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The Vanished World
of Lithuanian Jews
 On the Boundary of Two Worlds
Identity, Freedom, and Moral Imagination
in the Baltics
1

Editor

Leonidas Donskis, Professor of Philosophy at Vytautas Magnus

University in Kaunas, Lithuania, and Foreign Docent of Philosophy at
the University of Helsinki, Finland

Editorial and Advisory Board

Timo Airaksinen, University of Helsinki, Finland

Egidijus Aleksandravicius, The Lithuanian Emigration Institute,
Vytautas Magnus University, Kaunas, Lithuania
Endre Bojtar, the Central European University, Budapest, Hungary
Kristian Gerner, University of Uppsala, Sweden
John Hiden, University of Glasgow, UK
Mikko Lagerspetz, Estonian Institute of Humanities, Estonia
Andreas Lawaty, Director, the Nordost-Institute at Lüneburg,
Germany
Olli Loukola, University of Helsinki, Finland
Alvydas Nikzentaitis, Lithuanian History Institute, Lithuania
Rein Raud, University of Helsinki, Finland, and Estonian Institute of
Humanities, Estonia
Alfred Erich Senn, University of Wisconsin-Madison, USA
David Smith, University of Glasgow, UK
Saulius Suziedelis, Millersville University, USA
Joachim Tauber, Nordost-Institut, Lüneburg, Germany
Tomas Venclova, Yale University, USA
 The Vanished World
of Lithuanian Jews

Edited by

Alvydas Nikžentaitis, Stefan Schreiner

& Darius Staliūnas

Preface by Leonidas Donskis

Amsterdam - New York, NY 2004

Cover design: Arunas Gelunas

The paper on which this book is printed meets the requirements of “ISO
9706:1994, Information and documentation - Paper for documents -
Requirements for permanence”.

ISBN: 90-420-0850-4
©Editions Rodopi B.V., Amsterdam – New York, NY 2004
Printed in The Netherlands
 Acknowledgements

It is the editors’ great pleasure to express their gratitude to all those who
graciously sponsored the conferences held in Nida (1997) and Telšiai
(2001), Lithuania, and, thus, contributed to the coming about of this book.

We are especially pleased to acknowledge the generous financial support

of the Volkswagen-Stiftung in Hanover, Germany. Without its support,
the conferences could not have taken place nor could the book have been
published.

Our appreciation goes equally to the Seimas of the Republic of Lithuania

as well as the Regional Museum of the City of Telšiai.

We owe a great debt of gratitude to Dr Stephen C. Rowell, Senior Fellow

at the Lithuanian Institute of History, for graciously proofreading and
editing the manuscript of the book.

A word of thanks is due also to Mr Emanuelis Zingeris, Director of the

Vilna Gaon Jewish State Museum, Lithuania, for giving permission to use
some photographs and materials to design the cover of the book.
This page intentionally left blank
 Table of Contents

Preface by Leonidas Donskis ix

Introduction 1
John D. Klier, Traditions of the Commonwealth:
Lithuanian Jewry and the Exercise of Political Power in
Tsarist Russia 5
Darius Staliūnas, Changes in the Political Situation and
the “Jewish Question” in the Lithuanian Gubernias of
the Russian Empire (1855–April 1863) 21
Theodore R. Weeks, Politics, Society, and Antisemitism:
Peculiarities of the Russian Empire and Lithuanian
Lands 45
Vladas Sirutavičius, Notes on the Origin and Development
of Modern Lithuanian Antisemitism in the Second Half
of the Nineteenth Century and at the Beginning of the
Twentieth Century 61
Ezra Mendelsohn, Some Remarks on the Jewish Condition in
Interwar East Central Europe 73
Eglė Bendikaitė, Expressions of Litvak Pro-Lithuanian
Political Orientation c.1906–c.1921 89
Česlovas Laurinavičius, Lithuanian General Aspects of
Domestic Policy 1918–1940 109
Saulius Sužiedėlis, The Historical Sources for
Antisemitism in Lithuania and Jewish-Lithuanian
Relations during the 1930s 119
Verena Dohrn, State and Minorities. The First Lithuanian
Republic and S. M. Dubnov’s Concept of Cultural
Autonomy 155
Yitzhak Arad, The Murder of the Jews in German-Occupied
Lithuania (1941–1944) 175
Arūnas Bubnys, The Holocaust in Lithuania: An Outline of
the Major Stages and their Results 205
Gershon Greenberg, Holocaust and Musar for the Telšiai
Yeshivah: Avraham Yitshak and Eliyahu Meir Bloch 223
viii The Vanished World of Lithuanian Jews

