The Present Tasks and Tactics of the Russian Social Democrats,
Takhtarev's Our Reality or Kautsky's The Driving Forces of the Russian Revol-
ution were, in their differing ways, of cardinal importance. Commentators and
biographers repeatedly return to them offering their rival interpretations and all the
non-Russian reader can do is to select that interpretation that seems most cogent,
for not one of the above texts has previously been translated into English. Nor is
there anything by Blagoev, Brusnev or Fedoseev, none of the agitational leaflets of
the 1890s, nor the May Day proclamations, available in translation. Of the sixty
documents presented here only sixteen have previously been translated and even
readers of Russian would struggle to obtain them. No single library in Europe has
them all. Wherever possible documents have been presented in their entirety. Where
extracts have been resorted to this is indicated in the document's heading.
Previously translated documents which have been included are, for the most
part, either programmatic statements of the Russian Social Democratic Labour
Party (RSDLP) or writings of Plekhanov and Lenin. There is an obvious merit in
bringing the party statements together in one book and it would have been odd to
have included none of the influential writings of Plekhanov and Lenin. All the
translations in the volume are new translations done from the earliest available
copies of the originals and, where necessary, as for instance in the case of Luxem-
burg's Organisational Questions of Russian Social Democracy and Kautsky's The
Driving Forces of the Russian Revolution, checked against the contemporaneous
German publication. In the case of Luxemburg's piece this has revealed some
serious shortcomings in currently available translations.
xiii
xiv Preface
Difficulty of access was, then, one of the criteria for inclusion and it reinforced
the other main objective of the volume which was to reveal the levels of articulation
within the Russian Marxist tradition. Works of 'high theory' elaborating and
extending the full complexity of Marxist thought, such as Plekhanov's Our Differ-
ences or his The Development of the Monist View of History or Lenin's The Devel-
opment of Capitalism in Russia, are readily available in decent translations and have
not therefore been included.
Apart from the works of high theory, addressed to intellectuals, there exists a
formidable volume of source materials in which the Russian Marxists simplified and
popularised their propositions in the attempt to win a mass following. By the sec-
ond half of the 1890s Russian Marxists were quite consciously engaged in the task
of disseminating their message through carefully graduated levels of articulation
which corresponded, in their minds, to the differing levels of consciousness and
organisation of their followers.
At the most primitive level were the flysheets, at first hand-written, but later run
off on hectograph machines, issued by local social democratic groups which set out
to formulate the immediate grievances of particular groups of workers in specific
plants. They were addressed to the uninitiated, unpoliticised mass of workers and
were therefore couched in popular idiomatic language. Generally, indeed, it was
made to appear that the flysheets had been composed by the workers themselves.
If they did contain any overt general message it was almost invariably the simplest
and most basic call to the workers to unite and steadfastly defend their interests.
At the next level were the May Day leaflets, brochures like The Working Day,
and the flysheets addressed to the workers of an entire industrial area. These set
out to generalise the grievances of all working people, to present them systemati-
cally and to show them to be not local or adventitious but endemic in the structure
of Russian and international capitalism. They were written in a language that would
be accessible to the average worker and therefore avoided abstraction. General
propositions were, rather, seen to follow from carefully cited examples. Their
message was nonetheless more elevated than those in our first group and often
leaned on the experience of the labour movement in other countries to support the
contention that without a nation-wide organisation of the workers, without politi-
cal freedoms of association and propaganda for their cause, the movement to
improve working conditions would be doomed to impotence.
For the advanced worker and social democratic activist, brochures on the general
line of the movement, like Kremer's and Martov's On Agitation, Lenin's Draft and
Explanation of a Programme, Akselrod's Present Tasks and Tactics, or even
Kuskova's Credo and Takhtarev's Our Reality, set out to relate Marxist theoretical
constructs to generalised statements about political and economic goals and to out-
line broad strategies for achieving them. These were of the nature of programmatic
statements more sophisticated in reasoning and abstract in formulation.
In selecting the documents I have also had in mind their interdependence.
Russian Marxism was very much a self-conscious tradition of thought. Each of its
principal contributors was well aware of the work of his predecessors and contem-
xv Preface
poraries and made repeated references to them, either to demonstrate their error or
to appropriate their authority. The numerous cross-references in the notes to this
volume are evidence enough of this. They are evidence too of the rather obvious
point that the thought of none of the principal Russian Marxists can be understood
unless an effort is made to reconstruct the stock of shared ideas and memories
which constituted the tradition to which he contributed. The major disputes which
divided the movement were, precisely, disputes about the continued relevance of
those ideas and those evaluations of the past.

