POST
The Quota Reform Movement of 2024 marked a highly volatile moment in Bangladesh's
history, rivalled only by the war that brought the country independence in 1971. Driven by
profound economic and political dissatisfaction, the movement followed the reinstatement of
the quota system and increasing youth unemployment rates and saw students and citizens
bravely take to the streets, demanding justice and reform, only to be met with a harsh and
unyielding response from law enforcers. This period was stained by a profound and
heartbreaking loss of life and countless injuries dealt by Sheikh Hasina’s government
through its inability to address the issues the Bangladeshi youth was grappling with. The
formation of an interim government and changes in the quota to promote merit-based hiring
was a bittersweet victory amidst the turmoil for the people- a potential new direction for the
nation.
ARTICLE
In Dhaka, students were on the streets directing traffic and keeping things running as the
police staged a strike following the popular uprising that toppled former prime minister
Sheikh Hasina.
The Quota Reform Movement of 2024 proved to be Bangladesh’s bloodiest episode since
the war that brought the country independence in 1971. While there was a similar successful
student movement in 2018 that forced Sheikh Hasina’s government to scrap the quota
system altogether, it is now a weak comparison to the revolt that followed the reinstatement
of the system; ruled by the Bangladesh high court on account of its ending being
‘unconstitutional’.
The initial system, introduced in 1972, allocated 40% of government jobs to freedom fighters
and women affected by the 1971 war and 40% to those from districts that had low
socio-economic development. The other 20% was merit based. Over the years, the system
underwent several changes; 30% of seats in public sector jobs and high education
institutions were set aside for freedom fighters and their descendants, 10% for women, 10%
for underdeveloped districts, 5% for minority groups and 1% for transgender people and
those with disabilities. This left about 3,000 seats based on merit and 40,000 students
competing for them in the civil services exam.
Moreover, stagnant job growth in the private sector made public sector jobs increasingly
attractive, especially due to their accompanying regular wage hikes and privileges. The
quotas shrunk the number of government jobs open for all, hurting those wanting them to be
filled based on merit, thus sparking the anger of students grappling with the high youth
unemployment rates- nearly 32 million young people were out of work or education
from a population of 170 million.
Initial protests in early July were small and occasionally met with scattered violence from
pro-government Awami League (AL) supporters, namely its student wing Bangladesh
Chhatra League (BCL). The protests escalated when Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina
declared protesters to be ‘razakars’, a derogatory term referring to those who helped
Pakistani forces to fight against Bangladesh’s independence in 1971. The highly
inflammatory rhetoric sparked violence, with the protesters adopting the term and calling the
prime minister an autocrat.
The retaliation from the AL’s secretary general saying that BCL would give the protestors a
‘fitting response’ resulted in BCL members, the police and other government supporters
descending on student protestors, precipitating clashes on July 17 that killed at least 6
people. On the 18th of July, protesters attempted a ‘complete shutdown’, which was met with
deadlier violence. Protestors blocked major roads and railway tracks, while the police fired
rubber bullets, and hurled sound grenades and tear gas in order to stunt the unrest and the
government imposed a near-total shutdown of the country’s internet. July 19th, government
buildings were torched- among which was the Dhaka headquarters of the state broadcaster
Bangladesh Television- and telecommunications were severely disrupted. By the end of the
weekend, the 21st of July, the military was deployed across the country with a ‘shoot
on sight’ order.
The government's response to the protests drew sharp criticism from several human rights
organizations, including Amnesty International, which labeled the actions as inhumane. The
crackdown resulted in tragic loss of life, with at least 631 people killed. The violence left over
19,200 individuals injured and led to the arrest of more than 9,000 people, many of whom
were held in arbitrary detention without due process.
This blatant disregard for human rights and the excessive use of force by law enforcement
sparked outrage across the globe. Reports from students who were present during the
protests highlighted the sheer brutality of the situation. A first year student at BRAC
University narrated how students were targeted and trapped in their university by indifferent
law enforcement personnel. Many had to be rushed to the on campus medical centre which
quickly became overcrowded. “I got hit by two rubber bullets, and there was one
student who was shot as he was trying to enter university. Afterwards, I saw his dead
body myself.” he said.
