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A HISTORY OF EASTERN EUROPE
Eastern Europe has a most complicated and troubled history, one not simply defined by
Communist rule and Soviet domination. In A History of Eastern Europe Robert Bide-
leux and Ian Jeffries provide comprehensive coverage of this complex past, from
antiquity to the present day.
This new edition provides a thematic historical survey of the formative processes of
political, social and economic change which have played paramount roles in shaping
the evolution and development of the region. Subjects covered include:
Including two new chronologies – one for the Balkans and one for East Central Europe
– A History of Eastern Europe is the ideal companion for all students of Eastern
Europe.
Robert Bideleux is a Reader in the School of Humanities at the University of Wales,
Swansea. Ian Jeffries is a Reader in the School of Business, Economics and Law also
at the University of Wales, Swansea. They have both published extensively on the
Balkans, East Central Europe and Russia.
A HISTORY OF
EASTERN EUROPE
CRISIS AND CHANGE
Second edition
List of maps ix
List of tables x
Preface to the second edition xi
Chronologies xv
Chronology of Balkan history xvi
Chronology of East Central European history xxx
Abbreviations xliii
Introduction: Crisis and change in the Balkan Peninsula and East Central Europe 1
Part II East Central Europe from the Roman period to the First World War 131
10 The disputed ‘roots’ of East Central Europe before the tenth century AD 133
11 The apparent convergence between East Central Europe and Western
Christendom, from the tenth to the sixteenth century AD 140
12 The ‘parting of the ways’: the underlying divergence of East Central Europe from
western Europe between the late fifteenth and the late eighteenth century 160
13 The emergence of Austrian Habsburg hegemony over East Central Europe, 1526–1789 165
14 Poland-Lithuania, 1466–1795 175
viii Contents
Bibliography 623
Index 653
List of maps
3 The Balkans and East Central Europe: early medieval kingdoms in the
second half of the eleventh century 62
The central purpose of this book is to provide a thematic historical survey and analysis of the forma-
tive processes of political, social and economic change which (in our judgement) have played the
paramount roles in shaping the development of East Central Europe and the Balkans – regions
which in recent times have had the great misfortune of being sandwiched between the former Tsarist
and Soviet empires, on the one side, and Germany and Italy, on the other.
For this second edition, we have removed much of our earlier coverage of medieval and early
modern Poland, Hungary and the Kingdom of Bohemia (the Czech Lands) in order to make room
for (i) a great deal of new material on the Byzantine and Ottoman Balkans; (ii) some new perspec-
tives on medieval and early modern East Central Europe; (iii) much fuller coverage of the two
World Wars and the Holocaust; and (iv) major updates on the transformations which have been
taking place in East Central Europe and the Balkans since 1989, including a new conceptual frame-
work for analysing these changes and the eastward enlargement of the EU. The admission of eight
East Central European and Baltic states into the European Union in May 2004 was a momentous
event, comparable in long-term importance to the Revolutions of 1989, and it has therefore received
a fairly thorough evaluation in this new edition. Readers who have a particular interest in late medi-
eval and early modern East Central Europe will, we hope, still be able to obtain access to copies of
the first edition, which provided more detailed analyses of this region during those periods.
The new text, revisions and statistical tables for this new edition of A History of Eastern Europe
were prepared by Robert Bideleux, who also took the opportunity to tighten up the previous text
wherever possible. Nevertheless, the book remains the result of nearly two decades of fruitful col-
laboration between two authors who have shared a longstanding interest in East Central Europe, the
Balkans and Russia, and strong commitments to liberal and civic values and interdisciplinarity.
When we first started collaborating on this project, we originally envisaged that Robert Bideleux’s
largely thematic historical surveys and analyses of the Balkans and East Central Europe would be
complemented by separate chapters on the evolution of the individual states in these regions during
the twentieth century, all to be contained within a single volume. A natural division of labour recom-
mended itself at the outset: Robert Bideleux would mainly provide the overarching thematic, histori-
cal and political analyses, narratives and perspectives, while Ian Jeffries would mainly provide more
detailed accounts and analyses of economic and political change in individual countries since 1989.
However, as we became increasingly aware of the bearing of the more remote past on the increasingly
complex problems of the post-Communist present, our joint project expanded into three large volumes.
