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 Contents

List of figuresix
List of tablesxi
Acknowledgementsxiii

Introduction 1

PART I
The rise of a metropolitan world13

1 The intersection of the urban, the metropolitan and the

regional: concepts, theories and international experiences 15
2 Urbanisation in Mexico and Latin America: a comparative
assessment44
3 The spatial distribution of population: a study of
metropolitan patterns and dynamics in Mexico 73
Copyright © 2019. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved.

PART II
Metropolitan economic development in Mexico:
patterns, trends and drivers103

4 The economic significance of metropolitan areas: patterns

of economic performance and disparities 105
5 Public financing in metropolitan areas 135
6 Exploring the driving forces of metropolitan economic
development165

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 viii Contents
PART III
Local experiences: metropolisation, governance and
public policies 185

7 The metropolisation process and spatial structure in

Mexico City: a giant’s tale 187
8 Provision of urban services: how Mexico City performs
compared to other metropolitan areas in Latin America 213
9 Urban policy agendas, governance and metropolitan
economic development 243
Conclusions 265

Index 282

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 Introduction

Urbanisation, metropolitan areas and enduring economic

underdevelopment
The year 2007 marked a turning point in world history when the share of the
world’s population living in urban areas exceeded that of the rural population.
At that point, from the demographic point of view, we were in the course of
the urban millennium (UN, 2014). In the twenty-first century increasing per-
centages of population are living in urban centres, with some 70 per cent of
the world’s inhabitants forecasted to live in cities by 2050. Also by 2050, cities
in the developing world will absorb more than 2 billion new urban residents,
representing 95 per cent of global urban growth (UN, 2018). Despite the recent
preoccupation with the exceedingly rapid urban growth occurring in Asia and
Africa, where most of the urban population will concentrate in the future,
and the problems associated with this (Cohen, 2006), these regions have not
yet completed their urban transition (UN, 2018). In contrast, Latin America
already has some of the most urbanised countries in the world, and merits spe-
cial attention to capture the essence of accelerated urbanisation, urban growth
and the expansion of twenty-first-century cities worldwide. Moreover, this
highly urbanised region has been regarded as one that contains a larger urban
Copyright © 2019. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved.

population than can be supported by its level of economic development, exem-

plifying that urbanisation and development are not always inextricably linked
(Jedwab & Vollrath, 2015).
In the twentieth century the Latin American region saw a dramatic shift to
high urbanisation, particularly in the 1960s, when the urban population grew
at annual rates of more than 5 per cent. Demographic urbanisation had already
intensified at the beginning of the twentieth century with foreign immigration
in the Southern Cone and southern Brazil, followed by accelerated urbanisa-
tion pushed by intense rural–urban migration in Mexico and Andean countries
from the 1930s onwards (Almandoz, 2008). In 1950, 40 per cent of the region’s
population lived in cities, but by 1990 this was up to 70 per cent, and today
about 80 per cent of the region’s population are urban dwellers. UN-Habitat
predicts that by 2050 Latin America’s cities will include 90 per cent of the
region’s population (UN, 2018).

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 2 Introduction
In addition to its fast urban growth and urban transition, Latin America’s
historic and contemporary urbanisation is characterised by urban primacy, with
the demographic, social, economic and political dominance of one city, which
in most cases is the political capital, monopolising the wealth, income, and eco-
nomic and administrative functions within its urban system. In countries such
as Argentina this primacy is marked, with its primate city four times the size of
the next-largest city (Chant & McIlwaine, 2009).
Megacities have been another central component of the region’s urbanisa-
tion. The number of Latin American cities of more than a million inhabitants
increased more than sixfold between 1950 and 1990. High demographic, eco-
nomic and political concentration in large cities is explained by a longer tradi-
tion in the region of centralisation and concentration in one or a small number
of cities (Angotti, 1996). Recent trends include the emergence of urban sprawl
and metropolisation which has become a key characteristic of Latin American
urban context.
Metropolitan areas in Latin America have particular spatial and socioeco-
nomic structural characteristics as a result of their historical roots and structural
backgrounds. With metropolitan expansion, urban structures have changed sig-
nificantly over the decades, with the displacement of population, industries and
services from the central city to the periphery, and in some cases the creation
of new centres (Rojas, Cuadrado Roura & Fernandez Guell, 2005). The large
majority of the people at the margins of a metropolitan area lack access to
basic services and infrastructure. The issue of urban peripheries inhabited by
the so-called sectores populares (low-income population) has been of the utmost
concern, with poor urban dwellers frequently driving irregular urban expan-
sion (Ziccardi, 2016). Duality is another predominant feature of Latin America’s
cities and metropolises. Overall, there is a dichotomy in cities’ productive appa-
ratus between innovative high-technology companies integrated with inter-
national markets and unproductive and rather undynamic enterprises. There is
also high informality, dual labour markets, strong segregation and spatial frag-
Copyright © 2019. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved.