Even before the movement, the media’s withering coverage of the government’s actions had
galvanized negative public opinion. The quota issue was the tip of the iceberg of the
economic and political discontent of the public. Many saw the quota as a giveaway to AL
loyalists (as it was this Awami League that led the independence fight) and raised concerns
about corruption and increasing benefit of the government. Additionally, Bangladesh has not
held a transparent election that established the AL’s support since 2008, essentially raising
questions of the AL’s legitimacy from students that have only known this party’s rule. The
opposition Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) and its allies (namely the Islamist party
Jamaat-i-Islami) seized this discontent and revived their own anti-government movement,
declaring solidarity with the protestors- creating a broader challenge to the government’s
authority.
Bangladesh was already facing significant economic challenges prior to the movement.
Inflation rates were high, the financial sector exhibited vulnerabilities, and the external sector
was under considerable pressure. Despite these issues, the GDP growth rate was
approximately 5.8% in 2023. In April 2018, the AL was entering an election year, with the
opposition ultimately participating in the polls. At that time, the economy was strong, and the
protesters mostly refrained from political involvement. However, by 2024, the situation had
markedly changed. The protests erupted seven months after a widely boycotted
election, amid economic difficulties, a hostile opposition, and a politically awakened
youth, contributing to a more resilient and determined protest movement.
Consequently, a high court ruling on the 21st stated that the seats for freedom fighters and
their descendants cannot exceed 7%, and a judicial commission was to be created to
investigate the deaths of protestors. While this addressed the original concerns of the
students, their demands expanded: they wanted the release of jailed protestors, trials for
police officers that killed citizens, and the resignation of prominent government
ministers.
On the 23rd of July, the law minister announced that prime minister Sheikh Hasina had
instructed him to come to a compromise and sit down with the quota protestors. The
protestors declined, saying they wanted “police and pro-government student-wing members
brought to justice” before they would “even consider sitting with the government”.
On the 1st of August, six protestors were released from police custody, marking a
significant moment in the ongoing unrest. The following day, the Appellate Division of the
Supreme Court issued an order that 93% of government jobs would be allocated
based on merit, with 5% reserved for freedom fighters and the remaining 2% for ethnic
minorities, transgender individuals, and disabled people.
However, many were still disheartened by this change, noting that the highest percentage of
quotas remained reserved for children of freedom fighters. “On what basis was one percent
allocated for indigenous people and one percent for the disabled and third gender? Even the
protestors didn't ask for so little for those minority groups. The complete abolishment of
female quotas will have far-reaching impacts,” said a fourth-year student at DU. Many argue
that while they achieved their demands, it feels like an empty victory after all the deaths and
the government's failure to create a well-researched policy that genuinely benefits the
people.
On the 5th of August when Bangladesh Army Chief Waker-uz-Zaman issued an
ultimatum demanding the resignation of Sheikh Hasina within 45 minutes. The
government's failure to effectively address the protestors' demands and the ensuing chaos
led to the decision to form an interim government. On August 8, 2024, Nobel Laureate
Muhammad Yunus, a respected economist, entrepreneur, and civil society leader, was
appointed as Chief Advisor. His appointment was met with widespread public support, as
many admired his contributions to social and economic development. The interim
government announced plans to hold national elections by the end of 2025 or the first
half of 2026, signaling a hopeful path forward for the nation.
Furthermore, the government plans to present a revised budget for the 2024-2025
Fiscal Year by February 2025, and aims to coordinate monetary and budgetary policy.
Significant reforms for the power and energy sector are also planned to revise outdated
legislation, enhance regulatory bodies and promote renewable energy.
The movement had a profound impact on Bangladesh's economy, causing significant
disruptions in key sectors such as garments, pharmaceuticals, and e-commerce. The
financial losses were staggering, with the Foreign Investors Chamber of Commerce and
Industry (FICCI) estimating the economic impact at a hefty USD 10 billion. The
Bangladesh Garment Manufacturers and Exporters Association (BGMEA) also reported
considerable losses amounting to 64 crore taka.
This period marked a significant policy shift, especially with changes in government job
recruitment. Consequently, S&P Global downgraded Bangladesh’s credit rating from BB to
B+, reflecting the country's economic challenges. Despite these hurdles, Bangladesh
managed to moderate its GDP growth to 5.2% in the fiscal year 2024, showcasing a
remarkable level of resilience.
Currently, Bangladesh’s GDP stands at an impressive USD 437.42 billion. However, the
country is still grappling with issues like high inflation and vulnerabilities in the financial
sector. Nevertheless, there are concerted efforts underway to overcome these challenges
and aim for upper middle-income status by 2031, indicating a hopeful and determined path
forward for Bangladesh.
RESOURCES
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