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 MAKING
MOROCCO
French Resident General Hubert Lyautey and the Moroccan sultan Mawlay Youssef discussing the
progression of military operations at the Taza gap in 1914. MAE, CADN, Résidence générale de
France au Maroc, 20MA/201/100 “Avant la prise de Taza.”
 MAKING
MOROCCO

n CO LO N I A L
INTERVENTION
A ND T H E P O L I T I CS
O F I D E N T I TY

Jonathan Wyrtzen

CORNELL UNIVERSITY PRESS

Ithaca and London
This book was published with the assistance of the Hilles
Publication Fund of Yale University.

Copyright © 2015 by Cornell University

All rights reserved. Except for brief quotations in a review,

this book, or parts thereof, must not be reproduced in any
form without permission in writing from the publisher.
For information, address Cornell University Press, Sage
House, 512 East State Street, Ithaca, New York 14850.

First published 2015 by Cornell University Press

Printed in the United States of America

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Wyrtzen, Jonathan, 1973– author.
Making Morocco : colonial intervention and the politics
of identity / Jonathan Wyrtzen.
  pages cm
Includes bibliographical references and index.
ISBN 978-1-5017-0023-1 (cloth : alk. paper)
1. Morocco—History—1912–1956. 2. Nationalism—
Morocco—History—20th century. 3. Identity politics—
Morocco—History—20th century. 4. Ethnicity—Political
aspects—Morocco—History—20th century. 5. National
characteristics, Moroccan. I. Title.
DT324.W97 2016
964′.04—dc23     2015026108

Cornell University Press strives to use environmentally

responsible suppliers and materials to the fullest extent
possible in the publishing of its books. Such materials
include vegetable-based, low-VOC inks and acid-free
papers that are recycled, totally chlorine-free, or partly
composed of nonwood fibers. For further information,
visit our website at www.cornellpress.cornell.edu.

Cloth printing 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

Cover photographs: Top left: Moroccan colonial troops

salute the French tricolor, Taourirt, 1911. MAE, CADN,
Résidence générale de France au Maroc, 20MA/201/62.
Top right: Anti-colonial nationalist demonstrations at the
El Hedim square in Meknes, July 1955. MAE, CADN,
Résidence générale de France au Maroc, 20MA/103/316.
Bottom: French Resident General Hubert Lyautey and the
Moroccan sultan Mawlay Youssef discuss military opera-
tions at the Taza gap, 1914. MAE, CADN, Résidence
générale de France au Maroc, 20MA/201/100.
 Contents

List of Maps, Tables, and Figures vii

Preface and Acknowledgments ix
List of Abbreviations and Acronyms xiii
Note on Transliteration and Translation xv

Introduction: The Politics of Identity

in a Colonial Political Field 1
1. The Space of the Colonial Political Field 34
2. Organizing Forces of the Field:
Legitimation and Legibility 62
3. Resisting the Colonial Political
Field in the Atlas Mountains 93
4. Creating an Anti-colonial Political
Field in the Rif Mountains 116
5. Classification Struggles and
Arabo-Islamic National Identity 136
6. Negotiating Morocco’s Jewish Question 179
7. Gender and the Politics of Identity 219
8. The Sultan-cum-King and the
Field’s Symbolic Forces 248
9. The Monarchy and Identity
in Post-Protectorate Morocco 273

Conclusion 294

References 305
Index 325
  Maps, Tables, and
Figures

Maps
1. Colonial territorial divisions in northwestern Africa in 1912 xviii
2. Map of northwest Africa 36
3. Morocco-based Islamic dynastic states 39
4. Stages of colonial pacification in Morocco, 1907–1934 47
5. Tamazight-speaking tribes referred to in the Roux Archive 101
6. The Spanish northern zone. The shaded area shows
the greatest territorial reach of the Rif Republic. 126

Tables
1. Identification processes in the political field 14
2. Sources of legitimization for Moroccan
Islamic dynastic states 42
3. Binaries of the Moroccan vulgate 73