mentation. Moreover, numerous cities and metropolises are being undermined

by violence and crime, as well as social and political unrest.
The urban growth rate in Latin America is now falling, but urban footprint is
growing faster than population, and medium-sized cities are growing steadily and
experiencing metropolitan expansion (Vargas et al., 2017).These trends are accom-
panied by relatively new migration patterns which add complexity to national
urban systems and put increasing pressure on national and local governments.
Now, at the beginning of the twenty-first century, Argentina, Chile, Uru-
guay, Brazil and Mexico are some of the most urbanised countries in the world,
and the region has four of the fifteen largest metropolitan areas: Mexico City,
Sao Paulo, Buenos Aires and Rio de Janeiro. Yet these metropolitan areas are
not as successful as big metropolises in developed countries. On the contrary,
Latin America’s metropolitan areas exhibit several of the worst symptoms of the
region’s underdevelopment.

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 Introduction 3
As mentioned before, the region exemplifies the severe problems faced by
countries with a highly urbanised society and fragile economic evolution, and
this weak relationship between urbanisation and productive activity has been
blamed for Latin America’s failed urban transition. The terms ‘over-urbanisation’
and ‘urban explosion’ have denoted the broken link between the region’s
urbanisation and its economic growth and development. Over-urbanisation,
in particular, has described the apparent imbalance between urbanisation and
industrial development, a situation that is portrayed as abnormal in comparison
to the US and Western Europe (Almandoz, 2008).
The relatively poor performance of urbanisation poses enormous challenges
for wealth creation and economic, social and sustainable development at all lev-
els of government and society. With few exceptions, the region lacks an urban
planning model that can deliver economic growth and a good quality of life to
urban populations. Intermediate cities, which are currently growing faster than
metropolitan areas, have an important opportunity to develop a more ordered,
inclusive and ecological urban model which can increase their economic per-
formance by attracting investment and generating jobs, with positive effects on
the economy and society.
Even though globalisation and productive technological restructuring have
contributed to defining territorial structures and metropolitan performance,
local and idiosyncratic factors contribute to the distinctive patterns of Latin
American megacities and shape their future. The problems of Latin American
and Caribbean cities are not due exclusively to the size of their population or
the pace of their growth. A complex political, social and economic context has
been conducive to recent urban patterns, and therefore the increasingly large
populations of megacities and metropolitan areas are not the only reason for
looking at them carefully.
In recent years some scholars have pointed out the urgent need of a renewed
research agenda and new approaches to Latin American urban studies. Rodg-
ers, Beall and Kanbur (2011) highlight how surprisingly few comprehensive
Copyright © 2019. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved.

overviews of key urbanisation issues had emerged from scholarly research on

the region’s particular pattern of urban development, and none very recently,
because of the significant and varied urban processes still occurring there. The
overwhelming majority of research conducted on Latin American cities, they
argue, tends to be quite specialised and does not really attempt to deal with the
new urban dynamics and patterns. According to these authors, urban research
in the 1950s and 1960s focused on general demographic dynamics to describe
the accelerated urban transition occurring in different countries in the region;
research in the 1970s focused on various aspects of urban life, employment and
labour markets; in the 1980s urban politics were the predominant theme; and
in the 1990s the main concerns were the social dynamics of city life, inequal-
ity, segregation, urban violence and insecurity. They also conclude that research
needs to address the strongly growing and significant aspect of Latin American
urban development: metropolitan areas.

