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 QUEEN ELIZABETH
AND T H E MAKING OF POLICY,
1572-1588
 Copyright © 1981 by Princeton University Press
Published by Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey
In the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, Guildford, Surrey
All Rights Reserved
Library of Congress Cataloging in Publication Data will be found
on the last printed page of this book
This book has been composed in linotype Granjon
Clothbound editions of Princeton University Press books are printed on
acid-free paper, and binding materials are chosen for
strength and durability
Printed in the United States of America by
Princeton University Press, Princeton, New Jersey
To My Wife
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I HAVE MANY DEBTS of gratitude for assistance in the writing of

this book. A year free from teaching responsibilities in which
I did most of the actual writing was made possible by a fel-
lowship from the National Endowment for the Humanities.
A particularly happy environment for my work was provided
by the generous hospitality of the Master and Fellows of
Churchill College, Cambridge, and the kindness of the Fac-
ulty of History at that university who made available a study
in their Faculty Building. The staffs of Harvard College Li-
brary, the Houghton Library, the British Library, and the
Cambridge University Library were all most helpful. The
History of Parliament Trust made available a transcript of the
Cromwell Parliamentary diary. My ideas were formed and
re-formed in many discussions, particularly those which took
place in Professor Geoffrey Elton's seminar and many others
with Professor Elton himself. The manuscript was read and
very helpfully criticized by my colleague, Professor Bernard
Bailyn. Professor and Mrs. Samuel Thorne gave me their ex-
pert assistance in deciphering particularly difficult manuscript
passages. Mrs. Madeleine Rowse Gleason provided expert ad-
vice and assistance in the editorial preparation of the manu-
script and Mrs. Patricia Denault was an efficient and accurate
typist.
 CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION 3

Part I The Domestic Scene, 1572-1588

1 THE PROBLEM OF DISSENT 17,
2 THE PURITANS IN PARLIAMENT, 1566-1572 51
3 THE RADICAL ASSAULT, 1572-1575 65
4 THE FAILURE OF GRINDAL 80
5 WHITGIFT AND THE VINDICATION OF
THE ESTABLISHMENT 97
6 CATHOLIC DISSENT II9

Part II England and Her Neighbors

7 THE CHANGING SCENE, 1560-1572 157
8 ENGLAND AND FRANCE, 1572-1576 164
9 ENGLAND AND THE HAPSBURGS, 1572-1576 191
10 ENGLAND AND THE LOW COUNTRIES, 1576-1578 IV]
11 ANJOU, 1576-1579 243
12 ENGLAND AND THE LOW COUNTRIES, 1579-1583 267
13 THE COMING OF WAR, 1583-1585 302
14 THE LEICESTER EXPEDITION 348
15 ENGLAND AND SCOTLAND, 1572-1588 4O2

Part III The Setting of Politics: Court and

Parliament
16 THE POLITICIANS 431
17 PARLIAMENT 463
CONCLUSION 501
BIBLIOGRAPHY 511
INDEX 521
 QUEEN ELIZABETH
AND T H E MAKING OF POLICY,
1572-1588
 INTRODUCTION

IT IS FITTING that a book open with a statement of intent: some

explanation of the intended scope and purpose of the work.
This book is a continuation of an earlier study which dealt
with the making of the Elizabethan regime down to about
1572. In shape and in themes it is quite different. What it does
share with the earlier volume is a concern with short-term his-
tory. In both cases the historian's lens is brought to bear upon
a brief era in English history—some fourteen years in the first
volume and in this about twenty, so that the time limits of
this study are at one end St. Bartholomew and, at the other,
the Armada. This book also shares with its predecessor an ef-
fort to keep one's range of vision within the same limits as
that of contemporaries—to avoid so far as possible the fallacies
created by our hindsight. For us, who know of the Armada's
dispersal, of the achievement of Dutch independence, or the
victory of Henry IV, it is easy to forget that all these providen-
tial dispensations were veiled from the Elizabethans. They
lived for decades in an atmosphere of dread which was
worsened by a long series of setbacks, particularly after 1578,
and at the end of the 1580's England stood almost alone against
the might of Spain, her sole allies the two battered provinces
of Holland and Zealand.
By focussing on short-term history one is necessarily re-
stricted as to the topics which can be usefully considered. The
rhythms of history are very uneven and in many instances the
cycle is too long to be neatly contained within the limits of
two decades. In this particular volume there are several neces-
sary omissions. There is no attempt to deal with the tangled
relationship between government and the socio-economic order
which consumed so much of the time and thought of Eliza-
bethan statesmen. Nor is there opportunity to explore the in-
terplay between central government and the numerous com-
plex local societies which were only loosely held together by
the authority of the Crown. The book is not intended to be a

