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Politics in Dark Times
Encounters with Hannah Arendt
Edited by Seyla Benhabib
Politics in Dark Times
Edited by
SEYLA BENHABffi
Yale University
CAMBRIDGE
UNIVERSITY PRESS
CAMBRIDGE UNIVERSITY PRESS
Cambridge, New York, Melbourne, Madrid, Cape Town, Singapore,
Sao Paulo, Delhi, Dubai, Tokyo, Mexico City
www .cambridge.org
Information on this title: www .cambridge.org/97805 2. I I 2.72.2.6
A catalog record for this publication is available from the British Library.
Cambridge University Press has no responsibility for the persistence or accuracy of URLS for
external or third-party Internet Web sites referred to in this publication and does not guarantee
that any content on such Web sites is, or will remain, accurate or appropriate.
This publication has been supported by a generous grant from the John K. Castle Fund housed in
Yale's Program on Ethics, Politics and Economics. The Castle Fund was established in honor of
Reverend James Pierpont, one of Yale's original founders.
Contents
Introduction I
Seyla Benhabib
v
v1 Contents
Index 375
Notes on Contributors
vii
viii Notes on Contributors
( 1996); Freud and the Legacy of Moses ( 1998); Radical Evil: A Philosophi
cal Interrogation ( 2002); and The Abuse of Evil: The Corruption of Politics
and Religion since 9/rz ( 200 5 ) . His most recent book is The Pragmatic Turn
(2010).
Leora Bilsky i s Professor o f Law a t Tel-Aviv University and the author of
Transformative Justice: Israeli Identity on Trial ( 2004 ) .
Jean L. Cohen i s Professor of Political Theory a t Columbia University. She is
the author of Class and Civil Society: The Limits of Marxian Critical Theory
( 19 8 2) ; Civil Society and Political Theory ( 1992) with Andrew Arata; and
Rethinking Intimacy: A New Legal Paradigm (2002) . She is completing a book
for Cambridge University Press on legality and legitimacy in the epoch of
globalization.
Bryan Garsten is Professor of Political Science at Yale University and author of
Saving Persuasion: A Defense of Rhetoric and Judgment ( 2oo6). He has also
written articles on themes related to representative government in the thought
of Hobbes, Rousseau, Tocqueville, and Benjamin Constant.
Dick Howard is Distinguished Professor of Philosophy at the State Univer
sity of New York at Stony Brook. He is the author of fourteen books, most
recently The Specter of Democracy ( 2002); La naissance de Ia pensee politique
americaine (2oo 5 ) ; and La democratie a l'epreuve: Chroniques americaines
( 2oo6). The Primacy of the Political: A History of Political Thought from the
Greeks to the American and French Revolutions was published in 201 0.
George Kateb is William Nelson Cromwell Professor of Politics Emeritus
at Princeton University. His books include Hannah Arendt: Politics, Con
science, Evil ( 1 9 84 ); The Inner Ocean: Individualism and Democratic Cul
ture ( 1992); Emerson and Self-Reliance ( 199 4 , 2002) ; John Stuart Mill, On
Liberty, coedited with David Bromwich ( 2003 ); and Patriotism and Other
Mistakes ( 2oo6).
Richard H. King is Professor Emeritus of American Intellectual History at the
University of Nottingham, UK. He is the author of Race, Culture and the
Intellectuals, I940-I970 ( 2004) , and coeditor of Hannah Arendt and the Uses
of History: Imperialism, Nation, Race and Genocide ( 2007) . He is currently
at work on The American Arendt, which will focus on Arendt's impact on
American thought and the impact of her experience in America on her own
thought.
Karuna Mantena is Assistant Professor of Political Science at Yale University.
She has researched and written on empire and imperialism in modern polit
ical thought and, especially, on nineteenth-century British imperial ideology.
She is the author of Alibis of Empire: Henry Maine and the Ends of Liberal
Imperialism ( 20 1 0 ) .
Notes on Contributors ix
Christian Volk received his doctoral degree from Aachen University ( Germany)
in 2009 . He is the author of Die Ordnung der Freiheit. Recht und Politik im
Denken Hannah Arendts (2oro) . He currently holds a postdoctoral position at
the Humboldt-University in Berlin and is working on his Habilitationsprojekt
"The Paradigm of Post-Sovereignty: Law and Democracy in a Global Order."