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 4 Introduction
Klaufus and Jaffe (2015) claim that case studies and research developed spe-
cifically for Latin American countries and cities could contribute to under-
standing urban dynamics elsewhere, with cities in the region representing
global signposts in urban development. Moreover, they see an opportunity for
pragmatic frameworks with a more encompassing and comparative scope that
can identify parallels and variations in ways that avoid rigid typology and lead
to a more nuanced field of national and international comparative urban studies
that includes attention to the specificities of history, territory and politics. They
want to see the expansion and renewal of Latin American urban studies via the
development of new approaches and empirical insights.

A country case study: Mexico’s metropolitan development

Mexico is a middle-income Latin American nation, the tenth most populated
country in the world and the fifteenth largest economy. Despite its current
fragile socioeconomic and political situation, it is an important international
player with a large number of free trade agreements, continuing its track record
of three decades as an attractive destination for foreign direct investment. It is
a very complex country which now, at the end of the second decade of the
twenty-first century, is at what has been considered a historical turning point
with a new left-wing president. Medium-term economic stagnation, socioec-
onomic inequalities, spatial disparities, some political discontent, weak govern-
ance and crime-related violence are just some of the tribulations that Mexican
society has faced over recent years. Intertwined economic, democratic and
urban transitions have been shaping this critical moment and its complex-
ity, with changing trade and industrialisation regimes, high urbanisation and
increasing urban expansion and shifting political scenarios the major forces
at work in the configuration of Mexico’s society today. Even though macro-
conditions and external forces such as international migration, the rearrange-
ment of international trade and investment agreements, the reorganisation of
Copyright © 2019. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved.

the international division of labour and the adjustment of global value chains
together capture the national reality well, contributing to shaping the country’s
situation, urbanisation is a powerful force that helps to provide an understand-
ing of the country´s more critical problems from a more local standpoint. As
in other nations, Mexico’s urban experience has come with an uncommon
power, and addressing its challenges must therefore be an ever-more-urgent
priority.
With an urban population of 104 million people in 2018, Mexico is 80 per
cent urbanised, and is expected to be 88 per cent urbanised by 2050 (UN,
2018). Its urbanisation process echoes the distinct and dramatic urban patterns
and trends in the Latin American region in general: accelerated urban growth,
super-rapid urban transition, high urbanisation and elevated urban primacy and
concentration. National government policy, political interests and institutions
played determining roles in its accelerated urbanisation in the mid-twentieth
century, with industrialisation policies in particular operating as channels

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 Introduction 5
directing resources and investment towards cities and the manufacturing sector
from the 1940s to the 1970s, following the so-called ‘urban bias’ (Trejo, 2017).
This century the country is continuing into the metropolitan age.The physi-
cal and functional expansion of its cities is the most outstanding characteristic
of its recent urbanisation. While the metropolitan phenomenon originated in
the 1940s, for decades urban sprawl had relatively little influence on urban
population growth (Trejo, 2013). In the last three decades Mexico’s metropoli-
tan areas have added great complexity to its urban realities. In 2015 a total of
75 million inhabitants – 63 per cent of the country’s total population and 76
per cent of its urban population – lived in the 74 metropolitan areas (SEDATU,
CONAPO & INEGI, 2018).
Thus, metropolitan areas are nowadays the dominant scenario of develop-
ment processes in the country as they are increasingly concentrating population
and facing economic and societal problems. Metropolitan areas are of great con-
cern because they pose serious challenges in terms of mobility, housing, infra-
structure and public services, public finances, equity, inclusiveness, employment
and the economy, not to mention environmental and climate change problems.
The primary obstacles to confronting metropolitan problems have been the
formal and informal institutional, political, and policy structures that govern
these territories (Sellers & Hoffmann-Martinot, 2008). It has been argued that
disordered metropolitan expansion is a reflection of persistent government fail-
ure to plan, invest in and proactively manage urban development in the context
of extremely rapid urbanisation and formal decentralisation.
As with other countries in the Global South and Latin America, Mexico is
characterised by a highly centralised urban system and includes one of the big-
gest metropolitan areas in the world, Mexico City. The country’s capital, Mex-
ico City, is an emblematic metropolitan area of our time and one of the largest
in the world, with approximately 21 million inhabitants. In the coming years
it will remain among the 10 largest urban agglomerations worldwide. Mex-
ico City Metropolitan Area shares common urban problems with most of the
Copyright © 2019. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved.