3
 INTRODUCTION
general history of England during these decades; it is limited
to a study of selected themes.
What is dealt with is a range of problems which rose to the
surface of events in the 1570's with alarming suddenness and
forced themselves upon the reluctant attention of England's
rulers. In the next decade the ever more intense pressure of
events drove the government willy-nilly to the making of im-
portant and, for the most part, irreversible decisions. What the
outcome of these decisions would be was still veiled in the
mists of the future at the end of the 1580's, but the fork in the
road had been taken in each case and there was no turning
back. In another volume I hope to explore the working out
of these decisions through the remaining years of Elizabeth's
reign.
What were these problems? One can make a rough-and-
ready division between those which were set in motion by
actions outside the realm and those which took their rise from
impulses of domestic origin. Hence the first two of the book's
three parts deal respectively with domestic problems and for-
eign relations. Such a division, while artificial, is, I think, use-
ful. The section on domestic affairs is devoted to the central
problem of religious dissidence, both Protestant and Catholic.
The pace of events is irregular, marked by intervals of inac-
tivity punctuated by sudden, often unpredictable, bursts of
activity. Hence the organization of these chapters, while rough-
ly chronological, makes no effort to recapitulate the whole se-
quence of events. Foreign affairs, on the other hand, offer a
very crowded canvas. Events move at a rapid pace, crowding
upon one another in bewildering complexity. Here I have un-
dertaken to provide a fuller, although by no means exhaustive,
narrative of England's external relations—with the continen-
tal monarchies and Scotland. The last, briefer, section is
straightforwardly analytic in character and deals with the two
foci of decision-making—the court and Parliament.
All of these problems have of course been explored by ear-
lier historians of the Elizabethan epoch. The structure of this
book very much reflects the work of my predecessors. In the
chapters on religious dissent I have relied very heavily on re-

4
 INTRODUCTION
cent work, particularly the magisterial study of Puritanism
contained in Patrick Collinson's The Elizabethan Puritan
Movement and on other studies, published and unpublished,
including those of William P. Haugaard, Francis X. Walker,
and Thomas H. Clancy.1 The most important recent general
study of Tudor foreign policy is that of R. B. Wernham; 2 its
scale enforces a relatively brief treatment of the two decades
dealt with in this book. Charles Wilson's Queen Elizabeth and
the Revolt of the Netherlands3 focusses on a particular theme.
The older studies of Conyers Read, his two massive biogra-
phies of Walsingham and Burghley,4 necessarily have a bio-
graphical form. Hence I have thought it best to go back to the
sources in the Public Record Office and the British Library
since the scale and the intent of this study is quite different
from any of those mentioned above. The study of Parliament
in Part III necessarily depends on the exhaustive studies of
J. E. Neale,5 but I have sought to go back to the manuscript
sources for the more important and detailed episodes dealt
with in this book.

SEVERAL THREADS connect all the chapters of this book. One is

formed by the simple fact that the Elizabethans lived in the
aftermath of revolution. The newly emerging issues of the
1570's and 1580's had their origins in decisions made thirty
years earlier when Henry and his ministers had deliberately
1
William P. Haugaard, Elizabeth and the English Reformation
(1968); Francis X. Walker, "The Implementation of the Elizabethan
Statutes against Recusants, 1581-1603" (Ph.D. thesis, University of
London, 1961), cited henceforth as Walker, "Recusants"; and Thomas
H. Clancy, Papist Pamphleteers (Chicago, 1964).
2
Richard B. Wernham, Before the Armada: The Growth of English
Foreign Policy, 1485-1588 (1971).
3
Charles Wilson, Queen Elizabeth and the Revolt of the Netherlands
(1970).
4
Conyers Read, Mr Secretary Walsingham and the Policy of Queen
Elizabeth (3 vols., Cambridge, Mass., 1925) and Lord Burghley and
Queen Elizabeth (i960).
5
J. E. Neale, Elizabeth I and Her Parliaments, 1559-1581 (1953) and
Elizabeth I and Her Parliaments, 1584-1601 (1957), cited henceforth as
Neale I and Neale II, respectively.