Yevgeni Rozenblat, The Holocaust in the Western Regions

of Belarus 263
Martin C. Dean, Lithuanian Participation in the Mass
Murder of Jews in Belarus and Ukraine (1941–1944) 285
Joachim Tauber, Coming to Terms with a Difficult Past 297
Summaries 307
About the Authors 319
 Preface

Since 1990 Lithuanian political culture has demonstrated a new political

willingness and ability to accommodate minorities and their languages
and cultures. Lithuanian mainstream politics has had much success in
embracing, or at least not alienating, the Polish, Russian, Ukrainian, and
Belarusian minorities.
We could mention here some minor tensions with Lithuanian Poles in
the late 1980s that reflected the dramatic history of Vilnius and its
surrounding area in the twentieth century, but this is no longer the case –
Poland and Lithuania recently reached an historic breakthrough in their
relations to become very close allies and strategic partners.
At the same time, Lithuania has even become a sort of refuge against
censorship and political persecution in neighbouring lands. As for the
most fragile and vulnerable stateless cultures and minorities deeply
grounded in Lithuanian history, these are more or less at home in present-
day Lithuania. The existence of small groups, such as Tatars, Karaims,
and Roma, does not, for example, cause conflicts.
Things are, however, far more complicated with regard to the Jewish
minority. The problem for Lithuanian Jews is that quite a large sector of
Lithuanian society – including not a few representatives of the
intelligentsia – is still inclined to consider the Jews as collectively
responsible for the mass killings and deportations of civilians, as well as
for other atrocities committed during the Soviet occupation on the eve of
the Second World War.
This represents the disgraceful adoption of the Nazi rhetoric that
equated Communism with the Jews. In an effort to modify the charges
that Lithuanians participated in the mass killings of Jews in 1941 and
after, some Lithuanians have spoken of “two genocides,” or – as some
Jewish writers have called it – “symmetry” in the suffering of both
peoples.
The notorious theory attributing the disasters that befell Lithuania to
Lithuanian Jews, which has been deeply embedded up to now in
Lithuanian political discourse and popular consciousness, regards with a
Jewish segment of the Soviet regime as having been decisive. At the same
time, this theory includes considerations of allegedly subversive and
treacherous activities on the eve of the Second World War of local Jewry,
with the latter perceived as lacking in loyalty, patriotism, and civic-
mindedness.
Hence, a derivative theory two genocides developed, which provides
an assessment of the Holocaust and of local collaboration with the Nazis
in terms of the revenge for the Soviet genocide of local population. It is
xii Preface

little wonder, then, that the theory of two genocides, which is just another
term for the theory of the collective guilt of the Jews, has been qualified
by Tomas Venclova, a prominent Lithuanian poet and literary scholar
who teaches literature at Yale University, as “troglodytic,” thus
characterising people who are inclined to practice it as moral troglodytes.
Regrettably, Lithuania has failed to bring war criminals to justice and
provide an unambiguous legal assessment of those Lithuanians who were
active in the Holocaust.
Also problematic is the parallel existence of Lithuanian and Jewish
cultures, and it has been so for centuries. Antisemitism is by no means the
only attitude to the Jews that can be ascribed accurately to Lithuanians.
The predominant attitude may better be described as insensitivity to, and
defensiveness about, inconvenient aspects of the past. The alienation of
the Jews from their host countries and their cultures is more likely to have
been a tragedy for the whole of Central and Eastern Europe, and should
not be seen as confined to Lithuania.
The parallel existence of Lithuanian and Jewish cultures may
therefore be regarded as the outcome of the afore-mentioned alienation.
These two cultures may never have achieved mutual understanding, to say
nothing of achieving an interpretative framework within which to
embrace or critically question one another. Prior to the Second World
War, Lithuania was famous for its very large Jewish community (about
250,000 Jews lived in Lithuania; only 20,000 survived the Holocaust).
The Lithuanian capital, Vilnius – occupied by Poland from 1920 to
1939 – was known around the world as the Jerusalem of the North, and
many internationally eminent Jews lived in or were from Lithuania,
among them the philosophers Emmanuel Lévinas and Aron Gurwitsch,
the painters Chaïm Soutine (a close friend of Amedeo Modigliani in
Paris) and Arbit Blatas, the sculptor Jacques Lipchitz, the violinist Jascha
Heifetz, and the art critic Bernard Berenson, one of the most sophisticated
twentieth-century students of the Italian Renaissance.
Yet none of these individuals was ever considered a significant actor
in Lithuanian culture – despite the fact that it was they who inscribed
Lithuania’s name on the intellectual and cultural map of the twentieth-
century world.
Why? The answer is very simple: the Russian-speaking and Yiddish-
speaking Jewish community in Lithuania was always alienated from the
Lithuanian inter-war intelligentsia, which, for its part, cultivated linguistic
and cultural nationalism both as a means of self-definition, and as a way
of distinguishing rurally oriented Lithuanian compatriots (that is, the
organic community; in Ferdinand Tönnies’s terms, Gemeinschaft) from
 Leonidas Donskis xiii

