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Prime Ministers in Greece
Prime Ministers in
Greece
The Paradox of Power

Kevin Featherstone and

Dimitris Papadimitriou

1
3
Great Clarendon Street, Oxford, OX2 6DP,
United Kingdom
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford.
It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship,
and education by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of
Oxford University Press in the UK and in certain other countries
# Kevin Featherstone and Dimitris Papadimitriou 2015
The moral rights of the authors have been asserted
First Edition published in 2015
Impression: 1
All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in
a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted
by law, by licence or under terms agreed with the appropriate reprographics
rights organization. Enquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above
You must not circulate this work in any other form
and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer
Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press
198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America
British Library Cataloguing in Publication Data
Data available
Library of Congress Control Number: 2014958034

ISBN 978–0–19–871717–1
Printed and bound by
CPI Group (UK) Ltd, Croydon, CR0 4YY
Links to third party websites are provided by Oxford in good faith and
for information only. Oxford disclaims any responsibility for the materials
contained in any third party website referenced in this work.
Preface

The debt crisis that enveloped Greece after 2009—shaking the international
financial markets and raising doubts about the viability of the ‘euro-zone’—
drew attention to how the Greek political system was governed and its cap-
acity to deliver reform. In that sense, the crisis served the purpose of high-
lighting issues that had been long ignored, to Greece’s detriment.
The genesis of this book predates the crisis and grew out of a recognition
that Greek politics exhibits a paradox: legal scholarship and much public
debate assumes that the Prime Minister exercises great authority, often
unchecked by others; yet, the practical reality of the PM’s post—reflected in
repeated ‘under-performance’ in delivering promised reforms—is of operational
weakness, sustaining a lack of control and coordination across the government
machine. We had previously examined the problems of Greece’s limited
‘reform capacity’ in a study of structural economic reforms (Featherstone and
Papadimitriou 2008). Now, we sought to explore the problem on the ‘inside’
and starting at the ‘top’ seemed sensible.
We soon recognized that the ‘paradox’ transcended the alternation of per-
sonalities and parties in power; even, also distinct policy programmes. Of
course, each offered its variation, but a long-term institutional weakness of
government from its apex has been evident over the long term: indeed, since
at least the restoration of democracy in 1974. This book, therefore, explores
how a succession of prime ministers—together dominating Greece prior to the
crisis—have sought to lead and manage their governments and the record of
their attempts to do so. By focussing on the individual premiers, we are able to
contrast the ‘formal’ and the ‘informal’ and to examine operational realities.
Necessarily, we delve into individual premierships, but also their contexts.
The book argues, therefore, that the dysfunctionalities of the Greek govern-
ment machine pre-date the debt crisis; indeed, the diversity of government
‘reform capacities’ across Europe, more generally, ought to have been readily
acknowledged in the rules and operation of the euro-zone. The set of condi-
tions that underlie the ‘paradox’ noted above have now been confronted by
the interventions of outside bodies: the ‘Troika’ (IMF/ECB/European Commis-
sion) overseeing the conditionalities attached to Greece’s bail-out loans; the
European Union’s Taskforce for Greece; and a number of bilateral technical
Preface

support programmes. The paradox we identify proved to be robust over so

many years—the operational weakness at the centre of Greek government
survived many attempted changes—and time will tell whether the external
interventions and domestic efforts emanating from the debt crisis can signifi-
cantly alter the situation.
This book is neither confined to the ‘cognoscenti’ of Greek politics and
history, nor does it frame Greece in isolation. It assumes no prior knowledge
of the intricacies of Greek politics. It analyses the Greek case through the lens
of a set of comparative and conceptual literatures in order to identify key
issues and conditions. Throughout, we seek to maintain a clear and accessible
narrative for the international reader.
This is a study, therefore, of a large question—how and why the operational
weakness of government at the centre has been sustained—in a small case,
Greece; though it is one with much international significance today. The
internal functioning of government in Greece has often been neglected in
the international literature and studies of prime ministers have been domin-
ated by those of the Anglo-Saxon systems. Here, we endeavour to distinguish
the Greek case and to relate it to established literatures on leadership, structure
and agency within the institutional setting, administrative cultures, and the
socio-cultural conditions that underpin political strategies and behaviour. The
analysis shifts between the micro- and the macro-levels of politics in order to
assess will and capacity, choice, and constraint. With such frames, we seek to
properly identify the Greek conditions and offer connections to wider cases.
This is the first in-depth study of prime ministers and their governments in
Greece over the period since 1974. To inform our study we have searched
various archives, examined a large number of legal documents, and under-
taken an extensive set of personal interviews. Each of these sources is acknow-
ledged in the book, but we would like to record our gratitude to those who
granted us (sometimes multiple) interviews. We were fortunate in being able
to interview each of the surviving prime ministers of the period, many senior
and junior ministers, officials and personal advisers, journalists and academ-
ics. We are enormously indebted to them for their time and their knowledge.
We have respected the confidentiality we promised to them.
In addition, a number of politicians and fellow academics were kind enough
to read and comment on earlier drafts of the chapters of this book. Again, we
have agreed not to acknowledge each of them publicly, but we are able to
thank here: Andreas Andrianopoulos; Rebecca Bryant (LSE); Nikos Christ-
odoulakis (Athens University of Economics and Business, AUEB); Nikiforos
Diamandouros (former European Ombudsman); Peter Hall (Harvard); Stella
Ladi (Queen Mary College; Panteion University, Athens); Dimitris Katsoudas;
Eleni Dendrinou-Louri (AUEB); Antonis Makrydimitris (University of Athens,
UoA); Manos Matsagannis (AUEB); Takis Pappas (University of Macedonia);