world’s big metropolises, yet the national and local contexts influence dramati-
cally the results of metropolitan areas in Mexico when they confront the most
critical development issues. A particularly problematic metropolitan govern-
ance exacerbates burdens for population, economic activities and governments.
Mexico provides an example of what happens in the urban and economic
development of a country when the growth, complexity and expansion of
urban areas outpaces the development of governance and institutional struc-
tures to manage them. Among the manifold challenges in metropolitan areas,
I underline the enormous significance of the economic and financial chal-
lenge for metropolitan development. Metropolitan areas face a problematic
context in attempting to find adequate and affordable development strategies.
Several fragmentations exist, and policy and institutional reforms, as well as a
sustainable urban model, need to be implemented. However, a one-size-fits-all
approach will not work given the heterogeneity in the country and its urban
system.

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 6 Introduction
A pragmatic analytical approach to studying urbanisation,
metropolitan areas and development
While much has been written about the general process of urbanisation in the
world and in Latin America, perhaps most books on metropolitan development
focus mainly on the US and Europe or specific metropolitan areas. Others deal
exclusively with government and governance issues or address metropolitan
public finances, some offering predominantly theoretical and conceptual dis-
cussions. New research and debate, however, must seek to address emerging
trends and patterns and illuminate both the historical failures and the potential
of urbanisation in different parts of the world. Even though an extensive body of
research and literature on cities and urban development issues exists for Mexico
because of its advanced stage of urbanisation, few studies have addressed the
economic performance of cities or metropolitan areas. In this book I discuss
two critical issues of twenty-first-century urbanisation – metropolitan expan-
sion and economic development – contributing to the international debate
on and analysis of metropolitan areas and providing new insights into the eco-
nomic functioning of metropolitan areas and the limitations of the urbanisation
models in the countries of the Global South. The book can be situated in the
intellectual traditions of international and Latin American urban studies and
fills a number of gaps in the current body of empirical work on metropoli-
tan areas and urban development in less-developed countries, and in particular
those in our understanding about the dynamics of their urbanisation, economic
development and governance. It discusses these three analytical pillars in an
attempt to reveal the interplay between politics, society and economics.
Despite those grand narratives of macro-urban development that are applied
to the developed world and which automatically link urbanisation to more
advanced stages of economic development, we need to identify the key national
and local political economic processes that shape urbanisation and the econ-
omy in less-developed countries. Another gap, highlighted by Klaufus and Jaffe
Copyright © 2019. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved.

(2015), must be closed: the need for Latin American urban studies that attend
closely to political economic aspects of urban development, addressing the poli-
tics at stake more explicitly.
In the analysis of urbanisation and economic development, urban, social,
political, economic and geographical theories of urbanisation, as well as devel-
opment theories, need to be incorporated. Of course, metropolitan develop-
ment has had its own theoretical developments, with metropolitan areas in their
own right posing a significant challenge to academics and researchers seeking
to quantify and better understand urban processes and dynamics. Certainly, the
intellectual and academic tradition regarding metropolitan areas has predomi-
nantly referred to ongoing trends in developed countries, focusing heavily on
the issue of adequate and efficient government arrangements and governance
structures. In the last decade the general interest has returned to governance
issues – why and how the emerging new metropolitan reality is planned, gov-
erned and defined. Yet this debate is not separated from general discussion of
the urban question.