Jeremy Waldron is University Professor at New York University School of Law.
He is the author of Law and Disagreement (r999) and God, Locke and Equa
lity ( 2002) among other books. He is the author of "Arendt's Constitutional
Politics " in Dana Villa (ed. ) , The Cambridge Companion to Hannah Arendt
(2oor) and "What Would Hannah Say?" in The New York Review of Books,
March rs, 2007 .
Introduction
Seyla Benhabib
Few if any political thinkers of the twentieth century have attracted public
attention and scholarly discussion as wide-ranging as has Hannah Arendt. Her
theoretical reflections on the human condition have attained classic status in
political philosophy, while her writings on the political crises of her time are a
continuing source of intellectual inspiration and provocation.
A former student of Martin Heidegger and Karl Jaspers and a comrade in
exile from Nazi Germany with Walter Benjamin, Arendt first came to public
prominence ten years after her emigration to the United States, with the publi
cation of The Origins of Totalitarianism ( 19 5 1 ) . That celebrated work's highly
original analyses of antisemitism, imperialism;-and totalitarianism immediately
established her as a leading commentator on the political upheavals and catas
trophes of the era. With that book, she not only offered a uniquely clear-sighted,
broad account of twentieth-century totalitarian politics and their antecedents;
she also provided an exceptionally subtle and penetrating analysis of the mod
em mentalities that gave succor to those politics. Within those same pages, she
also made a landmark contribution to the discourse of international human
rights, with a strong critique of the misuse of the institution of citizenship
in the modern nation-state. She followed that achievement with even more
far-reaching analyses of the exhausted traditions and neglected resources of
Western political thought, culminating in her books The Human Condition
( 1 9 5 8 ) and On Revolution ( 1 9 63). Her fearlessness in exploring the nature of
political evil and personal responsibility found further expression in Eichmann
in Jerusalem ( 1963 ), the source of her famous, much-misunderstood phrase,
"the banality of evil. " All of these books - along with the numerous other vol
umes, essays, and lectures that constitute the corpus of Arendt's work - were
the focus of extensive critical notice and often controversy in her lifetime, and in
more recent years they have gained an ever-widening circle of attentive readers,
I
2 Seyla Benhabib
both within and outside the academy. 1 With the passage of time, her stature as
a major thinker of the twentieth century has received ample confirmation.
In the fall of 2006, the centenary of Hannah Arendt's birth was cele
brated with conferences from New York to Istanbul, from Paris to Lima,
from Berlin to Sofia and beyond. These not only marked her worldwide
recognition and reputation, 1 they also revealed an urgent need, an intellec
tual hunger, "to think with Arendt, against Arendt. " 3 This need was increased
by the global struggles that ensued after the September II, 2oo r, attacks on
the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, and the subsequent American-led
wars in Afghanistan and Iraq. Many have presented the conflict between the
resurgent forces of an Islamist Jihadi movement, spearheaded by al-Qaeda,
against the 'West,' as a confrontation between liberal democracies and the
new face of totalitarianism in the twenty-first century. In this context, Arendt's
epochal analysis of Nazi and Stalinist totalitarianism has often been invoked
as a source of analytical insight about current problems and also to support
entrenched ideological positions, with which Arendt most likely would not have
agreed.4
The month of October 2006 was a particularly dark one for the Ameri
can republic in Arendtian terms: With congressional midterm elections only a
month away, it appeared to many that nothing less than the future of consti
tutional government in the United States was at stake. Guantanamo and Abu
Ghraib were only the most infamous of the sites of illegality where the U.S.
Constitution was hemorrhaging in the hands of those who claimed that exec
utive power, beyond the rule of domestic and international law, would deter
mine the status of enemy combatants. Evidence was mounting daily that
1 See Samantha Powex, "Introduction," The Origins of Totalitarianism (New York: Schocken,
2004), pp. ix-xxiv.
:>.
See the two volumes published by Social Research documenting these confexences: Hannah
Arendt's Centennary: Political and Philosophical Perspectives, Part I, edited by Arienne Mack
and Jerome Kohn, 74, 3 (Fall 2007); Hannah Arendt's Centennary: Political and Philosophical
Perspectives, Part II, edited by Arienne Mack and Jerome Kohn, 74, 4 (Winter 2007).