vi
 Preface

Rod Rhodes (University of Southampton); Dimitris Sotiropoulos (UoA); and

Platon Tinios (University of Piraeus). Special thanks are also due to Vasilis
Papadimitriou for his enthusiasm and support during the early stages of the
project, Ioanna Stefanaki for her advice on our legal terminology, and Ismini
Lefa for her support in preparing some of the book’s tables. Any errors that
remain are our sole responsibility.
In the preparation of this book, we have presented early drafts or parts of
our research at lectures and seminars held in Athens and at King’s College
London, LSE, Harvard, and Yale. We are very grateful for the feedback we
obtained.
We have also benefitted from periods of leave at other universities. Kevin
Featherstone was Visiting Scholar at the Center for European Studies, Harvard,
in 2012 and Dimitris Papadimitriou was Visiting Fellow at Yale and the LSE in
2010. The project has also been supported at various stages by the LSE’s
Hellenic Observatory.
We would like to thank Dimitris Sourvanos (LSE) for his expert editorial and
research assistance at the end of this project. Dominic Byatt at OUP has offered
encouragement, as well as patience, and his colleagues have shown very
professional support.
The preparation of this book has been an endeavour stretching over six
years. It is also the product of a longer intellectual partnership, which has so
far involved the publication of five books, numerous journal articles, and
many papers. That we still enjoy working together is a source of bemusement
and pride to both of us.
Finally, we would like to dedicate this book to our families for their love,
patience, and support: Nina, Chris, and Emily; Rachel, Mason, Bobby, and
Lacey.
Kevin Featherstone
Dimitris Papadimitriou
December 2014

vii
Contents

List of Tables xi
Note on Legal Terms xiii

1. Politicians, Patronage, and the Bureaucratic Tradition: The Problem

of Control and Coordination within the Greek Government 1
2. The Leadership Factor: The Person and the Post 28
3. Primus Solus: Constantinos Karamanlis as Prime Minister
(1974–80) 54
4. At the Centre of a Galaxy: Andreas Papandreou as
Prime Minister (1981–9 and 1993–6) 78
5. Institutionalization and Micro-Management: Constantinos
Mitsotakis as Prime Minister (1990–3) 116
6. Innovation Circumscribed: Costas Simitis as Prime Minister
(1996–2004) 139
7. In the Shadows of Uncertainty: Costas Karamanlis as
Prime Minister (2004–9) 166
8. ‘Plus ça Change . . .’: Change and Continuity in the Greek Core
Executive 190
9. Governing in Context: International Comparisons and Reform
Implications 209

List of Interviews 231

List of Legal Documents 235
Glossary 239
References 243
Name Index 259
General Index 263
List of Tables

