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The Madness of Crowds Gender Race and Identity 1st

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 CONTENTS

Introduction

1 Gay
Interlude– The Marxist Foundations
2 Women
Interlude– The Impact of Tech
3 Race
Interlude– On Forgiveness
4 Trans
Conclusion

Acknowledgements
Notes
Index
‘The special mark of the modern world is not that it is
sceptical, but that it is dogmatic without knowing it.’
G. K. Chesterton

‘Oh my gosh, look at her butt

Oh my gosh, look at her butt
Oh my gosh, look at her butt
(Look at her butt)
Look at, look at, look at
Look, at her butt’
N. Minaj
 INTRODUCTION

We are going through a great crowd derangement. In public and in

private, both online and off, people are behaving in ways that are
increasingly irrational, feverish, herd-like and simply unpleasant. The
daily news cycle is filled with the consequences. Yet while we see
the symptoms everywhere, we do not see the causes.
Various explanations have been given. These tend to suggest that
any and all madnesses are the consequence of a Presidential
election, or a referendum. But none of these explanations gets to
the root of what is happening. For far beneath these day-to-day
events are much greater movements and much bigger events. It is
time we began to confront the true causes of what is going wrong.
Even the origin of this condition is rarely acknowledged. This is the
simple fact that we have been living through a period of more than a
quarter of a century in which all our grand narratives have collapsed.
One by one the narratives we had were refuted, became unpopular
to defend or impossible to sustain. The explanations for our
existence that used to be provided by religion went first, falling away
from the nineteenth century onwards. Then over the last century the
secular hopes held out by all political ideologies began to follow in
religion’s wake. In the latter part of the twentieth century we
entered the postmodern era. An era which defined itself, and was
defined, by its suspicion towards all grand narratives.1 However, as
all schoolchildren learn, nature abhors a vacuum, and into the
postmodern vacuum new ideas began to creep, with the intention of
providing explanations and meanings of their own.
It was inevitable that some pitch would be made for the deserted
ground. People in wealthy Western democracies today could not
simply remain the first people in recorded history to have absolutely
no explanation for what we are doing here, and no story to give life
purpose. Whatever else they lacked, the grand narratives of the past
at least gave life meaning. The question of what exactly we are
meant to do now – other than get rich where we can and have
whatever fun is on offer – was going to have to be answered by
something.
The answer that has presented itself in recent years is to engage in
new battles, ever fiercer campaigns and ever more niche demands.
To find meaning by waging a constant war against anybody who
seems to be on the wrong side of a question which may itself have
just been reframed and the answer to which has only just been
altered. The unbelievable speed of this process has been principally
caused by the fact that a handful of businesses in Silicon Valley
(notably Google, Twitter and Facebook) now have the power not just
to direct what most people in the world know, think and say, but
have a business model which has accurately been described as
relying on finding ‘customers ready to pay to modify someone else’s
behaviour’.2 Yet although we are being aggravated by a tech world
which is running faster than our legs are able to carry us to keep up
with it, these wars are not being fought aimlessly. They are
consistently being fought in a particular direction. And that direction
has a purpose that is vast. The purpose – unknowing in some
people, deliberate in others – is to embed a new metaphysics into
our societies: a new religion, if you will.
 Although the foundations had been laid for several decades, it is
only since the financial crash of 2008 that there has been a march
into the mainstream of ideas that were previously known solely on
the obscurest fringes of academia. The attractions of this new set of
beliefs are obvious enough. It is not clear why a generation which
can’t accumulate capital should have any great love of capitalism.
And it isn’t hard to work out why a generation who believe they may
never own a home could be attracted to an ideological world view
which promises to sort out every inequity not just in their own lives
but every inequity on earth. The interpretation of the world through
the lens of ‘social justice’, ‘identity group politics’ and
‘intersectionalism’ is probably the most audacious and
comprehensive effort since the end of the Cold War at creating a
new ideology.
To date ‘social justice’ has run the furthest because it sounds – and
in some versions is – attractive. Even the term itself is set up to be