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 Introduction 7
The debate on metropolitan and urban theory is timely, hot and unsettled. In
this respect I consider that there is no unifying and comprehensive theory that
explains how urbanisation, cities and metropolitan areas develop in different
national or local contexts, why they choose different pathways, and why there
are similarities or differences in their processes and challenges. Theories usually
navigate between the appeals of specificity and generality. In the absence of a
comprehensive theory that can be applied to diverse contexts, analysis tends
to draw on either pragmatic frameworks towards a more encompassing and
comparative scope to identify the parallels and variations or only report case
studies of cities or surveys of general trends. The analysis of urbanisation in this
book is based on an eclectic framework which is not necessarily a critique of
the urbanisation theory discourses but rather an invitation to develop an under-
standing of the national, local and idiosyncratic forces that mould urban and
economic patterns and dynamics, and at the same time keep an international
comparative capacity. I use the idea of the ‘urban land nexus’ suggested in Scott
and Storper (2014) and Storper and Scott (2016) as a helpful tool for leaving
room for the idiosyncrasy of particular cases and actors’ agency to shape urban
realities. Where necessary, the chapters include a specific conceptual or theo-
retical review relating to the problem or issue at hand.
A number of additional considerations shaped the analytical framework.
The book takes a multiscalar approach, presenting international, regional,
national and local perspectives of the urbanisation phenomenon in its discus-
sion of mainstream developments in metropolitan areas. I propose to readdress
basic but relevant questions about urban, metropolitan and governance issues,
including current and historical urbanisation trends and patterns, inter-urban
disparities and hierarchies, urban structure mismatches and legal and institu-
tional organisations and structures. Depending on the subject being addressed,
in some chapters I take an international comparative approach.
I see some of the key concepts and expressions used in the literature as prob-
lematic due to their polysemic nature or incertitude.While economic develop-
Copyright © 2019. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved.

ment has predominantly been associated with economic growth and gains in
productivity, over time conceptual developments have incorporated dimensions
of development other than income or production such as structural change,
sectoral transformation, inclusiveness, sustainability and prosperity. Here I stick
mainly to development concepts that refer to growth and efficiency issues.This
is more a practical decision based on the availability of data than an intellectual
preference. I avoid using the multitude of buzzwords and adjectives that often
do not represent or apply to local realities (‘global cities’, ‘creative cities’, ‘smart
cities’, and so on). I use the terms ‘developing countries’, ‘the Global South’ and
‘less-developed countries’ interchangeably to refer to nations other than those
commonly called ‘developed countries’, although I consider all of these terms
are problematic because although they imply homogeneity there are vast dif-
ferences among countries.
Most of the chapters in the book are the result of my own individual research
agenda on metropolitan areas, economic development and public policy. The
exception is Chapter 8 which includes a number of findings of a collective

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 8 Introduction
Brown International Advanced Research Institute (BIARI) seed project on
metropolitan governance and the provision of public services in Latin Amer-
ican. The empirical studies are based mainly on quantitative secondary data
obtained from open-access international and national sources. Typical data sets
are found in national population and housing censuses and economic cen-
suses and United Nations and World Bank country data. Quantitative analysis
includes descriptive statistics, specialised indexes, exploratory spatial analysis
and econometrics. The research in Chapter 8 employs qualitative data obtained
from a mixture of interviews, focus groups and technical visits. Chapter 9 and
some sections of other chapters are based on document reviews.

Contents
This introduction situates the work within the intellectual, academic and pol-
icy debates on urbanisation, urban economic development and governance.
The book consists of nine chapters addressing the patterns and dynamics of
urbanisation and urban expansion, the significance of metropolitan areas and
the functioning and performance of urban economies. Part I presents a concise
review of conceptual and theoretical debates in urban studies and international,
regional and national trends and patterns of urban processes. Part II deals with
the Mexican urban system, the inter-metropolitan structure and the dynamics
of the country case, and Part III deals with local experiences and policy issues.
Overall conclusions end the book.
Chapter 1 critically reviews the conceptual frameworks and broad current
debates in urban theory, positioning this book among them. The chapter has a
twofold objective: (1) it lays out the general principles by which contemporary
urbanisation and metropolitan areas can be approached by providing a brief
literature review and an account of the scientific debate in urban studies to
conceptualise and explain urban and metropolitan patterns and their develop-
ment; and (2) it delivers an overview of international trends in urbanisation and
Copyright © 2019. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved.

metropolisation.
Chapter 2 discusses comparative urbanisation and urban development in
Latin America. Here I review the precolonial and colonial origins of urbanisa-
tion in the region and explain how both historical and contemporary urbanisa-
tion in Latin America and Mexico have been characterised by powerful urban
primacy, hyper-concentration, and centralisation. The chapter highlights the
idea that one of the most significant difference of urban processes in Latin
America in relation to advanced economies is the weak link between urbani-
sation and development, which seems to have broken down in much of the
developing world, with Latin America the clearest example. The most signifi-
cant flaws in the region’s urbanisation are identified.
Elucidating the macrodynamics and patterns that characterise Mexico’s met-
ropolitan areas, Chapter 3 reviews the origins of the metropolisation process
in Mexico and the key features of its metropolitan and urban systems, includ-
ing their demographics. It also offers a brief account of metropolitan develop-
ment in Latin America overall, and suggests further investigation of the complex