NEIL HARDING
Ox[ord, May 1982
 Introduction

It was in the period from the 1880s to 1905 that Russian Marxism emerged and
developed its particular character and reputation. Its reputation in the international
socialist movement for undiluted propriety in matters of Marxist theory and
uncompromising militance in matters of practice was a product of its struggles and
pronouncements of these years - its heroism in the battle with the Russian
autocracy for political freedom and a better deal for the workers, its emphatic
rejection of revisionism of all hues and its militant role in leading the revolution of
1905. It had also acquired a reputation that was the obverse side of its devotion to
Marxist principle - it was thought to be hopelessly schismatic. By 1905-6 deep
internal divisions had rent Russian Marxism and the broad lines of affiliation and
opposition which were to characterise the movement in 1917 had already emerged.
A large part of the explanation for the uniquely uncompromising character of
Russian Marxism lies in the relationship of the Russian Marxists to their native
labour movement. Almost everywhere else in Europe Marxism had to be grafted on
to existing, and often powerful, labour movements. These movements had devel-
oped their own traditions of thought and organisation long before Marxism began
to have an appreciable impact upon the European labour movement in the 1880s.
The most spectacular instance of this general phenomenon was of course the
British labour movement where the Marxist proselytes of the eighties and nineties
found powerful and self-confident associations of unionists and cooperators sus-
picious of their intentions and anxious to preserve their own organisations and the
structure of beliefs bound up both with these organisations and with their shared
memories of past battles.
In France the Proudhonists had long propagandised and organised quite a large
proportion of the artisans and urban workers in pursuit of the mutualist dream of
re-establishing their economic independence. In Spain and Italy Bakuninist propa-
ganda had struck strong roots and established a heroic tradition of struggle which
continued to be more potent than Marxism throughout this period. Even in
Germany, though Marxism was notionally triumphant by the early 1890s, the
resilience of the older I.assallean traditions was clearly apparent by the end of that
decade. Certainly in its attitude towards the revisionist followers of Bernstein none
could accuse the German Marxists of want of compromise on basic issues.
2 Introduction
Only in Russia was there an emergent working class that was quite devoid of
strong traditions of thought and organisation, which had, moreover, no corporate
memory to bind its identity. It was kept in its atomised state by the autocratic
government which saw every attempt at working class organisation as a threat to its
own prerogatives that had to be ruthlessly stamped upon. The attempts, therefore,
of such groups as the North Russian Workers' Union 1 and the projects of groups
associated with individuals like Blagoev, 2 Brusnev3 and Fedoseev4 attained momen-
tary and generally very localised success but certainly did not beget a continuous or
broadly shared tradition. There was another factor, apart from ruthless government
suppression, which, no doubt, partly accounts for these failures. This was the
obvious fact that it was not until the early 1890s that a settled urban proletariat
began to emerge in Russia to any significant degree. In almost all the other
countries of Europe Marxism had, as we have seen, only begun to make a significant
impact in the 1880s, i.e. after the urban proletariat had established itself. In Russia,
however, the Marxist intelligentsia, if it did not actually pre-date the class emerg-
ence of the proletariat, at least emerged contemporaneously with it. Consequently
the Russian Marxist intelligentsia (and it is crucially important to remember that, at
least until 1905, the Marxist movement was almost exclusively recruited from the
intelligentsia) began their activities with far more of a tabula rasa than had been the
case elsewhere. They had before them an almost clean sheet of infinite possibility
and they were determined that what they wrote upon it would be word-perfect
according to the textbooks of Marxism.
The effective absence of prior organisation and systems of thought was at once
advantage and drawback: advantage in the sense alluded to above, that the Russian
intelligentsia Marxists would not have to temporise or conciliate in adapting their
Marxism to native traditions, and drawback in that there were no ready-made
organisations which might be utilised to propagate the message, to use as a lever to
convert the class.
The selection of documents presented here demonstrates quite clearly the twin
preoccupations of Russian Marxists which derived from their rather unique situ-
ation as an intelligentsia movement dealing with a disorganised, emergent working
class. Throughout the documents there is an almost obsessive and very self-
conscious discussion of how to characterise the proletariat. What were its defining
attributes, its immediate and ultimate objectives? To answer these problems the
Russian acolytes looked to the Master and they were more faithful to Marx's
specification than most other Marxists. It was precisely the earnestness with which
Plekhanov, Akselrod, Lenin and Martov clung to Marx's account of the essential
role of the proletariat that accounts for the vehemence with which they rounded on
all varieties of Economism and revisionism; for what were these but attempts to
renege upon the obligations Marx had laid upon the proletariat and its party?
Inextricably bound to their characterisation of the proletariat and its mission in
history was the enormous practical problem of how to make the Russian proletariat
conscious of its class objectives and organised and enthused to fulfil them. This
organisational 'practical' problem could not, in the view of the Russian Marxists, be
3 Introduction
separated from the 'theoretical' specification of the proletariat's mission. The
examples of other countries provided object lessons enough of how attachment to
inappropriate organisational forms had perverted the proletariat's awareness of its
objectives. The organisation had to be consonant with the objective in hand and,
therefore, as the objectives changed from lower to higher ones, as the proletariat
increasingly approximated its essential role, so its organisational forms would have
to change. That at least was what the practical experience of the 1890s taught the
Russian Marxists.
The 'practical' activity of the Russian Marxists in building bridges to the workers
and attempting to develop the class consciousness of the proletariat cannot, accord-
ing to this analysis, be separated from their 'theoretical' views on the process of
history and the role of the proletariat within it. Those views were, of course,
explicitly derived from Marx.