Figures
1. Motto “Allah, al-Watan, al-Malik” painted on a hillside
at El Hajeb, on the route from Meknes into the Middle
Atlas Mountains 6
2. Military map indicating the progress of French pacification
operations in Morocco in 1921 51
3. Sultan Mohamed ben Youssef and Lyautey passing
the pavilion of French West Africa 63
4. The courtyard garden and esplanade of the
Palace of Morocco 71
5. Sultan Mawlay Youssef receiving hadiya offerings
from notables in 1930 81
6. The Salon of Honor at the Palace of Morocco 82

vii
viii M A PS , TA B L ES , A N D F I G U R ES

7. Palace of Morocco exhibit dedicated to the Directorate

of Public Instruction 84
8. Aerial view of Rabat in 1951 with the modern ville nouvelle
in the foreground and the traditional medina behind 86
9. Sultan Mohamed ben Youssef leaving the Palace
of Morocco through the reconstituted “suq of Rabat”
with Resident General Lucien Saint at his right and
Maréchal Lyautey behind him in 1931 91
10. Moroccan colonial troops saluting the French tricolor
after installing a radio tower close to Taourirt 110
11. Mohamed V delivering a speech in the Mendoubia gardens
in Tangier, April 10, 1947 258
12. Delegation of Rabat nurses to the first meeting of the
Moroccan Labor Union (UMT), November 19, 1955. 262
13. King Mohamed V arriving at the Rabat-Salé airport
on November 16, 1955 270
14. Parade of the newly created Moroccan Royal Armed
Forces in downtown Rabat, May 14, 1956 276
  Preface and
Ack nowledgments

In late August 2001, my wife and I were driven

in a van from the Casablanca airport and the heat of the Chaouia plain up to
the relative coolness of the cedar-clad Middle Atlas Mountains to begin jobs
teaching at Al Akhawayn University in Ifrane. As we headed south off the
autoroute near Meknes, we saw three Arabic words painted on the foothills
at the town of El Hajeb: Allah, Al-Watan, Al-Malik (God, the Nation, the
King). This book’s origins lie somewhere on that road, which we traversed
countless times during our multiple stays in Ifrane, between the Middle Atlas
Mountains and the Saiss plain. In subsequent travels, we saw this pithy trip-
tych of state-sponsored Moroccan national identity painted across hillsides
from the Rif Mountains in the north to the pre-Sahara in the south. I became
intrigued: How did modern Moroccan identity, at least the official version,
come to be defined around these pillars? How did the Alawid dynasty, unlike
most of its peers in the region, survive European colonization, the inde-
pendence struggle, and decolonization? And, how and why has Moroccan
identity continued to be renegotiated, particularly in the official shift over
the past fifteen years from a dominant Arab and Muslim identity to a multi-
ethnic definition of the nation that is formally expressed in the recognition
of Tamazight (Berber) as an official national language alongside Arabic in the
2011 Moroccan constitution?
My goal in revisiting Morocco’s colonial history is to emphasize the mul-
tiple contingencies and critical turning points through which various aspects
of Moroccan identity became politically salient during this period, particu-
larly the reification of Arab and Berber ethnicity, the special status of the
Jewish minority, and the persistence of the legal and educational status of
women as critical symbolic markers of collective identity. This story also
encompasses the unlikely survival of Morocco’s Alawid monarchy and its
continued influence on how Moroccan identity is imagined. Despite the
intuitive appeal of explanations that emphasize long continuities in Moroc-
can history (its dynastic history goes back 1,300 years and the current ruling