anti-oppositional. ‘You’re opposed to social justice? What do you
want, social injustice?’
‘Identity politics’, meanwhile, has become the place where social
justice finds its caucuses. It atomizes society into different interest
groups according to sex (or gender), race, sexual preference and
more. It presumes that such characteristics are the main, or only,
relevant attributes of their holders and that they bring with them
some added bonus. For example (as the American writer Coleman
Hughes has put it), the assumption that there is ‘a heightened moral
knowledge’ that comes with being black or female or gay.3 It is the
cause of the propensity of people to start questions or statements
with ‘Speaking as a . . .’. And it is something that people both living
and dead need to be on the right side of. It is why there are calls to
pull down the statues of historical figures viewed as being on the
wrong side and it is why the past needs to be rewritten for anyone
you wish to save. It is why it has become perfectly normal for a Sinn
Fein senator to claim that the IRA hunger strikers in 1981 were
striking for gay rights.4 Identity politics is where minority groups are
encouraged to simultaneously atomize, organize and pronounce.
The least attractive-sounding of this trinity is the concept of
‘intersectionality’. This is the invitation to spend the rest of our lives
attempting to work out each and every identity and vulnerability
claim in ourselves and others and then organize along whichever
system of justice emerges from the perpetually moving hierarchy
which we uncover. It is a system that is not just unworkable but
dementing, making demands that are impossible towards ends that
are unachievable. But today intersectionality has broken out from
the social science departments of the liberal arts colleges from which
it originated. It is now taken seriously by a generation of young
people and – as we shall see – has become embedded via
employment law (specifically through a ‘commitment to diversity’) in
all the major corporations and governments.
New heuristics have been required to force people to ingest the
new presumptions. The speed at which they have been
mainstreamed is staggering. As the mathematician and writer Eric
Weinstein has pointed out (and as a Google Books search shows),
phrases like ‘LGBTQ’, ‘white privilege’ and ‘transphobia’ went from
not being used at all to becoming mainstream. As he wrote about
the graph that results from this, the ‘woke stuff’ that Millennials and
others are presently using ‘to tear apart millennia of oppression and
/or civilization . . . was all made up about 20 minutes ago’. As he
went on, while there is nothing wrong with trying out new ideas and
phrases, ‘you have to be pretty damn reckless to be leaning this hard
on so many untested heuristics your parents came up with in
untested fields that aren’t even 50 years old’.5 Similarly, Greg
Lukianoff and Jonathan Haidt have pointed out (in their 2018 book
The Coddling of the American Mind) how new the means of policing
and enforcing these new heuristics have become. Phrases like
‘triggered’ and ‘feeling unsafe’ and claims that words that do not fit
the new religion cause ‘harm’ only really started to spike in usage
from 2013 onwards.6 It is as though, having worked out what it
wanted, the new metaphysics took a further half-decade to work out
how to intimidate its followers into the mainstream. But it has done
so, with huge success.
The results can be seen in every day’s news. It is behind the news
that the American Psychological Association feels the need to advise
its members on how to train harmful ‘traditional masculinity’ out of
boys and men.7 It is why a previously completely unknown
programmer at Google – James Damore – can be sacked for writing
a memo suggesting that some jobs in tech appeal more to men than
they do to women. And it is why the number of Americans who view
racism as a ‘big problem’ doubled between 2011 and 2017.8
Having begun to view everything through the new lenses we have
been provided with, everything is then weaponized, with
consequences which are deranged as well as dementing. It is why
The New York Times decides to run a piece by a black author with
the title: ‘Can my Children be Friends with White People?’9 And why
even a piece about cycling deaths in London written by a woman can
be framed through the headline: ‘Roads Designed by Men are Killing
Women’.10 Such rhetoric exacerbates any existing divisions and each
time creates a number of new ones. And for what purpose? Rather
than showing how we can all get along better, the lessons of the last
decade appear to be exacerbating a sense that in fact we aren’t very
good at living with each other.
For most people some awareness of this new system of values has
become clear not so much by trial as by very public error. Because
one thing that everybody has begun to at least sense in recent years
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