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 Introduction 9
origins of urban sprawl and metropolitan areas in the region. The chapter gives
a clear picture of how the Mexican case relates to other countries’ experiences
regarding the processes and politics driving suburbanisation, urban sprawl and
metropolisation. Problematic urban planning, illegality, irregularity, speculative
land and housing markets and favourable local and national politics are common
elements in the Latin American context that assume specific forms depend-
ing on idiosyncratic institutional and legal structures such as land-ownership
regimes and regulation to control urban expansion, that is, the urban land nexus.
In this respect I underline the convergences and divergences, general categorisa-
tions and mainstream developments in relation to the country case.
Analysis, diagnosis and monitoring of metropolitan areas’ economic perfor-
mance is essential to urban planning and the formulation of territorial devel-
opment strategies. Chapter 4 presents the details of the metropolitan system
and hierarchy, examining the dynamics and patterns of economic performance
in Mexico’s 74 metropolitan areas. The analysis focuses on the spatial patterns
of economic performance, the distribution of economic activity, specialisation
profiles, poverty levels, informality and inter-metropolitan disparities. I also call
attention to the acute problem of the poor availability of data in Mexico for use
in the systematic and consistent analysis of metropolitan territories’ economic
performance and development.
In Chapter 5 I discuss one of the greatest problems at the metropolitan level:
public finances. Jurisdictional fragmentation usually disconnects the territo-
rial scope of urban needs from the public resources required to fulfil them.
This mismatch occurs in an overall context of constrained public budgets and
local authorities being asked to do more with less – a growing and increasingly
daunting challenge for metropolitan areas, whose availability, allocation and
management of public financial resources determine their potential to achieve
their economic and social development objectives. The chapter draws atten-
tion to the critical need for a more metropolitan-sensitive approach to public
finances. It discusses alternative approaches, explains the frameworks that define
Copyright © 2019. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved.

local public budgets in Mexico and presents an empirical analysis of metropoli-

tan areas in the country, with a focus on the macroevolution and structure of
public budgets, their performance and their inter-metropolitan disparities.
Why do some cities realise their promise as engines of economic growth,
development and efficiency, while others fail? Having analysed in Chapter 4
the dynamics and patterns of metropolitan economic development in Mexico
according to different performance indicators, the driving forces of urban eco-
nomic performance and competitiveness must also be identified. Chapter 6
deals with the factors that contribute to boosting economic performance and
economic development in metropolitan areas. The effects of a number of vari-
ables cited in the theoretical and empirical literature are tested. The data set
includes variables for the group of metropolitan areas in two years, 1998 and
2013. An obvious question is whether traditional factors – physical and human
capital, economic structure, specialisation – or other factors such as innovation,
the creative class, institutions, metropolitan governance and urban structure best
explain metropolitan areas’ economic performance.

Trejo, N. A. (2019). Metropolitan economic development : The political economy of urbanisation in mexico. ProQuest Ebook
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 10 Introduction
Chapter 7 discusses the urban evolution of Mexico City Metropolitan Area
and unfolds the territorial changes that have occurred there over the past cen-
tury. After recounting the foundation and historical evolution of Mexico City,
I discuss the political economy of its territorial transformation and its periph-
eral urbanisation in the twentieth century. The economy and productive struc-
ture of this metropolitan area is depicted to show its relative position and role
in the national and global urban systems. An examination of the recent spatial
patterns of the labour force and economic activities within the metropolitan
area helps to identify the prevailing urban structure which has been blame for
much of the social and economic inefficiency in this metropolitan area. The
chapter also identifies the governance and political frames in which metropoli-
tan evolution and functioning take place.
Chapter 8 shows how different governance arrangements across Latin Amer-
ican metropolitan areas translate into diverse outcomes when providing urban
services such as piped water, waste collection and public transport. These sec-
tors are strategic in urban planning and directly affect the daily lives of the
population; they are also typical of the kinds of service that face unique chal-
lenges in metropolitan environments. Using a comparative case study analysis
of governance, I analyse the provision of those urban services in Mexico City
Metropolitan Area, two other metropolitan areas in Mexico (i.e. Guadalajara
and Monterrey) and two other metropolises in Latin America (i.e. Lima and
Bogota).The analysis focuses on metropolitan governance structures, coordina-
tion, financial sustainability and service coverage and quality.
In Chapter 9 I address two central issues in the political economy of metro-
politan development: public policies and governance. I review international and
national urban development agendas and the policies, strategies and activities
that different tiers of government implement to promote economic develop-
ment in metropolitan areas, with some references to the Mexican experience,
particularly regarding urban policy and economic policy. I discuss whether there
is room for public policy to shape urban economic development: if the founda-
Copyright © 2019. Taylor & Francis Group. All rights reserved.