The present book, first published in 1998 and the first volume of this trilogy, was very largely written
by Robert Bideleux, albeit with indispensable inputs from Ian Jeffries at every stage. The second
volume, published in early 2007 and entitled The Balkans: A Post-Communist History, was more of a
joint effort. It provides more detailed treatments of individual Balkan countries during the twentieth
and early twenty-first centuries, paying particular attention to the period since 1989. The almost
xii Preface to the second edition
completed third volume deals with the East Central European states, mainly since the end of Commu-
nist rule. Taken together, these three volumes seek to provide the most comprehensive survey and
analysis of political and economic change in the modern Balkans and East Central Europe available
in English. Nevertheless, this first volume can also be read as a free-standing thematic analysis and
interpretation of political, economic and (to lesser degrees) social and cultural change in the Balkans
and East Central Europe from the Roman period to 2006.
Even a book as large as this one has to be selective. We took an early decision to limit the space
devoted to diplomatic activity, partly because this has already received abundant attention from
diplomatic historians, but mainly because we believe that, on the whole, it has been of less conse-
quence than the interaction of broader and more persistent political, economic, social and cultural
forces. To be sure, we have endeavoured to outline and discuss major diplomatic actions and events
which have had enduring effects on the Balkans and East Central Europe, notably the Congress of
Vienna (1815), the Berlin Congress of 1878, the peace settlements of 1919–20, and the notorious
‘percentages agreement’ between Churchill and Stalin in October 1944. On the whole, however, we
find ourselves in agreement with the following statement by Professor Norman Davies, the most
prominent British historian of Poland: ‘Very few, if any, of the diplomatic memoranda concerning
Poland’s future ever exerted a decisive influence on the course of events. Many of them . . . remained
a dead letter . . . Others were simply ignored. The most important of them did nothing but express
the pious aspirations of their authors or confirm the details of political settlements already accom-
plished . . . At . . . critical moments, matters were decided not at the conference table, but by the sit-
uation on the ground and by the men who held the reins of practical power. At moments of less
importance, diplomatic action counted for even less . . . The Polish nation grew from infancy to
maturity regardless of the diplomats, and it owes them no debt of gratitude’ (Davies 1981b: 15).
Much the same could be said in relation to other East Central European countries and the Balkans.
Similarly, we have endeavoured to minimize the attention devoted to significant external actors,
such as Bismarck and Napoleon. Although such figures loom very large in the writings of some diplo-
matic historians, we would humbly submit that the Iron Chancellor and the Corsican upstart had rather
less impact on the history of the Balkans and East Central Europe than did several other ‘off-stage’
actors, among whom Marx, Lenin, Stalin, Khrushchev, Brezhnev, Gorbachev, Christ, Luther, Calvin,
Mussolini and Hitler most readily spring to mind, and we have to draw a line somewhere.
Much more regrettable is the fact that we have had to limit our coverage of many important cul-
tural and intellectual developments. Proper coverage of these themes would have doubled or trebled
the size of this book. Nevertheless, we have been able to give some attention to the impact of Chris-
tianization, the Renaissance, the Reformation, the Counter-Reformation, the Enlightenment, nation-
alism and Marxism, albeit often in highly summarized forms. Half a loaf is better than none.