“rootless,” cosmopolitan urban professionals (the mechanised,

fragmented, diversified society, i.e., Gesellschaft).
Despite the fact that many Lithuanian intellectuals – among whom
Jonas Basanavičius, Vincas Krėvė-Mickevičius and Juozas Tumas-
Vaižgantas should be mentioned first – and ordinary people were
sympathetic to them, Jews and other aliens were excluded from the
Lithuanian cultural/intellectual mainstream. The specifically Lithuanian
intelligentsia decided who belonged to the nation, which they perceived
as the embodiment of a historical-cultural project, rather than as
empirically identifiable social reality.
Yet a tiny minority of Lithuanian intellectuals showed, in recent years,
a genuine interest in the history of, and a great sensitivity toward, their
Jewish fellow citizens. The establishing in the year 2000 of the House of
Memory in Lithuania, which is a non-government institution inspired by
the Beth Shalom Holocaust Memorial Centre in Britain and which
includes some public figures, is therefore a sign of hope for the future.
The names of Lithuanian public intellectuals who raised their voices
against all manifestations of antisemitism in Lithuania – the names of the
film critic Linas Vildžiūnas, the journalist Rimvydas Valatka, the
educator Vytautas Toleikis, the Calvinist priest Tomas Šernas, the
theatre critic Irena Veisaitė, and the journalist and film script writer
Pranas Morkus, among others – signify the arrival of a new epoch and
also the emergence of a new moral culture in Lithuania.
It would be naïve to deny the fact that antisemitism is still persistent
and strong in present-day Lithuania. Its ugly face tends to appear in the
guise of the most simplistic and primitive versions of anti-Communism,
not to mention the myriad ways it lurks behind the conspiracy theories of
society of various shades. At the same time, it would be inaccurate, if not
unfair, to insist on the failure of modern Lithuanian politics and culture to
face up antisemitism and the Holocaust in Lithuania.
In the brightest pronouncements and literary works of Lithuanian
émigrés, the Holocaust had become an inseparable part, not to say wound,
of modern Lithuanian identity. After the Second World War, the
Lithuanian émigré poet Algimantas Mackus depicted the tragic fate of a
Jewish boy in a moving poem, while another Lithuanian émigré writer,
Antanas Škėma, joined the theme of the Holocaust with his novel,
Izaokas.
Together with other liberal-minded émigré writers, scholars, and
artists, Mackus and Škėma belonged to Santara-Šviesa (Concord-Light),
a liberal, secular-humanist Lithuanian cultural movement in the USA
xiv i Preface