ix
x P R E FA CE A N D A C K N OW L E D G M E N TS

family has been in power since the 1660s), this book, instead of bracketing
the colonial period, carefully examines these decades as a time that had a great
impact on the country’s post-independence trajectory. The processes traced
in this book continue to directly influence how contemporary Moroccan
identity is contested and reimagined.
As with all historical projects, this book was conceived, researched, and
written within a particular present that left noticeable marks on its contours.
I first started teaching at a Moroccan university three weeks before Septem-
ber 11, 2001; I returned to Washington, D.C., to pursue further study in the
history of the Middle East and North Africa months after the U.S. inva-
sion of Iraq; I conducted field and archival work in Morocco and France in
2006, during debates about the “surge” and the merits of counterinsurgency
and nation-building strategies in Iraq and Afghanistan; and I returned to
Morocco to work on revisions in 2011, the year of the “Arab Spring” events
and Morocco’s historic constitutional reforms. The arc of this decade has
strongly shaped the types of questions this book pursues—about Western
intervention, indirect rule, anti-colonial resistance and colonial counterin-
surgency, state and nation building, the integration of tribal groups, debates
over gender and identity, and the political and social role of Islam. This book
is thus not just about Morocco’s colonial history but also about persistent
questions that have returned in the early twenty-first century to the forefront
of debates within academic and policy circles and, more important, within
the region’s public sphere.
Many people have provided invaluable help in this journey. Although
the following words of thanks constitute a meager offering, I do want to
acknowledge the many people who have helped along the way. For financial
support for field and archival research in Morocco and France that made this
book possible, I am grateful for support from a Fulbright Student Fellowship,
a Fulbright-Hays Doctoral Dissertation Research Abroad Fellowship (Doc-
toral Book Research Abroad Program), an American Institute for Maghrib
Studies grant, and a Yale MacMillan Center faculty research grant. Time to
write and revise was made possible by a Georgetown University Fellowship,
a Royden B. Davis Fellowship from the Georgetown University History
Department, and a Yale Junior Faculty Fellowship.
In Morocco, I owe a great debt of gratitude to numerous colleagues
and friends I made at Al Akhawayn University, including Driss Ouaoui-
cha, Mohamed Dahbi, Nizar Messari, Michael Peyron, Abdellah Chekayri,
Said Ennahid, Jack Kalpakian, Driss Maghraoui, Peter Wien, Michael Willis,
Eric Ross, John Shoup, Nadia Tahraoui, Mohamed Saber, Ben Cox, Kevin
and Karen Smith, Peter Hardcastle, Paula Pratt, Bob Mittan, Bob Burgess,
 P R E FA CE A N D A C K N OW L E D G M E N TS xi

and Cate Owens. Thanks to the Mohamed VI Library staff at Al Akha-

wayn University for their kindness and assistance. In Fes, I thank Ali Filali
for his invaluable help and inside perspective on the medina. In Rabat and
Casablanca, I especially thank Mustapha Qadery at the National Library;
Mohamed Moukhlis and Abdselam Khalafi at the Royal Institute for Amazigh
Culture; Daoud Casewit, James Miller, and Saadia Maski at the Moroccan-
American Center for Educational and Cultural Exchange; Evelyn Early at
the U.S. embassy; and dear friends Steve and Connie McDaniel and Allan
and Deborah MacArthur. I thank Dr. Oudades and Taos Zayd in Aghbala
for their tremendous assistance and hospitality. Additionally, I offer sincere
appreciation to the library staff of the Bibliothèque Nationale, the Hassaniya
Royal Library, La Source, and the High Commission for the Resistance and
Veterans of the Army of Liberation in Rabat. In France, my heartfelt thanks
go to Hassan Moukhlisse and Bérengère Clément of the Maison méditer-
ranéenne des sciences de l’homme library in Aix-en-Provence for their gen-
erous assistance with the Fonds Roux and to Amy Tondu of the Fulbright
Commission in Paris. The staff at the Service Historique de la Défense at
Château de Vincennes, the Ministère des Affaires etrangères archives in Paris,
the Centre des archives diplomatiques in Nantes, and the Académie des Sci-
ences Coloniales in Paris were also extremely helpful.
I owe much to the tremendous support I received in the Georgetown his-
tory department from John Tutino, Kathy Gallagher, Djuana Shields, John
McNeill, Alison Games, Judith Tucker, Yvonne Haddad, Richard Kuisel, and
Amira Sonbol. This project grew out of conversations and discussions with
several of my teachers, advisors, and fellow students. I especially thank those
who so generously gave of their time, including Osama Abi-Mershed, Aviel
Roshwald, Elizabeth Thompson, and especially John Voll, who has been
an exemplary scholar, teacher, and mentor. This study has been profoundly
shaped by indirect and direct conversations with Terry Burke. At Yale, I am
grateful for an incredibly encouraging intellectual community within and
beyond my department. I thank those who gave gracious feedback, including
Julia Adams, Phil Gorski, Phil Smith, Jeff Alexander, Peter Stamatov, Ron
Eyerman, Rene Almeling, Emily Erikson, Marcia Inhorn, James Scott, Erik
Harms, Sara Shneiderman, Adria Lawrence, Ellen Lust, Andrew March, Frank
Griffel, and especially Nick Hoover-Wilson and Sadia Saeed. Others who
have provided invaluable comments include Julian Go, George Steinmetz,
Daniel Schroeter, Aomar Boum, Susan Miller, and Abdellah Hammoudi.
I thank the participants in multiple forums in which parts of this project
have been presented for their input. These include: at Yale, the Comparative
Research Workshop, the Cultural Sociology workshop, the Agrarian Studies
xii P R E FA CE A N D A C K N OW L E D G M E N TS