tion and growth of cities are related to public policy, this raises the question of
how much agency political actors have to alter the path of development.
The Conclusion wraps up the findings and discussion against the background
of the topics covered in each chapter. Thus, the book is an essential reading for
those keen on a comprehensive picture of international, regional, national and
local urbanisation and development processes, for empirical research on urbani-
sation and metropolitan areas in Mexico and Latin America and for an in-depth
discussion of urbanisation and metropolitan economic development in Mexico.
It also serves as reference for policymakers and others involved in metropolitan
policy and governance in both the developed and the developing world.

References
Almandoz, A. (2008). ‘Despegues sin madurez: Urbanización, industrialización y desar-
rollo en la Latinoamérica del siglo XX’. EURE, XXXIV(102), 61–76. Available at: www.
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Trejo, N. A. (2019). Metropolitan economic development : The political economy of urbanisation in mexico. ProQuest Ebook
Central <a onclick=window.open('http://ebookcentral.proquest.com','_blank') href='http://ebookcentral.proquest.com' target='_blank' style='cursor: pointer;'>
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 Introduction 11
Angotti, T. (1996). ‘Latin American urbanization and planning: Inequality and unsustainabil-
ity in North and South’. Latin American Perspectives, 23(4), 12–34.
Chant, S. & McIlwaine, C. (2009). Geographies of development in the 21st century: An introduction
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Rodgers, D., Beall, J. & Kanbur, R. (2011). Latin American urban development into the 21st
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Rojas, E., Cuadrado Roura, J. R. & Fernández Guell, J. M. (2005). Gobernar las metropolis.
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com/id/10201140.
Scott, A. J. & Storper, M. (2014). ‘The nature of cities: The scope and limits of urban theory’.
International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 39(1), 1–15. Available at: https://doi.
org/10.1111/1468-2427.12134.
SEDATU, CONAPO & INEGI. (2018). Delimitación de las zonas metropolitanas de México 2015.
México, D. F.: Secretaría de Desarrollo Agrario, Territorial y Urbano, Consejo Nacional
de Población, Instituto Nacional de Estadística y Geografía. Available at: www.gob.mx/
conapo/documentos/delimitacion-de-las-zonas-metropolitanas-de-mexico-2015.
Sellers, J. & Hoffmann-Martinot, V. (2008). Gobernanza metropolitana: United Cities and
Local. Washington, D.C.: World Bank, 226–293. Available at: www.cities-localgovern
ments.org/gold/Upload/gold_report/09_metropolis_es.pdf.
Storper, M. & Scott,A. J. (2016).‘Current debates in urban theory:A critical assessment’. Urban
Studies, 53(6), 1114–1136. Available at: https://doi.org/10.1177/0042098016634002.
Trejo, A. (2013). ‘Las economías de las zonas metropolitanas de México en los albores del
siglo XXI’. Estudios Demográficos y Urbanos, 28(3), 545–591. Available at: https://doi.
org/10.24201/edu.v28i3.1447.
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Trejo Nieto, A. (2017). Localización manufacturera, apertura comercial y disparidades regionales

en México. México, D. F.: El Colegio de México. Available at: www.jstor.org/stable/j.
ctv1fxg2x.
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G. (2017). RED 2017: Urban growth and access to opportunities: A challenge for Latin America.
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Ziccardi, A. (2016). ‘Poverty and urban inequality: The case of Mexico City metropolitan
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Created from mit on 2020-09-29 14:33:15.
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