Table 2.1. Identifying the Key Components of the Greek Core Executive 42
Table 3.1. The Core Executive of Constantinos Karamanlis: Legal Framework,
1974–80 64
Table 3.2. The Core Executive of Constantinos Karamanlis: Key Personnel,
1974–80 65
Table 3.3. Senior Ministerial Tenures under Constantinos Karamanlis,
1974 (Nov)–1980 71
Table 4.1. The Core Executive of Andreas Papandreou: Key Personnel, 1981–9 89
Table 4.2. The Core Executive of Andreas Papandreou: Legal Framework,
1981–9 92
Table 4.3. The Core Executive of Andreas Papandreou: Key Personnel, 1993–6 99
Table 4.4. Senior Ministerial Tenures under Andreas Papandreou, 1981–9 103
Table 4.5. Senior Ministerial Tenures under Andreas Papandreou, 1993–6 110
Table 4.6. The Core Executive of Andreas Papandreou: Legal Framework,
1993–6 111
Table 5.1. The Core Executive of Constantinos Mitsotakis: Key Personnel,
1990–3 123
Table 5.2. The Core Executive of Constantinos Mitsotakis: Legal Framework,
1990–3 126
Table 5.3. Senior Ministerial Tenures under Constantinos Mitsotakis, 1990–3 135
Table 6.1. The Core Executive of Costas Simitis: Key Personnel, 1996–2004 146
Table 6.2. Senior Ministerial Tenures under Costas Simitis, 1996–2004 155
Table 6.3. The Core Executive of Costas Simitis: Legal Framework, 1996–2004 157
Table 7.1. The Core Executive of Costas Karamanlis: Key Personnel, 2004–9 174
Table 7.2. Senior Ministerial Tenures under Costas Karamanlis, 2004–9 179
Table 7.3. The Core Executive of Costas Karamanlis: Legal Framework, 2004–9 183
Table 8.1. Prime-Ministerial Power and the Greek Core Executive: A Matrix
of Analysis 192
Table 9.1. The Greek Core Executive, 2009–14 226
 OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 18/5/2015, SPi

Note on Legal Terms

Emergency Law (Αναγκαστικός Νόμος)

Legislation issued and imposed in cases of national emergency, usually when

democratic institutions are suspended. It is often used by dictatorial and
authoritarian regimes.

Law (Νόμος)

Written legislation passed by Parliament. Statutory law is the highest form of

law based on the Constitution which governs in a mandatory way the rela-
tions between citizens and between citizens and the State.

Legislative Decree (Νομοθετικό Διάταγμα)

Legislation deriving from the absolute power of a leader or group that rules
outside the framework of the Constitution. It is often used by dictatorial and
authoritarian regimes.

Ministerial Council Act (Πράξη Υπουργικού Συμβουλίου)

An Act of the Ministerial Council is issued when all of its members take major
decisions collectively. It is an act issued by virtue of legislative authorization in
order to regulate issues of local interest or of a technical and specific character.

Ministerial Decision (Υπουργική Απόφαση)

A decision taken by a Minister by virtue of legislative authorization in order to

regulate specific matters.
OUP CORRECTED PROOF – FINAL, 18/5/2015, SPi

Note on Legal Terms

Presidential Decree (Προεδρικό Διάταγμα)

A statute issued by the President as Head of the State. The Decrees are divided
into the following two categories: a) regulatory decrees which contain rules of
law and are issued by virtue of legislative authorization, and b) executive
decrees which are issued for the implementation of laws. All Presidential
Decrees must be also signed by the competent Minister.

Prime Ministerial Decision (Πρωθυπουργική Απόφαση)

A decision taken by the Prime Minister, usually representing the political will
of the whole government.

xiv
1

Politicians, Patronage, and the Bureaucratic

Tradition

The Problem of Control and Coordination within

the Greek Government

If you gave me more advisers, I wouldn’t know what to do with them. I wouldn’t
be able to see them on a regular basis, to know what they were doing. How could
I trust them, if I can’t see them?
Interview with a former Greek Prime Minister.

He spent much of his time pursuing favours (rousfeti). He would often phone a
minister and ask for favours. He would even call my deputy minister and ask him
to do such things behind my back.
Interview with a former minister, commenting on
another Prime Minister.

The two brief comments noted above encapsulate the essence of our focus and
argument in this book. Our concern stems from a challenge faced by presi-
dents and prime ministers—indeed, for the heads of any large organization—
found practically anywhere: how to establish a system of operational control
and coordination of the (government) administrative machine in order to
better achieve the objectives set. Government involves a mix of actors: poli-
ticians, their advisers, and the permanent administrative staff. Our task is to
decipher what it is about their relationships and the setting in which these
take place that contributes to the (lack of) control and coordination exercised
from the apex of the government structure.
All political heads—presidents, prime ministers, ministers—complain about
the failings of control and coordination that undermine them and expose
them to criticism. They have strategic interests that set them apart from the
permanent bureaucracy; their ideological beliefs and social norms may also
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