Marx: the class characteristics of the proletariat

Marx's specification of what constituted the proper class activity of the proletariat
is crucial for any understanding of what Russian Social Democrats were attempting
to do in this period. It was, after all, this specification that defined the proletariat
for the Social Democrats. The workers only began to emerge as a class properly so-
called when they began to exhibit the characteristics Marx had long previously set
out. The task of the Social Democrats, as the Russians were very self-consciously
aware, was not simply to act as the passive instrument of the working class but to
raise the class to accept and prosecute the role allotted to it. Theory, Marx main-
tained, must not only strive towards reality but reality must strive towards thought.
The working class must strive to realise those universal elements which philosophy
had allotted to it. Thus, in Marx's early conception, the proletariat was character-
istically viewed as the vehicle to resolve the problems of German philosophy that,
in Hegel's system, had finally arrived at an impasse. Marx and some other radical
Young Hegelians came to the conclusion that speculative philosophy could go no
further: it had exposed the rottenness of German reality and revealed religion as an
aspect of man's self-alienation. The critical problem which now emerged was how
could German political and social life, which had fallen so lamentably behind that
of Europe generally, be raised to the level of European history? How could the
huge discrepancy between what German thinkers had attained and German reality
displayed be overcome? How could man re-appropriate all those parts of himself he
had so prodigally alienated to the state, to religion and to the pursuit of Mammon?
Where was the force that would regenerate a decrepit civilisation?

Where, then, is the positive possibility of a German emancipation? Answer: In the

formation of a class with radical chains, a class of civil society which is not a class
of civil society, an estate which is the dissolution of all estates, a sphere which has a
universal character by its suffering and claims no particular right because no par-
ticular wrong but wrong generally is perpetrated against it; which can no longer
invoke a historical but only a human title; which does not stand in any one-sided
4 Introduction
antithesis to the consequences but in an all-round antithesis to the promises of the
German state; a sphere, finally, which cannot emancipate itself without emancipat-
ing itself from all other spheres of society and thereby emancipating all other
spheres of society, which in a word, is the complete loss of man and hence can win
itself only through the complete rewinning of man. This dissolution of society as a
particular estate is the proletariat. 5
Like Moses Hess, Marx came to the conclusion that speculation had run its
course and ended eventually in a blind alley. The philosophical questions had been
solved, the outstanding problems were practical ones. Reality had to be changed to
make it conform to the goals of philosophy. Man had now not so much to think as
to act upon reality to change his world, and, from the French, Hess groped towards
a philosophy of practice. 6 He came to the very French conclusion that the main
vehicle in the practical transformation of existing society could only be the pro-
letariat. The essential germs of the way out of the impasse had been discovered and
were seized on and developed by Marx.
The proletariat is a force at once inside civil society yet not of civil society. All
its features are drawn by Marx long before he had any practical involvement with
the proletariat quite explicitly in order to complete the philosophical picture he
was creating. To be the agent of universal regeneration it was essential that the pro-
letariat be shown to be the victim not of any particular or partial wrong but of uni-
versal and complete maltreatment. To be not simply the agency for resolving
peculiarly German problems the proletariat must, moreover, be shown to be the
vehicle of a world-historical rebirth, a global regeneration of mankind to properly
human existence. 'The proletariat', Marx insisted, 'can thus only exist world-
historically, just as communism, its activity, can only have a "world-historical"
existence'. 7 Its object in history was not merely to end exploitation but to over-
come alienation in all its aspects for all classes of the population. Its revolution was
to secure the triumph of humanism not merely for the oppressed, exploited and
debased, but also for the exploiters who had been wont to see in their wealth and
power a semblance of their self-realisation and affirmation. 8
The proletariat, for Marx, existed as such only insofar as it fulfilled the universal
characteristics theory allotted to it. Its mission in history was to realise (or negate)
philosophy and in so doing realise itself as human.
The imperative to achieve this realisation proceeded, according to Marx, from a
two-pronged spur. In the first place the development of the division of labour
which modern industry inexorably produced resulted in a progressive whittling
down of the skills of the worker, and his aggregation into a vast anonymous mass
made it impossible to take any personal satisfaction in the article produced.
Owing to the extensive use of machinery and to division of labour, the work of the
proletarians has lost all individual character, and, consequently, all charm for the
workman. He becomes an appendage to the machine, and it is only the most simple,
most monotonous and most easily acquired knack, that is required of him. 9
The worker was not only alienated from his skills and his product, which should
have encapsulated his innate drive to act on nature to produce things in accordance
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