whose members initiated wide political and intellectual debates

concerning the role of Lithuanian collaborators of the Nazis in the
Holocaust. They also opposed the poisonous rhetoric and astonishing
insensitivity with which not a few conservative Lithuanian émigrés
assessed the greatest tragedy of Lithuania.
Out of this clash of sensibilities, came the remarkable and moving
words of Vytautas Kavolis, an eminent émigré sociologist in the USA and
a great intellectual influence in Lithuania after 1990. Kavolis wrote that
we are all responsible for what happened to Lithuanian Jews in 1941 in
the sense of our sharing the mode of discourse and the form of
insensitivity, which inevitably led to the demonisation, exclusion, and
extermination of Lithuanian Jews.
Aleksandras Shtromas, Kavolis’s life-long friend and classmate in
pre-war Kaunas, a close friend of Venclova, an eminent émigré political
theorist and criminologist in Great Britain and the USA, was also a major
figure in the context of Lithuanian-Jewish debates. He regarded the
nations as moral actors of history and violently objected the group, nation
and culture stereotyping. A Holocaust survivor perfectly aware of
antisemitism in his native country and beyond, Shtromas was convinced
that Germanophobia, Russophobia, Polonophobia, or Lithuanophobia are
no better than Judophobia.
The Rabbi Joseph Klein Lecture, “The Jewish and Gentile Experience
of the Holocaust: A Personal Perspective,” which Shtromas gave on 10
April 1989 at Assumption College in Worcester, Massachusetts, one of
the most provocative public performances Shtromas ever gave throughout
his career, made clear his standpoint that no nation has the right to indict
and judge other nations as collective criminals, and that the contempt for
the countries, where the Holocaust occurred, comes to multiply and
strengthen mutual hatred and demonisation. The propensity to demonise
other nations and cultures, according to Shtromas, is the most painful
trauma inflicted by the Second World War on many nations.
The problem of the representation and misrepresentation of the Other
becomes central in the most internationally acclaimed of Tomas
Venclova’s thoughtful and penetrating political essays, such as “Jews and
Lithuanians,” “Russians and Lithuanians,” and “Poles and Lithuanians.”
In more than one way, Venclova differs from those inter-war Lithuanian
intellectuals – such as the writers Vincas Krėvė-Mickevičius and Juozas
Tumas-Vaižgantas, or the philosopher Stasys Šalkauskis – who were
sympathetic to the Jews and who empathised with Lithuanian Jews from a
genuinely Christian standpoint.
 Leonidas Donskis v xii i

In a way, Venclova also differs from the post-war liberal-humanist

element in Lithuanian émigré culture in the USA, such as the afore-
mentioned poet Algimantas Mackus. For Venclova, the Holocaust and the
martyrdom of Lithuanian Jewry are not only a matter of sympathetic
understanding and compassion, but also the crucial question of
Lithuania’s present and future. Venclova conceives of the destruction of
the Jewish community in Lithuania as the destruction of the civic and
moral foundations of Lithuania. A sense of metaphysical guilt here clearly
means a realisation that I am part of a tragic history, since I belong to the
country where a catastrophe occurred; I share the language, historical
memory, and culture of the country where there occurred a crime against
humanity.
Venclova’s humanism manifests itself not only in his great sensitivity,
but also in his rejection of rational and deterministic explanations of the
Holocaust. Elsewhere he reminds us that every crime, like every act of
heroism, contains a kind of “transcendental remainder,” which powerfully
resists all rational-action or rational-choice explanations. Ultimately, such
explanations are worthless. Having stressed that the Kaunas pogroms
contradict the entire Lithuanian historical tradition marked by religious
and political tolerance toward Jews and by peaceful coexistence of both
peoples, Venclova breaks all Lithuanian political and cultural taboos by
touching upon the nerve of the story.
One of such taboos in Lithuanian history and historical memory still is
the role and place of the Lithuanian Activist Front (LAF) in the 1941
uprising to restore Lithuania’s independence and in the spread of
antisemitic propaganda in Lithuania. In 1941, the provisional government
of Lithuania started playing a complicated game with the Nazis, sincerely
hoping to restore Lithuania’s independence.
The game, as Venclova notes, was doomed inexorably to failure. It is
difficult to imagine something more dubious than choosing between
Stalin and Hitler. Nobody can deny the fact that the provisional
government was inspired by the LAF. And the point is that it was
members of the LAF who launched antisemitic propaganda employing
such pearls of the Nazi rhetoric as “the Judeo-Bolshevik conspiracy,” “a
plot of the Jewish bankers and communists,” “the Jewish yoke and
exploitation,” and the like.
This is not to say that the entire 1941 Uprising should be regarded as
an overture to the Holocaust. But its fallacies and grave mistakes have to
be admitted. Venclova was the first to do this. In his articles, he openly
challenged the romanticised and patriotic version of the Second World
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