5
 INTRODUCTION
severed the immemorial link with Rome and had then pro-
ceeded to restructure radically the national religious life. The
consequences—the implications—of these mighty acts began to
surface only in the next generation, that of Elizabeth and her
councillors. It was they who had to deal with the awkward
and unforeseen problems which now emerged. How was a
national church built on the principles enunciated by Thomas
Cromwell and his Edwardian successors to be infused with
the life of a vital social organism ? How was England to live
in an international community split, not merely by the rival-
ries of dynasties, but by the far more venomous enmities en-
gendered by ideological division?
What strikes the historical observer is the compelling novel-
ty of these problems. Religious dissidence within the frame-
work of an Erastian state was a different matter from heresy
in the matrix of medieval Catholicism. And foreign enemies
who were not merely fellow combatants in the same European
tourney but the protagonists of a perverse and abhorrent creed,
with whom coexistence seemed impossible, also posed difficul-
ties which could not be dealt with by the simple application of
past experience or the formulae of received wisdom. English
leaders would have to grope their way cautiously and fear-
fully along a dark and unmarked path.
Quite obviously all these phenomena are bound up with the
nature and functioning of the royal government itself. The
post-Reformation English monarchy labored under new bur-
dens to which it had to make painful adaptation. Most of this
book is taken up with a close examination of the way in
which these challenges were met. It is not a tidy history; the
very novelty of the situation begot all kinds of confusions and
uncertainties. Past experience often clouded rather than il-
luminated the present. And the very reluctance of the princi-
pal actors to make painful decisions delayed action and hin-
dered solutions.

IN ENGLAND the years between 1529 and 1553 had been a time
when the nation's leaders had quite deliberately broken with
the past by rupturing the ancient ecclesiastical polity of the
6
 INTRODUCTION
realm—in the first instance by ripping apart the constitutional
and legal fabric and then later by introducing radical doctri-
nal and liturgical innovation. In part this had been a response
to deep-rooted impulses for religious and moral reform which
had been fermenting, especially among the clergy, since early
in the century, but the actual shaping of events, once the
Crown began to act, was dictated by many other considera-
tions as well, less idealistic in character. Henry's restless and
ever-widening ambitions could be realized only by exploiting
the profound anti-clericalism of the English ruling classes.
Some of it was quite primitive greed for clerical possessions;
some equally primitive jealousy of clerical privilege; a third
and more sophisticated element was a revolutionary rejection
of the clergy's domination in the whole realm of value. The
earliest stage of the revolution was skillfully managed by
Thomas Cromwell, who orchestrated cooperation among the
monarchy, the lay aristocracy, and the clerical reformers. In
its later untidier stages a loose alliance between the "regents"
Somerset and Northumberland and the religious leaders was
linked to a glorious plundering of church (and Crown) land
by piratical aristocrats. When the death of the boy-king in
1553 halted this process, the work of destruction was largely
complete, but the necessary tasks of reconstructing the Church
and of ordering its relations with the new Supreme Head were
far from finished. For five years the clock was turned back-
ward under a monarch of the most conservative bent, but the
reversal of direction was as short-lived as the reign of Queen
Mary. The arrival on the throne of a Protestant princess (a
certain sign of Divine intervention in reformers' eyes) gave
them a second chance; the rapid consolidation of their power
and the demoralization of organized Catholicism, ecclesiastical
or political, was a central theme of the first decade of the new
reign.
The final triumph of the Protestant party gave the realm a
breathing space. Elizabeth herself ensured that this would be
more than a mere interlude between bouts of innovation by
firmly braking the engines of state. She had committed her-
self unequivocally to a reformed regime but she was deter-

7
 INTRODUCTION
mined that its final shape should be that so hastily molded at
the opening of her reign; there were to be no more acts in the
drama of reformation. The ensuing struggle between a strong-
willed conservative monarch and an equally determined body
of single-minded evangelicals, pressing on to that perfect res-
toration of the primitive church, blueprinted in the pages of
the New Testament, was to be a long and bitter one.
The Puritan controversialists re-awakened ancient disputes
within the Christian Church, which had slumbered since the
high Middle Ages, as to the rival claims to supreme authority
of the secular and the spiritual powers. In the context of the
Reformation they took on new and confusing shapes. The re-
formers had rejected the old Petrine myth with its far-reaching
implications and in its stead set up the claim of the Scriptures
in toto as the touchstone of final authority. So far so good—but
they now were brought face to face with the problem of flesh-
ing out the doctrine of the Book in acceptable institutional
forms. In the earlier stages of the English Reformation its
clerical leaders had accepted and indeed expounded the claims
of the King to a wide authority over the Church. But there
had not been an agreed definition of the functions or the
bounds of that authority. The specific questions raised by the
Elizabethan critics—and, more particularly, their formulation
of what they believed to be Scriptural injunctions as to the
right government of the Church—forced the English govern-
ment and the leaders of the established Church to contend
with their critics on the most fundamental and delicate ques-
tions. In the longer run some considered answer had to be
given to the comprehensive presbyterian schema for ecclesiasti-
cal organization; this would require intellectual efforts of high-
level quality and a careful re-thinking of the whole theory of
right social order. More immediately the authorities civil and
ecclesiastical had to deal with disobedience in the ranks—with
the uncomfortable social (and political) fact of dissent from
the order of public worship established by law.
But the Puritan leaders were not the only authors of reli-
gious nonconformity in the country. From the very beginning
of the reign there had been a body of unreconciled Catholic
8
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