3 I introduced this phrase in Seyla Benhabib, "Preface to the New Edition," The Reluctant Mod
ernism ofHannah Arendt (new edition, New York: Rowman and Littlefield, 200 3 ; first published
by Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 199 6), pp. xix-xx.
4 In the fall of 2oox, shortly after the Septexnbex I I atracks on the World Trade Center, a confexence
was held at the New School for Social Research that had been originally planned to mark the
fiftieth annivexsary of the publication of The Origins of Totalitarianism. Impassioned participants
debated whether the al-Qaeda movement and IslamicJihadism could be considered "totalitarian"
in the way spelled out by Hannah Arendt. Cf. The Origins of Totalitarianism. Fifty Years Later,
Social Research, edited by Arienne Mack and Jerome Kohn, 69, 2 (Summer 2002).
The thesis of "Islamo-fascism" has been put forward by Paul Berman, who has called for an
"anti-totalitarian war." Paul Berman, Terror and Liberalism (New York: W.W. Norton, 2003 );
Cf. also Christopher Hitchens, A Long-Short War: The Postponed Liberation of Iraq (London:
Penguin, 2003); and Thomas Cushman, Simon Cottee, and Christopher Hitchens, Christopher
Hitchens and His Critics: Terror, Iraq and the Left (New York and London: New York University
Press, 2008 ).
Cf. Chapter II in this book, by Benjamin Barber, who radically disagrees with these views of
Islam.
Introduction 3
s Cf. the article, Scott Shane, David Johnston, and James Riesen, "Secret U.S. Endorsement
of Severe Interrogations," New York Times (October 4, 2007): "From the secret sites in
Mghanistan, Thailand and Eastern Europe where C.I.A. teams held al-Qaeda terrorists, ques
tions for the lawyers at C.I.A. headquarters arrived daily. Nervous interrogators wanted to know:
Are we breaking the law against torture?"
Several controversial memos and briefs of the G. W. Bush Administration sought to establish
that neither Article m of the Geneva Convention ( I 949), to which the United States was a High
Contracting Party, nor the War Crimes Act (I996) applied to a non-state actor such as the
al-Qaeda organization. See "Memorandum for Alberto Gonzales, Counsel to the President and
William J. Haynes, IT, General Counsel of the Department of Defense," prepared by the Office of
the Assistant Attorney General, Bybee, on January 2.2., 2002: a!t'd the Alberto R. Gonzales Memos
of January 25, 2002 and August I, 2002. Once the protection of al-Qaeda and of captured Tal
iban prisoners under the Geneva Conventions and the War Crimes Act was lifted, they became
fair game to be tortured and the U.S. government avoided the onus of violating international
obligations and customary international law. The August I memo states with respect to "Stan
dards of Conduct for Interrogation under I 8 U.S.C. #234o-2340 A that . . . certain aets may be
cruel, inhuman or degrading, but still not produce pain and suffering of the requisite intensity to
fall within section 2340A's proscription against torture . . . . Physical pain amounting to torture
must be equivalent in intensity to the pain accompanying serious physical injury, such as organ
failure, impairment of bodily function or even death. For purely mental pain or suffering to
amount to torture under Section 23 40, it must result in significant physical harm of significant
duration, e.g. lasting for months or even years. "
Gonzales' memo in effect sanctioned the use of torture by the United States. That the reasoning
of the Office of the U.S. Attorney General was faulty is widely accepted in the legal community
and has been proven by subsequent U.S. Supreme Court decisions to close down the Guantanamo
Bay Prison. In a series of related decisions over a number of years, the U.S. Supreme Court has
concluded that "United States courts have jurisdiction to consider challenges to the legality of the
detention of foreign nationals captured abroad in connection with hostilities and incarcerated
at Guantanamo Bay. Ouly 2004 ). See http://news.bbc.co.ukf2.lhilamericas/3 8 67067.stm. And on
December I S, 2008, the justices ordered a Washington appeals court to review its January 2008
ruling quashing the lawsuit against former defense secretary Donald Rumsfeld and ten senior
U.S. military officers. This decision was the latest in a string of legal rebukes to the military justice
system set up by the administration of President George W. Bush to try "enemy combatants"
seized as part of the government's "war on terrorism. "
6 Jonathan Schell, "The Torture Election," The Nation, October 3 0, 2006. Accessible online at
http://www.thenation.com/doc/2.oo6I I I 3/schell.
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