workshop, and the Middle East Social Science workshop; the Princeton Near
Eastern Studies brown bag; the Social Science History Association; and the
Middle East Studies Association. My deepest thanks to Stacey Maples for
making this book’s wonderful maps. Chapter 3 is a revised version of an
article that previously appeared as “Colonial State-Building and the Nego-
tiation of Arab and Berber Identity in Protectorate Morocco” in the Interna
tional Journal of Middle East Studies (2011): 227–249, and I thank Cambridge
University Press for permission to reprint it. Finally, at Cornell University
Press, huge thanks to Roger Haydon for his encouraging support, humor,
and feedback through the publication process; to Emily Powers, Karen
Laun, and Kate Babbitt for invaluable editorial and production assistance;
and to the anonymous reviewers for making this a much better book.
Finally, I want to acknowledge the incredible support of our families.
Thanks to my parents, Dave and Mary, and my in-laws, John and Lestra,
for visiting your sojourning children and grandchildren so many times in
Morocco and France. I thank my dad and brother, Joel, for multiple readings
of this text and for their insightful comments and corrections. I am incred-
ibly grateful for the encouragement of my daughters, Leila and Nora, who
have grown up with this project on three continents, and Alia, who arrived
near its conclusion, all of whom have given me incredible joy in the midst of
my vocation and who have prayed ardently for Baba to “finish his book.” It
would greatly exceed the bounds of academic propriety to truly express my
gratitude to her, so I will end by simply saying to my wife, Leslie, alf shukran.
  AAcronyms
bbrevi ati ons a nd

AIU Paris Alliance Israélite Universelle, Paris, France

BN Rabat Bibliothèque nationale, Rabat, Morocco
CAOM Centre des archives d’outre mer, Aix en Provence, France
CHEAM Centre des hautes études d’administration musulmane, Paris,
France
Fonds Roux Fonds Arsène Roux, Institute de recherches et d’études sur le monde
arabe et musulman, Aix en Provence, France
Hassaniya Al Hassaniya Royal Archives, Rabat, Morocco
IMA Institut du monde arabe, Paris, France
IREMAM Institut de recherches et d’études sur le monde arabe et musulman,
Aix en Provence, France
La Source La Source Library, Rabat, Morocco
MAE Archives du Ministère des Affaires étrangères, La Courneuve,
France
MAE, CADN Ministère des Affaires étrangères. Centre des archives diplomatiques
de Nantes, Nantes, France
Qarawiyin Qarawiyin Library, Fes, Morocco
SHD AT Service historique de la défense. Armée de Terre. Château de
Vincennes, France

xiii
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