It is also necessary to say a few preliminary words about the extent and nomenclature of the
regions covered by this book. The naming and demarcation of European regions is always contro-
versial and loaded with implicit and/or contentious claims and connotations. Fortunately, there is
fairly widespread agreement that Poland, Hungary, the Czech Republic, Slovakia and Slovenia
constitute an identifiable region, to which we apply the name East Central Europe; and that to the
south of this lies another identifiable region comprising Greece, Albania, Bulgaria, Romania,
Serbia, Croatia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosova and the Republic of Macedonia, which is com-
monly referred to as ‘the Balkans’ or ‘the Balkan Peninsula’. Nevertheless, there have been long
disputes as to where exactly the Balkans end and East Central Europe begins. Although most West-
erners (especially historians) include Croatia and Romania in the Balkans, for centuries Transylva-
nia (now northern Romania) and Croatia were key components of the Kingdom of Hungary, which
in turn became part of the Habsburg domains. Should they therefore be included in East Central
Europe? Many (perhaps most) Romanians and Croatians appear to believe that their countries have
more in common with East Central Europe than with the Balkans. However, we have argued
Preface to the second edition xiii
elsewhere that their deeply entrenched ‘vertical’ power relations and power structures and the
resultant relative weakness of the rule of law, limited government and civil society have more in
common with the predicaments of their Balkan neighbours than those of East Central Europe (see
Bideleux and Jeffries 2007: 5–16, 127–8, 141–3, 179–82, 199–201, 210, 214–15, 218, 230–1, 581–
7, 591–2). Conversely, partly because Slovenia was a key component of interwar Yugoslavia and
later of the Socialist Federal Republic of Yugoslavia, many historians have treated it as part of the
Balkans, rather than as part of East Central Europe. However, we have become convinced that
during most of its history the territory and inhabitants of what was to become Slovenia have had
considerably more in common with the Austro-German lands than with Slovenia’s southern neigh-
bours, and that since the early 1990s Slovenia has displayed far greater ‘structural similarities’
(political, economic and social) to East Central Europe than to the Balkans. Implicitly, this was a
major reason why Slovenia was included in the admission of eight East Central European and Baltic
states into the European Union in May 2004, whereas Romania and Bulgaria were not allowed to
enter until January 2007, and Croatia seems unlikely to be allowed to join until 2009 or 2010.
Clearly, the issues involved are not merely matters of academic interest, but have directly affected
international perceptions of the standing of particular countries in the European ‘pecking order’.
Nevertheless, despite the very negative images generated by the conflicts between Yugoslav suc-
cessor states between 1991 and 1995 and the high incidence of poverty, organized crime and corrup-
tion in the post-Communist Balkan states, we also believe that the widely assumed ‘superiority’ of
East Central Europe over the Balkans has been greatly exaggerated by those who conveniently forget
that East Central Europe was a major incubator of fascism, the Kafkaesque state, and racial and reli-
gious hatreds and atrocities during the twentieth century. It is neither fair nor acceptable to contrast
alleged Balkan ‘vices’ with sanitized and idealized visions of East Central European ‘virtues’. The
post-Communist states in the Balkans have indeed experienced far greater inter-communal tensions,
abuse of power, organized crime, corruption and poverty than those in East Central Europe, but this
need not mean that they are innately, culturally or morally inferior to their East Central European
counterparts. During much of its past the Balkan Peninsula was one of the most economically, tech-
nologically and politically sophisticated and law-governed areas in what has come to be known as
‘Europe’, and we see no intrinsic (cultural or ‘civilizational’) reasons why it could not become so
again in the future. In our view, the peninsula’s problems in modern times have been caused mainly
by circumstances and power structures which can be changed, especially by the prospect and impact
of membership of the EU, rather than by so-called ‘Balkan’ attitudes, mentalities and mindsets. These
are in large measure products of lazy and exaggerated caricatures and stereotypes of the Balkans
propagated by the Western media and, to lesser degrees, by Western academia.
The English language lacks an appropriate and widely acceptable collective name for the Balkans
and East Central Europe. In German they have aptly been called Zwischeneuropa (‘in between
Europe’). This has the advantage of encapsulating their principal modern predicament, that of
‘living between East and West . . . between Germany and Russia, or, in early modern times, between
Turks and Habsburgs’ (Burke 1985: 2). However, there is no similarly apt English name. The
nearest equivalent is ‘the lands between’, but this has never passed into common usage.
We are fully aware that since the mid-1980s it has been fashionable to refer to these regions
either as ‘Central Europe’ or as ‘Central and Eastern Europe’. For reasons set out more fully in the
Introduction, we have resisted the temptation to follow suit. In the perceptions of most West Euro-
peans, the term ‘Central Europe’ has long referred primarily to Germany and Austria (the former
‘Central Powers’), and it still has strong connotations of Mitteleuropa and Austrian and German
imperialism. Furthermore, the incorporation of these ‘lands between’ into an expanded conception
of Central Europe implicitly (and perhaps deliberately) overstates the degrees to which they have
been part of the European ‘mainstream’ in modern times. That is to say, it underestimates the
degrees to which these regions have been relegated to Europe’s ‘peripheries’ or ‘semi-peripheries’
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